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The Venerable Bede on Prayer and Contemplation

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 July 2016

Scott DeGregorio
Scott DeGregorio*
Affiliation:
University of Toronto
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Extract

As a monk at the famous Northumbrian monastery of Jarrow, the Venerable Bede (673–735) produced a body of exegetical work that enjoyed enormous popularity throughout the Middle Ages. Something of that spirit seems to have reawakened in recent years, as Bede's commentaries are increasingly being studied and made available to wider audiences in English translation. One distinctive feature of this development is a growing awareness that Bede's reputation as an exegete is more multifaceted than has been previously realized, that it goes beyond what Beryl Smalley called “his faithful presentation of the tradition in its many aspects. Whereas earlier interpreters were content to regard Bede as a mere compiler reputed for his good sense and able Latinity, scholars are now paying homage to him as a penetrating and perceptive biblical commentator who did more than reproduce the thought of the fathers who preceded him. As I intend to show in what follows, Bede's treatment of prayer and contemplation in his exegesis attests well to this quality of his thought. The topic to date has received only minimal commentary, mainly on what Bede actually taught about prayer. My approach will be different. I begin with a discussion not of Bede's exegetical method but of his occupations and aims as a spiritual writer. Neither Bede's spirituality nor his role as spiritual writer have received the attention they deserve, and it is hoped that the reflections offered here will help rekindle interest in these neglected subjects. I then consider four prayer-related themes in his exegesis that bring his aims as a spiritual writer into view. Patristic tradition had commented widely on prayer, and Bede, we will see, did not set out to summarize this tradition in its entirety but rather to highlight and distill certain themes within it, those that best suited the needs of his Anglo-Saxon audience.

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Traditio , Volume 54 , 1999 , pp. 1 - 39
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Copyright © Fordham University Press 

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References

1 On Bede's reputation, see Whitelock, Dorothy, After Bede (Jarrow, 1960), and Cross, J. E., “Bede's Influence at Home and Abroad: An Introduction,” in Beda Venerabilis: Historian, Monk, & Northumbrian , ed. Houwen, L. A. J. R. and MacDonald, A. A. (Groningen, 1996), 17–29.Google Scholar

The following abbreviations for Bede's works are employed throughout this article:Google Scholar

De tab. = De tabernaculo. Ed. Hurst, D., CCL 119A:1–139.Google Scholar

De templ. = De templo. Ed. Hurst, D., CCL 119A:141–234.Google Scholar

De temp. rat. = De temporum ratione. Ed. Jones, C. W., CCL 123B.Google Scholar

Epist. ad Ecgb. = Epistola ad Ecgbertum Episcopum. Ed. Plummer, C., in Baedae Opera Historica, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1896).Google Scholar

Epist. Cath. = In Epistolas VII Catholicas. Ed. Hurst, D., CCL 121:179–342.Google Scholar

Exp. Act. Apost. = Expositio Actuum Apostolorum. Ed. Laistner, M. L. W., CCL 121:1–163.Google Scholar

Exp. Apoc. = Explanatio Apocalypsis. PL 93:129–206.Google Scholar

HE = Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum. Ed. Colgrave, B. and Mynors, R. A. B. (Oxford, 1969).Google Scholar

Hist. Abb. = Historia Abbatum auctore Baeda. Ed. Plummer, C., in Baedae Opera Historica , 2 vols. (Oxford, 1896).Google Scholar

Hom. = Homiliae euangelii. Ed. Hurst, D., CCL 122:1–378.Google Scholar

In Cant. = In Cantica Canticorum. Ed. Hurst, D., CCL 119B:175–375.Google Scholar

In Ez. et Neem. = In Ezram et Neemiam. Ed. Hurst, D., CCL 119A:235–392.Google Scholar

In Gen. = Liber quatuor in principium Genesis usque ad natiuitatem Isaac et eiectionem Ismahelis adnotationum. Ed. Jones, C. W., CCL 118A.Google Scholar

In Hab. = In Abacuc. Ed. Hudson, J. E., CCL 119B:370–409.Google Scholar

In Luc. = In Lucae Evangelium expositio. Ed. Hurst, D., CCL 120:1–425.Google Scholar

In Marc. = In Marci evangelium expositio. Ed. Hurst, D., CCL 120:427–648.Google Scholar

In Prov. Sal. = In Proverbia Salomonis. Ed. Hurst, D., CCL 119B:21–163.Google Scholar

In Reg. Quaest. = In Regum librum XXX quaestiones. Ed. Hurst, D., CCL 119:289–322.Google Scholar

In Sam. = In Primam Partem Samuhelis Libri III. Ed. Hurst, D., CCL 119:1–287.Google Scholar

VCP = Vita Sancti Cuthberti. Ed. and trans. Colgrave, B., Two Lives of Saint Cuthbert (Cambridge, 1940).Google Scholar

I wish to express my gratitude to Robert Sinkewicz, David Townsend, William Robins, Brian Stock, Arthur Holder, and Alan Thacker, all of whom read the text of this article in draft and made suggestions for its improvement.Google Scholar

2 I list only recent work on Bede's exegesis: Brown, George H., Bede the Venerable, Twayne's English Authors Series 443 (Boston, 1987), 42–61; Ward, Benedicta, The Venerable Bede, Outstanding Christian Thinkers (Harrisburg, 1990), 41–87; Ray, Roger, “What Do We Know about Bede's Commentaries?” Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 49 (1982): 5–20; feature of this development is a growing awareness that Bede's reputation as an exegete is more multifaceted than has been previously realized, that it goes beyond what Beryl Smalley called “his faithful presentation of the tradition in its many aspects.”3 Whereas earlier interpreters were content to regard Bede as a mere compiler reputed for his good sense and able Latinity, scholars are now paying homage to him as a penetrating and perceptive biblical commentator who did more than reproduce the thought of the fathers who preceded him. As I intend to show in what follows, Bede's treatment of prayer and contemplation in his exegesis attests well to this quality of his thought. The topic to date has received only minimal commentary, mainly on what Bede actually taught about prayer.4 My approach will be different. I begin with a discussion not of Bede's exegetical method but of his occupations and aims as a spiritual writer. Martin, Neither Lawrence T., “Bede as Linguistic Scholar,” American Benedictine Review 35 (1984): 204–17; idem, “Bede's Structural Use of Wordplay as a Way to Truth,” in From Cloister to Classroom: Monastic and Scholastic Approaches to Truth , ed. Rozanne Elder, E. (Kalamazoo, 1986), 27–46; idem, “The Two Worlds in Bede's Homilies: The Biblical Event and the Listener's Experience,” in De Ore Domini: Preacher and Word in the Middle Ages , ed. Amos, Thomas L. et al. (Kalamazoo, 1989), 27–40; Holder, Arthur G., “New Treasures for Old in Bede's De Tabernaculo and De Templo,” Revue Bénédictine 99 (1989): 237–49; idem, “Bede and the Tradition of Patristic Exegesis,” Anglican Theological Review 72 (1990): 399–411; idem, “The Venerable Bede on the Mysteries of Our Salvation,” American Benedictine Review 42 (1991): 140–62; Robinson, Bernard, “The Venerable Bede as Exegete,” Downside Review 112 (1994): 201–26; Meyvaert, Paul, “Bede's Capitula Lectionum for the Old and New Testaments,” Revue Bénédictine 105 (1995): 348–80; idem, “Bede, Cassiodorus, and the Codex Amiatinus,” Speculum 71 (1996): 827–83; Gorman, Michael, “The Commentary on the Pentateuch Attributed to Bede in PL 91.189–208,” Revue Bénédictine 106 (1996): 61–108. Recent translations include Bede the Venerable: Commentary on the Seven Catholic Epistles , trans. Hurst, David, Cistercian Studies Series 82 (Kalamazoo, 1985); The Venerable Bede: Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles , trans. Martin, Lawrence, Cistercian Studies Series 117 (Kalamazoo, 1989); Bede the Venerable: Homilies on the Gospels , trans. Martin, Lawrence and Hurst, David, 2 vols., Cistercian Studies Series 110–11 (Kalamazoo, 1991); Bede: On the Tabernacle , trans. Holder, Arthur G., Translated Texts for Historians Series 18 (Liverpool, 1994); Bede: On the Tabernacle , trans. Connolly, Seán, Translated Texts for Historians Series 21 (Liverpool, 1995); Bede: On Tobit and On The Canticle of Habakkuk , trans. Connolly, Seán (Dublin, 1997); Bede: A Biblical Miscellany , trans. Trent Foley, W. and Holder, Arthur G., Translated Texts for Historians 28 (Liverpool, 1998); Bede the Venerable: On the Song of Songs and Other Spiritual Writings , trans. Holder, Arthur, Classics of Western Spirituality (in preparation). Additionally, Stephen J. Harris of the Loyola University of Chicago and I are at work on a translation of Bede's In Ezram et Neemiam. Google Scholar

3 Smalley, Beryl, Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages (1941; repr. Notre Dame, Ind., 1970), 36.Google Scholar

4 Carroll, M. T. A., The Venerable Bede: His Spiritual Teachings, Catholic University of America Studies in Medieval History, n.s. 9 (Washington, D.C., 1946), 198–215; Bonner, Gerald, “The Christian Life in the Thought of the Venerable Bede,” Durham University Journal 53 (1970): 53–55. Bede's spirituality nor his role as spiritual writer have received the attention they deserve, and it is hoped that the reflections offered here will help rekindle interest in these neglected subjects.5 I then consider four prayer-related themes in his exegesis that bring his aims as a spiritual writer into view. Patristic tradition had commented widely on prayer, and Bede, we will see, did not set out to summarize this tradition in its entirety but rather to highlight and distill certain themes within it, those that best suited the needs of his Anglo-Saxon audience.Google Scholar

5 Oddly enough, though Bede, who wrote not merely to instruct but to induce in his audience the same desire for heaven that represented the goal of monastic life itself, belongs squarely in the tradition of the great spiritual writers of the Middle Ages, rarely have scholars treated him as a spiritual writer. To my knowledge, only four works in all of Bedan scholarship directly address the issue: Carroll, , The Venerable Bede: His Spiritual Teachings (n. 4 above); Bonner, Gerald, “The Christian Life in the Thought of the Venerable Bede” (n. 4 above); Leonardi, Claudio, “Il Venerabile Beda e la cultura del secolo VIII,” Settimane di Studio del Centro Italiano di Studi sull'alto Medioevo 20 (1973): 603–58, 833–43; Olsen, Glenn W., “From Bede to the Anglo-Saxon Presence in the Carolingian Empire,” Settimane di Studio del Centro Italiano di Studi sull'alto Medioevo 32 (1984): 305–82. The omission is apparent in the latest Bede bibliography by Eckenrode, Thomas, “The Venerable Bede: A Bibliographical Essay, 1970–81,” American Benedictine Review 36 (1985): 172–91. In concluding, Eckenrode notes that “there now seems to be an emerging effort to set [Bede] in a wider context” (192). While the statement is not untrue, in the developments Eckenrode goes on to mention, spirituality is barely a concern (a single mention of Bede as liturgist marks the only exception).Google Scholar

6 In his autobiographical note in HE 5.24 (566–67), Bede wrote: “Ex quo tempore accepti presbyteratus usque ad annum aetatis meae LVIIII, haec in scripturam sanctam meae meorumque necessitati ex opusculis uenerabilium patrum breuiter adnotare, siue etiam ad formam sensus et interpretationis eorum superadicere curaui.” In the list of works that follows, he cited his commentaries first, then his homiliary (ibid., 568–69).Google Scholar

7 de Ghellinck, Joseph, Littérature latine au Moyen Âge (Paris, 1939), 34: “Les commentaires exégétiques … n'ont rien de bien original.” On Bede as compiler, see Smalley, , Study of the Bible (n. 3 above), 35–36.Google Scholar

8 Capelle, P., “Le rôle théologique de Bède le Vénérable,” Studia Anselmiana 6 (1936): 15, 25; Olsen, , “Bede to Anglo-Saxon Presence” (n. 5 above), 343–44; and Bonner, Gerald, Saint Bede in the Tradition of Western Apocalyptic Commentary (Newcastle, 1966), 9–10.Google Scholar

9 Holder, , “The Venerable Bede on the Mysteries of Our Salvation” (n. 2 above), 144. Cf. Robinson, , “The Venerable Bede as Exegete” (n. 2 above), 205, 221.Google Scholar

10 Hom. 2.1 (CCL 122:186, lines 73–74): “Fundamenta ecclesiae in soliditate fidei apostolorum et prophetarum.” Cf. De templ. 2 (CCL 119A:227–28, lines 1402–24); Epist. Cath. (CCL 121:229, lines 161–68). On Bede's ecclesiology, see Carroll, , Spiritual Teachings (n. 4 above), 67–98; Olsen, , “Bede to Anglo-Saxon Presence” (n. 5 above), 344–82; Echlin, Edward P., “Bede and the Church,” Irish Theological Quarterly 40 (1973): 351–63; Beumer, Johannes, “Das Kirchenbild in den Schriftkommentaren Bedas des Ehrwürdigen,” Scholastik 28 (1953): 40–56; Davidse, Jan, “The Sense of History in the Works of the Venerable Bede,” Studi Medievali 23 (1983): 647–95.Google Scholar

11 Hom. 2.16 (CCL 122:300, lines 360–65): “Ad quorum nos exemplum uitam moresque solerter aptare necesse est quia perfectum uitae magisterium est ecclesiae primitiuae semper actus imitari illamque aedificii spiritalis normam ad finem usque seruare quam ipsis apostolis in fundamento fidei liquet esse propositam.” Google Scholar

12 Hom. 1.20 (CCL 122:146, lines 188–91); trans. Martin, and Hurst, , Homilies (n. 1 above), 1:203. Cf. Hom. 1.23 (CCL 122:163, lines 61–66); De templ. 2 (CCL 119A:200, lines 317–37); In Cant. 4 (CCL 119B:299, lines 1051–56); Epist. Cath. (CCL 121:285, lines 60–67).Google Scholar

13 In Ez. et Neem. 3 (CCL 119A:391, lines 2060–64). Throughout his works Bede denounces several heresies, e.g., Pelagianism, , In Ez. et Neem. 2 (CCL 119A:302, lines 586–88); monophysitism, , HE 2.1 (127); Arianism, , Hom. 2.24 (CCL 122:362, lines 159–65); Sabellianism, , In Sam. 2 (CCL 119:97, lines 1233–40); Manichaeism, , In Sam. 2 (CCL 119:99, lines 1308–25); Nestorianism, , In Luc. 1 (CCL 120:32, lines 509–21); Apollinarianism, , In Luc. 1 (CCL 120:74, lines 2159–69); and Donatism, , Epist. Cath. (CCL 121:290, lines 46–50), to name just the more popular ones. He explained that it is better for the brethren to be aware of these corruptions of the faith so they can remain constantly on guard against them: see Hom. 1.5 (CCL 122:35, lines 106–21). Bede is always explicit about the fate of these disrupters of the unity of the faith, e.g., De templ. 1 (CCL 119A:164, lines 675–81): “Ascendit quidem in cenaculum Ohozias rex Samariae qui se a domo Dauid separauerat sed per cancellos decidit quia, etsi heretici siue scismatici aliquam bonae actionis arcem conscendere uidentur, quia tamen compagem ecclesiae unitatis non habent quasi patentibus et non solidis laterum praesidiis semper ad uitiorum infima relabuntur dum diuino destituti auxilio suae pertinaciae fastu intereunt.” For one so staunchly opposed to heresy as Bede, it was a bitter moment when his own orthodoxy was assailed in front of Bishop Wilfrid for his calculation in De temporibus of the number of years between Adam and Christ's coming. Instead of the traditional five thousand years, he reckoned the number to be only 3,952. Bede explained the rationale for his calculation in his Epistola ad Pleguinam as relying on Jerome's Hebrew rather than on the Septuagint. The matter is discussed by Carroll, , Spiritual Teachings (n. 4 above), 43–48.Google Scholar

14 On this function of the teacher, see esp. De tab. 2 (CCL 119A:57, lines 588–94).Google Scholar

15 The best account of these developments I know of is by Foot, Sarah, “Anglo-Saxon Minsters A.D. 597–c.900: The Religious House in England Before the Benedictine Reform” (Ph.D. diss., University of Cambridge, 1990), esp. 84–100. See also Mayr-Harting, Henry, The Coming of Christianity to England (New York, 1972); Blair, Peter Hunter, An Introduction to Anglo-Saxon England (Cambridge, 1960) and idem, The World of Bede (1970; repr. Cambridge, 1991); Stenton, Frank Sir, Anglo-Saxon England, 3d ed. (Oxford, 1971); Campbell, James, The Anglo-Saxons (Ithaca, 1982).Google Scholar

16 Bede's Letter to Egbert, written in 734 just months before his death, voiced this need with urgency, e.g., Epist. ad Ecgb. 7 (1:410): “Audimus enim, et fama est, quia multae uillae ac uiculi nostrae gentis in montibus sint inaccessis ac saltibus dumosis positi, ubi nunquam multis transeuntibus annis sit uisus antistes, qui ibidem aliquid ministerii aut gratiae caelestis exhibuerit; quorum tamen ne unus quidem a tributis antistiti reddendis esse possit immunis; nec solum talibus locis desit antistes, qui manus impositione baptizatos confirmet, uerum etiam omnis doctor, qui eos uel fidei ueritatem uel discretionem bonae ac malae actionis edoceat, absit.” Google Scholar

17 That Bede envisaged monks undertaking the task of instructing the laity is clear from his Letter to Egbert. After emphasizing the need for priests who can teach people the Lord's Prayer and Apostles’ Creed, Bede, Epist. ad Ecgb. 5 (1:409) writes: “Quod non solum de laicis, id est, in populari adhuc uita constitutis, uerum etiam de clericis siue monachis, qui Latinae sunt linguae expertes, fieri opertet.” Foot, , “Anglo-Saxon Minsters” (n. 15 above), points out that early Anglo-Saxon clergy in general seem not to have perceived “any fundamental incompatibility between being a monk and performing liturgical functions for the laity, or indeed that they saw any incongruity in the participation of monks in any sort of activity outside the cloister” (53; see also 235–52). According to Markus, Robert, The End of Ancient Christianity (Cambridge, 1990), 181–97, this pastoral impulse in medieval monasticism stems from Cassian. See n.18 below for further bibliography.Google Scholar

18 See Thacker, Alan, “Bede's Ideal of Reform,” in Ideal and Reality in Frankish and Anglo-Saxon Society: Studies Presented to J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, ed. Wormald, P. with Bullough, D. and Collins, R. (Oxford, 1983), 130–53, and idem, “Monks, Preaching and Pastoral Care in Early Anglo-Saxon England,” in Pastoral Care Before the Parish , ed. Blair, J. and Sharpe, R. (Leicester, 1992), 137–70. The essays in this volume provide an excellent introduction to the subject of pastoral care in Anglo-Saxon England, which has attracted intense interest of late. See also Blair, John, “Debate: Ecclesiastical Organization and Pastoral Care in Anglo-Saxon England,” Early Medieval Europe 4 (1995): 193–212; Amos, Thomas L., “Monks and Pastoral Care in the Early Middle Ages,” in Religion, Culture and Society in the Early Middle Ages , ed. Noble, T. and Contreni, J. (Kalamazoo, 1987), 165–80; Foot, Sarah, “The Role of the Monastic Communities,” Studies in Church History 26 (1989): 43–54; and Constable, Giles, “Monasteries, Rural Churches, and the Cura Animarum in the Early Middle Ages,” Settimane di Studio del Centro Italiano di Studi sull'alto Medioevo 28 (1982): 349–89.Google Scholar

19 Thacker, , “Bede's Ideal” (n. 18 above), 139. In particular, Bede omitted the earlier Life's association of Cuthbert's leaving Melrose with anachoresis (see Vitae S. Cuthberti Anonymae 3.1, ed. Colgrave, B., Two Lives of Saint Cuthbert [Oxford, 1940], 95, hereafter VCA) and all the negative language regarding the burdens of episcopacy and pastoral care (VCA 4.1 and passim). Thus, Bede's Cuthbert leaves Melrose not to seek a hermit's life but because Abbot Eata sends him to the monastery of Lindisfarne “in order that there also he might both teach the rule of monastic perfection by his authority as prior and illustrate it by the example of his virtue” (ut ibi quoque regulam monachiae perfectionis et praepositi auctoritate doceret, et exemplo uirtutis ostenderet), VCP ch. 16, trans. Colgrave, , Two Lives, 207. For further discussion of Bede's revisions, see Stancliffe, Clare, “Cuthbert and the Polarity Between Pastor and Solitary,” in St. Cuthbert, his Cult and his Community to AD 1200 , ed. Bonner, G. et al. (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell, 1989), 21–44. Clayton, Mary, “Hermits and the Contemplative Life in Anglo-Saxon England,” in Holy Men and Holy Women: Old English Prose Saints’ Lives and Their Contexts , ed. Szarmach, P. (Albany, 1996), 155–56, notes the uniqueness of Bede's views in contrast to the prevailing contemplative strain in Anglo-Saxon England in general.Google Scholar

20 E.g., Bede, , VCP ch. 17: “At postquam in eodem monasterio multa annorum curricula expleuit, tandem diu concupita, quaesita, ac perita solitudinis secreta, comitante praefati abbatis sui simul et fratum gratia multum laetabundus adiit. Gaudebat namque quia de longa perfectione conuersationis actiuae, ad otium diuinae speculationis iam mereretur ascendere.” My emphasis. Cf. Hom. 1.9 (CCL 122:64, lines 151–74).Google Scholar

21 HE 2.1 (124–25): “Haec quidem sanctus uir ex magnae humilitatis intentione dicebat; sed nos credere decet nihil eum monachicae perfectionis perdidisse occasione curae pastoralis, immo potiorem tunc sumisisse profectum de labore conuersionis multorum quam de propriae quondam quiete conuersationis habuerat.” Google Scholar

22 Goffart's, Walter “Bede and the Ghost of Bishop Wilfrid,” in Narrators of Barbarian History: Jordanes, Gregory of Tours, Bede, and Paul the Deacon (Princeton, 1988), 235–328, and “Bede's Agenda and Ours,” Haskins Society Journal 2 (1990): 29–45, provide a most cogent corrective to this older view. See also Thacker, , “Monks” (n. 18 above), 153–54.Google Scholar

23 See, however, Hom. 1.7 (CCL 122:49, lines 99–117), where Bede states that all the faithful are called upon to fulfill the role of pastores. Google Scholar

24 Olsen, , “Bede to Anglo-Saxon Presence” (n. 5 above), 318.Google Scholar

25 The basic idea that Leonardi wishes to convey by this cumbersome phrase has nothing to do with the late-medieval associations encoded in the term “mystic.” Leonardi's meaning is quite simple — a “mystic-monastic” spirituality has to do with the way monks appropriate faith. Leonardi describes the core of this spirituality as consisting in the idea that “La vita e la storia umane hanno valore solo in quanto sono volte all'unione mistica, all'incontro con Dio” (“Il Venerabile Beda,” n. 5 above, 617). Olsen, , “Bede to Anglo-Saxon Presence” (n. 5 above), 307–10, endorses this typology.Google Scholar

26 This thesis has been argued forcefully by Thacker, , “Bede's Ideal,” 130–31 and “Monks,” 152–59 (n. 18 above). It has been widely accepted, e.g., Foot, , “Monastic Communities” (n. 18 above).Google Scholar

27 Carroll, , Spiritual Teachings (n. 4 above), 43. Such orthodox knowledge was for Bede a fundamental prerequisite for the teacher, e.g., De templ. 1 (CCL 119A: 155, lines 340–43): “Nam frustra sibi officium doctoris usurpat qui discretionem catholicae fidei ignorat, neque sanctuarium domino sed ruinam sibi aedificant qui docere alios regulam quam ipsi non didicere conantur.” Cf. In Ez. et Neem. 2 (CCL 119A:303, lines 629–32).Google Scholar

28 In Gen., Praef. (CCL 118A:1, lines 18–29): “Verum quia haec tam copiosa tam sunt alta ut vix nisi a locupletioribus tot uolumina adquiri, uix tam profunda nisi ab eruditioribus ualeant perscrutari, placuit uestrae sanctitati id nobis officii iniungere ut de omnibus his, uelut de amoenissimis late florentis paradisi campis, quae infirmorum uiderentur necessitati sufficere decerperemus. Nec segnior in exequendo quae iubere es dignatus extiti, quin potius statim perspectis patrum uoluminibus collegi ex his ac duobus in libellis distinxi, quae rudem adhuc possent instituere lectorem, quibus eruditus ad altiorem disceret fortioremque maiorum ascendere lectionem.” Bede's terminology of the rudes and eruditi may owe something to Augustine's classic discussion of the two classes of catechumens in his De catechizandis rudibus, 5–6 (CCL 46:129–31) and 8–9 (CCL 46:133–36); for orientation, see Stock, Brian, Augustine the Reader (Cambridge, Mass., 1996), 186–90.Google Scholar

29 Exp. Apoc., Epist. ad Eusebium (PL 93:134): “Nostrae siquidem, id est, Anglorum, gentis inertiae consulendum ratus, quae et non dudum, id est, temporibus beati Gregorii papae, semen accepit fidei, et idem quantum ad lectionem tepide satis excoluit, non solum dilucidare sensus, verum sententias quoque stringere, disposui. Nam ei aperta magis brevitas quam disputatio prolixa memoriae solet fingi.” My translation.Google Scholar

30 Coates, Simon, “Bede and the Spiritual Authority of the Monk-Bishop,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 47 (1996): 604.Google Scholar

31 In Sam., Prol. (CCL 119:10, lines 52–54): “Nunc ex ordine iniunctum opus superno solum fidens auxilio et patrum uestigia sequens aggrediar.” Cf. In Reg. Quaest., Prol. (CCL 119:293, lines 22–30); In Cant., Prol. (CCL 119B:180, lines 501–4); Exp. Act. Apost., Praef (CCL 121:3, lines 9–10); Hom. 2.11 (CCL 122:258, lines 191–92); De temp. rat. 5 (CCL 123B:287, line 86).Google Scholar

32 In Luc. 2 (CCL 120:118–19, lines 742–47).Google Scholar

33 This emphasis on the saint as holy example runs throughout Bede's works, e.g., In Reg. Quaest. 30 (CCL 119:321, lines 32–36): “Arma uero quibus contra diabolum repugnantes libertatem a Deo nobis donatam defendamus quae sunt alia nisi eloquia scripturarum in quibus et ipsius domini et sanctorum eius exemplis quo ordine bella uitiorum superari debeant luce clarius discimus?” Cf. De templ. 1 (CCL 119A:164, lines 711–21); In Sam. 1 (CCL 119:54, lines 1800–1806); In Ez. et Neem. 2 (CCL 119A:315, lines 1118–28); In Prov. Sal. 1.2 (CCL 119B:37, lines 155–60); In Cant. 3 (CCL 119B:253, lines 340–43); Exp. Act. Apost. 9.41 (CCL 121:48, lines 134–36); Hom. 1.14 (CCL 122:98, lines 97–104). For a recent analysis of Bede's use of saints, see McCready, William, Miracles and the Venerable Bede (Toronto, 1994), 124–53.Google Scholar

34 Hom 1.9 (CCL 122:65, lines 175–76): “Namque actiua non solis in coenobio monachis sed et cuncto ut diximus populo Dei generaliter ingredienda proponitur.” Google Scholar

35 For bibliography, see n. 2 above.Google Scholar

36 Olsen, , “Bede to Anglo-Saxon Presence” (n. 5 above), 343.Google Scholar

37 Epist. Cath. (CCL 121:197, line 154): “… tantummodo uere credat qui exercet operando quod credit.” Trans. Hurst, , Catholic Epistles (n. 1 above), 28. On this theme, see esp. Hom. 1.21 (CCL 122:150, lines 94–96), 2.16 (CCL 122:300, lines 365–81), 2.17 (CCL 122:305, lines 148–51), and 2.24 (CCL 122:361, lines 102–4); Exp. Act. Apost. 3.10 (CCL 121:24, lines 41–43); De tab. 1 (CCL 119A:27, lines 883–88) and 2 (CCL 119A:50, lines 325–39); De templ. 2 (CCL 119A:199, lines 311–16).Google Scholar

38 De tab. 3 (CCL 119A:124, lines 1225–28): “Conspersa sunt autem siue lita oleo crustula et lagana ut ammoneremur opera habere non solum a fermento malitiae et nequitiae castigata sed et pinguedine caritatis diuinis digna conspectibus.” Google Scholar

39 The excellent papers by Ward, Benedicta, “‘In medium duorum animalium’: Bede and Jerome on the Canticle of Habakkuk,” Studia Patristica 25 (1993): 189–93, and Hart-Hasler, J. N., “Bede's Use of Patristic Sources: The Transfiguration,” Studia Patristica 28 (1993): 197–204, argue for a similar conclusion.Google Scholar

40 In Gen. 2 (CCL 118A:74, lines 42–46, 55–59): “Non enim in hoc peccasse Cain arbitror quod uel opus exercuit agricolae munera Deo de fructibus terrae obtulit, sed quod minus perfecta pietate in agenda carnis cura laborauerit, minus deuotione ad offerenda Deo munera accesserit…. Non enim ait, ‘Et respexit Dominus ad munera Abel et ad ipsum; ad munera uero Cain et ipsum non respexit.’ Sed primo personam offerentis acceptam Deo uel non acceptam, deinde munera respecta uel non respecta, esse testatur.” My translation. This exegesis was perhaps inspired by Gregory's persistent stress on the pure intention, e.g., Moralia in lob 1.36.54, ed. Adriaen, M. (CCL 143:55–56, lines 109–22); 4.10.17 (CCL 143:175, lines 16–29).Google Scholar

41 Bonner, Gerald, “Bede and Medieval Civilization,” Anglo-Saxon England 2 (1973): 75–76. Ambrose, , Cain et Abel 1 (PL 14:329): “‘Et factum est, post dies obtulit Cain ex fructibus terrae munus Domino’ (Gen. 4:3). Duplex culpa: una quod post dies obtulit, altera quod ex fructibus, non ex primis fructibus.” CrossRefGoogle Scholar

42 Laistner, M. L. W., “The Library of the Venerable Bede,” in Bede: His Life, Times and Writings: Essays in Commemoration of the Twelfth Centenary of his Death, ed. Hamilton Thompson, A. (Oxford, 1935), 248–49.Google Scholar

43 Meyvaert, Paul, Bede and Gregory the Great (Newcastle, 1964), 14.Google Scholar

44 Bede appears to have known all Gregory's major works, namely the Moralia in Iob, the homilies on Ezekiel and the Gospels, the Dialogues, and the Pastoral Care, in addition to several of the letters and the Antiphonarius Liber. See Ogilvy, J. D. A., Books Known to the English, 597–1066 (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), 148–53. Just how well he knew these works is becoming clearer and clearer to us. Hurst's recent translation of Gregory's homilies (Kalamazoo, 1990), for instance, records Bede's numerous borrowings and reveals that his debt to this work is more extensive than previously imagined.Google Scholar

45 Meyvaert, , “Bede and Gregory the Great” (n. 43 above), 14.Google Scholar

46 Ibid., 19.Google Scholar

47 See Laistner, , “Library” (n. 42 above), 263–66, for a list of works of these fathers known to Bede.Google Scholar

48 For discussion of Gregory's spirituality, see Markus, Robert, Gregory the Great and His World (Cambridge, 1997), 41–45; Straw, Carol, Gregory the Great: Perfection in Imperfection (Berkeley, 1988); Peterson, Joan, “The Biblical and Monastic Roots of the Spirituality of Pope Gregory the Great,” in Monastic Studies: The Continuity of Tradition , ed. Loades, J. (Bangor, 1990), 31–41; Zinn, Grover, “Exegesis and Spirituality in the Writings of Gregory the Great,” in Gregory the Great: A Symposium , ed. Cavadini, J. (Notre Dame, 1995), 168–80; and Leclercq, Jean, “The Teaching of St. Gregory” in The Spirituality of the Middle Ages , ed. Leclercq, J., Vandenbroucke, F., and Bouyer, L., trans. Benedictines of Holme Eden Abbey, Carlisle, vol. 2 (New York, 1968), 3–30.Google Scholar

49 Gregory, , Homiliae in Hiezechihelem 2.3.18, ed. Adriaen, M. (CCL 142:250, lines 425–43) and 2.5.3 (CCL 142:277, lines 68–81). See also ibid., 1.6.18 (CCL 142:78, lines 378–80), and Moralia in Iob 28.8.19 (CCL 143B:1410, lines 28–32). Cf. Bede, , De templ. 2 (CCL 119A:229, lines 1469–70).Google Scholar

50 On these aspects of Gregory's style, see Clark, Francis, “St. Gregory the Great, Theologian of Christian Experience,” American Benedictine Review 39 (1988): 261–76.Google Scholar

51 Gregory powerfully illustrated the need for such practices in his Dialogues, through the examples of Italian saints such as Benedict.Google Scholar

52 On the two lives in Gregory, see esp. Moralia in Iob 5.4.5 (CCL 143:222, lines 1–21), 5.36.66 (CCL 143:265–66, lines 50–69) and 6.37.60–61 (CCL 143:329–31, lines 160–215); Homiliae in Hiezechihelem 1.3.12–13 (CCL 142:40–41, lines 219–74), 2.2.7–14 (CCL 142:229–35, lines 165–373).Google Scholar

53 On compunction, see esp. Moralia in Iob 23.21.40–43 (CCL 143B:1174–77); Homiliae in Hiezechihelem 2.10.20–21 (CCL 142:395–96, lines 531–55); Dialogues 3.34.2–5, ed. de Vogüé, A. (SC 260:400–402, lines 1–48); and Homiliarium in Evangelia 1.17.10–11 (PL 76:1143–44). For overviews of this theme, see de Guibert, Joseph, “La componction du coeur,” Revue d'ascetique et de mystique 15 (1934): 255–40; Sullivan, Kathyrn, “Compunction,” Worship 35 (1961): 227–35; and McEntire, Sandra, “The Doctrine of Compunction from Bede to Margery Kempe,” in The Medieval Mystical Tradition in England: Exeter Symposium IV , ed. Glasscoe, M. (Cambridge, 1987), 77–89.Google Scholar

54 Gregory dedicated an entire work, the Pastoral Care, to this all-important theme. See additionally Moralia in Iob 23.1.8 (CCL 143B:1149, lines 222–53), 30.11.47–48 (CCL 143B:1522–23, lines 5–66), and 31.24.44 (CCL 143B:1581, lines 78–109). For discussion, see Markus, Robert, “Gregory the Great's rector and his Genesis,” in Grégoire le Grand, ed. Fontaine, J. et al. (Paris, 1986), 137–46; and Straw, , Gregory the Great (n. 48 above), 194–212.Google Scholar

55 Gregory, , Homiliarium in Evangelia 1.18.1 (PL 76:1150): “Hi perfecto verba Dei non audiunt, qui haec exercere opere contemnunt.” On this theme, which had such a decisive influence on Bede, see esp. Moralia in Iob 19.7.13 (CCL 143A:965, lines 10–32); Homiliarium in Evangelia 1.9.1 (PL 76:1106) and 2.36.9 (PL 76:1271); Homiliae in Hiezechihelem 1.10.7 (CCL 142:147, lines 103–5).Google Scholar

56 Markus, , Gregory the Great and His World (n. 48 above), 39; see also 41–45.Google Scholar

57 See Aubin, P., “Interiorité and exteriorité dans les Moralia in Job de Saint Grégoire le Grand,” Recherches de science religieuse 62 (1974): 117–66; Dagens, Claude, Saint Grégoire le Grand: Culture et experience chrétiennes (Paris, 1977), 133–244; and McGinn, Bernard, “Gregory the Great: A Contemplative in Action,” in The Growth of Mysticism (New York, 1994), 34–79.Google Scholar

58 McGinn, , “Contemplative in Action” (n. 57 above), 57.Google Scholar

59 Gregory, , Homiliae in Hiezechihelem 2.5.9 (CCL 142:281–82, lines 229–37): “Primus ergo gradus est ut se ad se colligat, secundus ut uideat qualis est collecta, tertius ut super semetipsam surgat ac se contemplationi auctoris inuisibilis intendendo subiciat. Sed se ad se nullo modo colligit, nisi prius didicerit terrenarum atque caelestium imaginum phantasmata ab oculo mentis compescere, quicquid de uisu, quiquid de auditu, quiquid de odoratu, quiquid de tactu et gustu corporeo cogitationi eius occurrerit, respuere atque calcare, quatenus talem se quaerat intus, qualis sine istis est.” My translation. Cf. Moralia in lob 5.31.55 (CCL 143:257, lines 64–82).Google Scholar

60 Hom. 2.10 (CCL 122:246, lines 2–5): “… neque exponendo laborare opus est ubi notissima fidei nostrae mysteria euangelicis replicantur oraculis sed breuiter intimare quae nobis sint ex eiusdem lectionis imitatione gerenda.” Trans. Martin, and Hurst, , Homilies (n. 1 above) 2:88.Google Scholar

61 Hom. 2.10 (CCL 122:247, lines 45–52): “… tempore orandi nil sordidum mente recipere nil rerum labentium cogitare nulla praeter ea quae precamur et ipsum cui supplicamus meminere nouerimus iuxta exemplum eius qui ait: Paratum cor meum Deus paratum cor meum cantabo et psalmum dicam domino. Nam qui ad orandum ecclesiam ingressus inter uerba obsecrationis consuetudinem superfluae cogitationis ab animo repellere neglegit quasi dominum quaerens minus parata secum aromata detulit.” Trans. Martin, and Hurst, , Homilies (n. 1 above) 2:89–90.Google Scholar

62 In a similar vein, Martin, , “Two Worlds” (n. 2 above), has argued that Bede uses a “typological style of thinking … in order to bridge the gap between the world of the gospel story and the world of his listeners” (30). For a comparable analysis that discusses this homiletic technique in relation to other medieval writers, see Mayeski, Marie Anne, “Reading the Word in a Eucharistic Context: The Shape and Methods of Early Medieval Exegesis,” in Medieval Liturgy: A Book of Essays, ed. Larson-Miller, Lizette (New York, 1997), 61–84.Google Scholar

63 The phrase “spirituality of prayer” should not conjure up notions of a systematic teaching or methods of prayer, as Bede had no intention of proposing any. My use of the phrase is purely heuristic, intended to isolate the unity of prayer and life at stake in Bede's teaching.Google Scholar

64 Benedicti Regula, 4.56, ed. Hanslik, Rudolph (CSEL 75:32). On the meaning of Benedict's phrase, see Adalbert de Vogüé, “Orationi frequenter incumbere: Une invitation a la prière continuelle,” Revue d'ascétique et de mystique 41 (1965): 467–72; and Terrence G. Kardong, ed., Benedict's Rule: A Translation and Commentary (Collegeville, Minn., 1996), 91. Just how familiar Bede was with the Benedictine Rule has been hotly debated. The consensus now seems to be that while many rules were known in Bede's time (see Hist. Abb. ch. 11, 374–76), and that Benedict's was certainly one of them, it by no means monopolized monastic practice; on this, see Mayr-Harting, Henry, The Venerable Bede, the Rule of St. Benedict, and Social Class (Jarrow, 1976); Wormald, Patrick, “Bede and Benedict Biscop,” in Famulus Christi: Essays in Commemoration of the Thirteenth Centenary of the Birth of the Venerable Bede , ed. Bonner, Gerald (London, 1976), 141–69; Van der Walt, A. G. P., “Reflections on the Benedictine Rule in Bede's Homiliary,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 37 (1986): 367–76; Gretsch, Mechthild, Die Regula Sancti Benedicti in England und ihre altenglische Übersetzung (Munich, 1973); and Foot, Sarah, “What Was an Early Anglo-Saxon Minster,” in Monastic Studies , ed. Loades, J. (Bangor, 1990), 51, who reminds us that uniform observance of Benedict's rule in Anglo-Saxon England was a tenth-century development. My invocation of Benedict, in any case, is meant only to illustrate the general monastic understanding of prayer that would have influenced Bede.Google Scholar

65 The phrase is Casey's, Michael, “Saint Benedict's Approach to Prayer,” Cistercian Studies 15 (1980): 327–43, at 331.Google Scholar

66 On this tradition, see Jungmann, Joseph A., Christian Prayer through the Centuries, trans. Coyne, John (New York, 1978), 7–57; Bradshaw, Paul F., Daily Prayer in the Early Church: A Study of the Origin and Early Development of the Divine Office, Alcuin Club Collections 63 (London, 1981); Pelikan, Jaroslav, The Emergence of the Catholic Tradition, A History of Christian Doctrine 1 (Chicago, 1971), 137–40; Jay, Eric G., Origen's Treatise on Prayer: Translation and Notes with an Account of the Practice and Doctrine of Prayer from the New Testament to Origen (London, 1954), 3–71.Google Scholar

67 Clement, , Stromateis (ca. 200), Tertullian, , De oratione (ca. 200), Origen, , Peri Euches (ca. 233), and Cyprian, , De dominica oratione (ca. 251). For discussion and bibliography, see Quasten, J., Patrology, 4 vols. (Westminster, Md., 1994) 1:12–15, and 2:66–69, 296–98, 353–55; and Simpson, Robert L., Interpretation of Prayer in the Early Church (Philadelphia, 1965).Google Scholar

68 1 Tim. 2:1: “Obsecro igitur primum omnium fieri obsecrationes, orationes, postulationes, gratiarum actiones pro omnibus hominibus.” These categories were later developed by Origen, , Peri Euches, 14.2–6, Origen: Prayer and Exhortation to Martyrdom, trans. O'Meara, John J., Ancient Christian Writers 19 (New York, 1954), 53–57.Google Scholar

69 Augustine, , Sermo 9: “Oratio namque est mentis ad Deum affectuosa intentio”; cited in Hand, Thomas A., St. Augustine on Prayer (Dublin, 1963), 16, n. 58. Cf. Gregory, , Moralia in Job 16.20.25 (CCL 143A:813, lines 1–2): “Ad Deum faciem leuare, est cor ad sublimia inuestiganda attollere.” Google Scholar

70 On prayer as a raising of the mind, see esp. Exp. Act. Apost. 2 (CCL 121:18, lines 105–10). On prayer in the strict sense of petitions and the like, see Carroll's discussion, Spiritual Teachings (n. 4 above), esp. 198–99.Google Scholar

71 1 Thess. 5:16–18: “Semper gaudete. Sine intermissione orate. In omnibus gratias agite: haec est enim voluntas Dei in Christo Iesu in omnibus vobis.” Cf. Luke 11:1, 18:1; Eph. 6:18; 1 Tim. 2:8.Google Scholar

72 In Luc. 5 (CCL 120:322, lines 1051–60): “Aut ergo dicendum est eum semper orare et non deficere qui canonicis horis cotidie iuxta ritum ecclesiasticae traditionis psalmodiis precibusque consuetis dominum laudare et rogare non desistit et hoc esse quod psalmista dicebat, Benedicam dominum in omni tempore, semper laus eius in ore meo, aut certe omnia quae iustus secundum Deum gerit et dicit ad orationem esse reputanda quia enim iustus sine intermissione quae iusta sunt agit per hoc sine intermissione justus orabit nec umquam ab oratione cessabit, nisi justus esse desistat.” My translation.Google Scholar

73 In Sam. 1 (CCL 119:21, lines 432–41): “… intellegendumque aperte omnes actus eius qui in diuino uersatur officio et omnia gesta uel dicta quae secundum Deum gerit ac dicit ad orationem esse reputanda. Si enim oratio hoc solum intellegatur quod communiter scimus, neque Anna his uerbis orasse uidebitur neque ullus iustorum secundum apostoli mandatum sine intermissione orabit; si uero omnis actus iusti qui secundum Deum uiuit oratio reputetur quia justus sine intermissione quae justa agit, per hoc sine intermissione justus orabit nec umquam ab oratione cessabit, nisi justus esse desistat….” My translation. On this theme, see also In Cant. 3 (CCL 119B:261, lines 673–95); In Hab. (CCL 119B:402, lines 595–99); In Marc. 3 (CCL 120:550, lines 334–44); Hom. 1.7 (CCL 122:50, lines 159–67).Google Scholar

74 Hom. 2.22 (CCL 122:344–45, lines 94–99): “Neque aliter apostolicum illud praeceptum quo ait, sine intermissione orate, perficere ualemus nisi sic omnes actus sermones cogitatus ipsa etiam silentia nostra ita domino donante dirigamus ut singula haec cum timoris illius respectu temperentur ut cuncta perpetuae nostrae saluti proficua reddantur.” Google Scholar

75 In Cant. 3 (CCL 119B:261–62, lines 682–87): “… sed quia iusti sine intermissione quae iusta sunt agunt per hoc sine intermissione iusti orant neque umquam ab oratione nisi peccatum incurrerint cessant. Ideoque odor uestimentorum eorum sicut odor turis redolet quia fama operum bonorum quae faciunt in diuino examine instar orationum ascendit.” My translation.Google Scholar

76 Simpson, , Interpretation of Prayer (n. 67 above), 32. In Peri Euches, 12.2, Origen writes: “He prays without ceasing who joins prayer to works that must be performed, and good works to his prayer. For virtuous works, or the carrying out of what is enjoined, form part of prayer. It is only in this way that we can understand the injunction, pray without ceasing, as something we can carry out; that is to say, if we regard the whole life of the saint as one great continuous prayer” (trans. O'Meara, John J., Origen: Prayer and Exhortation to Martyrdom [n. 68 above], 46–47; translation modified). Though earlier Tertullian, De oratione, 28.4 (ed. Diercks, G. F., CCL 1:273, lines 11–15), had stressed the conjunction of good works and prayer, he never asserted that good works are prayers. Clement, , Stromateis 7.7, had come closer in his treatment of the gnostic who prays everywhere and always: “Whence not in a specified place, or selected temple, or at certain festivals and on appointed days, but during his whole life, the Gnostic prays in every place, even if he be alone by himself, and whenever he has any of those who have exercised like faith, honors God, that is, acknowledges his gratitude for the knowledge of the way to live” (trans. Wilson, William, The Writings of Clement, 2 vols., Ante-Nicene Christian Library [Edinburgh, 1872] 2:431). Yet the precise equation of works with prayers appears to have been Origen's idea.Google Scholar

77 See Bailey, Richard N., “Bede's Text of Cassiodorus's Commentary on the Psalms,” Journal of Theological Studies 34 (1983): 189–93; Meyvaert, Paul, “Bede, Cassiodorus, and the Codex Amiatinus,” Speculum 71 (1996): 827–83; and Ogilvy, , Books Known to the English (n. 44 above), 108.Google Scholar

78 Cassiodorus, , Expositio Psalmorum 71.15, ed. Adriaen, M. (CCL 98:656, lines 350–54).Google Scholar

79 Ibid., 85.3 (CCL 98:782, lines 109–10).Google Scholar

80 Augustine, , Enarrationes in Psalmos 148.2, ed. Dekkers, D. E. and Fraipont, J. (CCL 40:2166, lines 3–7, 9–12).Google Scholar

81 Ibid., 37.14 (CCL 38:392, lines 5–15); my translation. “Ipsum enim desiderium tuum, oratio tua est; et si continuum desiderium, continua oratio.” Augustine continues: “Non enim frustra dixit apostolus: Sine intermissione orantes. Numquid sine intermissione genu flectimus, corpus prosternimus, aut manus leuamus, ut dicat: Sine intermissione orate? Aut si sic dicimus nos orare, hoc puto sine intermissione non possumus facere. Est alia interior sine intermissione oratio, quae est desiderium. Quiquid aliud agas, si desideras illud sabbatum, non intermittis orare. Si non uis intermittere orare, noli intermittere desiderare. Continuum desiderium tuum, continua uox tua est.” Google Scholar

82 In this connection, one should remember that Bede expressed great unease about the spiritual malaise and atrophy of his own times, which, unlike the earlier golden age of Anglo-Saxon Christianity he glorified in HE, had failed to practice what it preached. See Epist. ad Ecgb. for Bede's biting reproach of the contemporary situation and plan for reform.Google Scholar

83 Origen, , In Matthaeum 9.17, ed. Girod, Robert (SC 162:360–71); Augustine, , Sermo 78 (PL 38:483–90); Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 195.2, ed. Morin, G. (CCL 104:790).Google Scholar

84 Jerome, , In Matheum 2, ed. Hurst, D. and Adriaen, M. (CCL 77:133, lines 1569–73): “Mira sub persona mulieris Cananitidis ecclesiae fides patientia humilitatis, fides qua credidit sanari posse filiam suam, patientia qua totiens contempta in precibus perseuerat, humilitas qua se non canibus sed catulis comparat.” Google Scholar

85 Hom. 1.22 (CCL 122:156–57, lines 1–70). Bede's exegesis of Jesus’ two parables on prayer (Luke 18:1–14) also deals with these attitudes as prerequisites for prayer. See In Luc. 5 (CCL 120:322–25, lines 1047–1192).Google Scholar

86 Ibid. (CCL 122:157, lines 59–60); trans. Martin, and Hurst, , Homilies (n. 1 above), 1:217.Google Scholar

87 Ibid. (CCL 122:158, lines 90–92); trans. Ibid., 1:218.Google Scholar

88 Ibid. (CCL 122:158, lines 93–94); trans. Ibid., 1:218.Google Scholar

89 Ibid. (CCL 122:158, line 100); trans. Ibid., 1:218.Google Scholar

90 Ibid. (CCL 122:159–60, lines 137–42, 173–79).Google Scholar

91 Ibid. (CCL 122:160, lines 142–49): “Notandum interea quod haec orandi pertinacia ita solum meretur esse fructifera, si quod ore precemur hoc etiam mente meditemur neque alio clamor labiorum quam cogitationum scindatur intuitus. Sunt enim qui intrantes ecclesiam multis psalmodiam uel orationem sermonibus prolongant sed alibi corde intendendo nec ipsi quid dicant recolunt ore quidem orantes sed mentem foris uagantem omni orationis fructu priuantes….” Trans. Martin, and Hurst, , Homilies (n. 1 above), 1:220.Google Scholar

92 Ibid. (CCL 122:160, lines 149–57); trans. ibid., 1:220. The theme of earthly thoughts interfering with prayer occupied Bede throughout his writings; see esp. In Sam. 2 (CCL 119:127, lines 2492–97); In Ez. et Neem. 3 (CCL 119A:389, lines 2003–21); In Luc. 5 (CCL 120:331–32, lines 1440–52); In Marc. 1 (CCL 120:454, lines 660–72); Epist. Cath. (CCL 121: 253, lines 71–77, 79–81). Cf. Cassian, , Conferences 9.7, ed. Pichery, Dom E. (SC 54:47), where the monk Germanus laments the soul's constant bombardment by earthly thoughts: “… ita ut nullam constantiam sui retinens animus nec potestate propria sanctarum cogitationum possidens firmitatem.” On the theme of demons disrupting prayer, see esp. Conferences 9.6 (SC 54:45–47).Google Scholar

93 Bede cites the Conferences in six different works: In Gen. 3 (CCL 118A:170, line 996) and 4 (CCL 118A:213, lines 695–715); In Sam. 3 (CCL 119:194, line 2461); In Cant. 3 (CCL 119B:260, lines 618–25); In Luc. 3 (CCL 120:226, lines 2362–64); Exp. Act. Apost. 5.5 (CCL 121:29, line 20); and De temp. rat. 5 (CCL 123B:289, lines 128–29). For discussion, see the recent dissertation by Lake, Stephen, “The Influence of John Cassian on Early Continental and Insular Monasticism to c. A.D. 817” (Ph.D. diss., University of Cambridge, 1996), 211–16, which takes us beyond Laistner's uncertainty about just how well Bede knew Cassian; see “The Library of the Venerable Bede” (n. 42 above), 251.Google Scholar

94 Cassiodorus, , Expositio Psalmorum 141, conclusio psalmi (CCL 98:1274, lines 235–38). Benedict (Benedicti Regula, 73.5, CSEL 75:180) also recommended that Cassian be read.Google Scholar

95 Hom. 1.22 (CCL 122:160, lines 163–67). On the theme of pure prayer in Bede, see esp. In Sam. 2 (CCL 119:133, lines 2729–44); In Ez. et Neem. 1 (CCL 119A:252, lines 434–39) and 3 (CCL 119A:388, lines 1965–82); In Cant. 3 (CCL 119B:255, lines 415–26), In Cant. 3 (CCL 119B:262, 721–23), and In Cant. 4 (CCL 119B:301–2, lines 97–103); De tab. 1 (CCL 119A:28, lines 899–903).Google Scholar

96 Cassian, , Conferences 9.25 (SC 54:61–62): “… ad illam igneam ac perpaucis cognitam uel expertam, immo ut proprius dixerim ineffabilem orationem … quae omnem transcendens humanum sensum nullo non dicam sono uocis nec linguae motu nec ulla uerborum pronuntiatione distinguitur, sed quam mens infusione caelestis illius luminis inlustrata non humanis atque angustis designat eloquiis, sed conglobatis sensibus uelut de fonte quodam copiosissimo effundit ubertim atque ineffabiliter eructat ad deum, tanta promens in ilio breuissimo temporis puncto, quanta nec eloqui facile nec percurrere mens in semet ipsam reuersa praeualeat.” My translation. Cf. Conferences 9.15 (SC 54:51–53) and 10.11 (SC 54: 90–93). On pure prayer, see the accounts of Stewart, Columba, Cassian the Monk (Oxford, 1998), 47–55, 117–18; Chadwick, Owen, John Cassian, 2d ed. (London, 1968), 141–50; and Laird, Martin, “Cassian's Conferences Nine and Ten: Some Observations Regarding Contemplation and Hermeneutics,” Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 62 (1995): 145–56; on the Evagrian background, see Marsili, Salvatore, Giovanni Cassian ed Evagrio Pontico, Studia Anselmiana 5 (Rome, 1936), and Bamberger, John E., Evagrius Ponticus, The Praktikos: Chapters on Prayer, Cistercian Studies Series 4 (Kalamazoo, 1972), lxxxi–xciv.Google Scholar

97 Hom. 1.22 (CCL 122:160, lines 163–67). Cf. In Ez. et Neem. 3 (CCL 119A:390, lines 2051–60).Google Scholar

98 Cassian, , Conferences 14.2 (SC 54:184): “Quisquis igitur ad θεωρητικήν uoluerit peruenire, necesse est ut omni studio atque uirtute actualem primum scientiam consequatur.” Sections 3–7 of Conference 14 (SC 54:184–89) lay out Cassian's conception of praktike, drawing heavily on Evagrius's teaching in the Praktikos. For orientation, see Guillaumont, A. and C., Évagre Le Pontique: Traité pratique ou le moine, 2 vols. (SC 170:38–63), and Stewart, , Cassian the Monk (n. 96 above), 92–96.Google Scholar

99 Hom. 1.7 (CCL 122:48, lines 79–89). Compared on their own terms, the active life stands far below the contemplative, e.g., In Hab. (CCL 119B:403, lines 609–13): “Bene autem uirtutem suam, non in se, sed subter se dicit esse turbatam; quia raptus ad contemplationem caelestium arcanorum propheta se quodammodo super se esse uidit eleuatum; et quo altior efficitur lumine contemplationis eo se inperfectiorem conspicit merito actionis.” Cf. In Cant. 3 (CCL 119B:274, lines 123–26). Bede never questioned which of the two lives was superior; like most patristic writers, he wondered about the role contemplation should play in the lives of Christians still sojourning in this world. See below for further discussion.Google Scholar

100 De templ. 2 (CCL 119A:119–20, lines 1083–1103); Hom. 1.15 (CCL 122:109, lines 137–43), and Hom. 2.5 (CCL 122:217, lines 102–10).Google Scholar

101 In Gen. 2 (CCL 118A:106, lines 1198–1202); De temp. 2 (CCL 119A:219, lines 1083–1103); Hom. 1.6 (CCL 122:45, lines 301–4), 1.9 (CCL 122:64, lines 163–74), 1.16 (CCL 122:113–14, lines 90–101), and 2.11 (CCL 122:256–57, lines 133–39).Google Scholar

102 Hom. 1.7 (CCL 122:48, lines 89–91); trans. Martin, and Hurst, , Homilies (n. 1 above), 1:68; translation modified.Google Scholar

103 In Ez. et Neem. 1 (CCL 119A:266, lines 1008–28). On the theme of holocausts, see also In Ez. et Neem. 1 (CCL 119A:268, lines 1070–87); In Sam. 2 (CCL 119:133, lines 2733–40); Hom. 1.18 (CCL 122:133, lines 185–99); Cf. Gregory, , Moralia in Iob 1.35.49 (CCL 143:51, lines 2–18).Google Scholar

104 In Ez. et Neem. 2 (CCL 119A:321, lines 1331–34): “Oportet namque omnimodis ut quicumque ad deprecandam misericordiam domini ingreditur primo continentius uiuendo dignum se qui exaudiatur praebeat atque ita dominum rogans non dubitet prospere sibi euentura quae postulat.” My translation.Google Scholar

105 Hom. 2.12 (CCL 122:262, lines 81–83): “Neque enim quippiam utilitatis adfert bene orando superna quaerere qui non destitit peruerse uiuendo infimis inplicari.” Trans. Martin, and Hurst, , Homilies (n. 1 above), 2:111. Cf. Gregory, , Moralia in Iob 18.5.10 (CCL 143A:891, lines 16–18): “Valde namque apud Deum utraque haec sibi necessario congruunt, ut et oratione operatio et operatione fulciatur oratio.” Google Scholar

106 De tab. 3 (CCL 119A:131, lines 1482–86): “… nimirum necesse est ut animus post orationem et fletus ad otiosa uerba siue facta non diuertat sed in eodem se uigore deuotionis quem in oratione suscepit etiam finita oratione custodiat iuxta exemplum Annae de qua orante dictum est: Vultusque eius non sunt amplius in diuersa mutati.” Cf. In Sam. 1 (CCL 119:19, lines 338–46).Google Scholar

107 For an overview of the tradition from the Bible to Bede's time and beyond, see Baumgartner, Charles, “Contemplation,” in Dictionnaire de spiritualité ascétique et mystique, 16 vols. (Paris, 1932–1995) 3:1643–1948; also Butler, Edward Cuthbert, Western Mysticism: The Teaching of SS. Augustine, Gregory and Bernard on Contemplation and the Contemplative Life, 2d ed. (London, 1927); and Nicolas, J-H., Contemplation et vie contemplative en christianisme (Paris, 1980).Google Scholar

108 On the “two lives,” see Solignac, A. and Donnet, L., “Marthe et Marie,” in Dictionnaire de spiritualité (n. 107 above), 10:664–65; Mason, M., Active Life and Contemplative Life: A Study of the Concepts from Plato to the Present (Milwaukee, 1961); Bonnardière, A., “Les deux vies: Marthe et Marie,” in Saint Augustin et la Bible , ed. Bonnardière, A. (Paris, 1986), 411–25; Constable, G., “Martha and Mary,” in Three Studies in Medieval Religious and Social Thought (Cambridge, 1995), 18–20; Rakoczy, S., “Martha and Mary: Sorting out the Dilemma,” Studies in Spirituality 8 (1998): 58–80.Google Scholar

109 Origen, , In Lucam Homiliae, frag. 171; trans. Lienhard, Joseph T., Origen: Homilies and Fragments on Luke, The Fathers of the Church 94 (Washington, D.C., 1996), 192.Google Scholar

110 See Augustine, , De Consensu Euangelistarum 1.5.8 (PL 34:1045–46); In Iohannis Euangelium Tractatus 18.6, ed. Willems, D. R. (CCL 36:184, lines 14–27), 101.5 (CCL 36:593, lines 14–22), and 124.4–7 (CCL 36:682–87); Contra Faustum Manicheum 22.52 (PL 42:432–33). Temporal separation for Augustine does not imply disunity: the exercise of action in uia prepares for the exercise of contemplation in patria. See Gilson, Etienne, The Christian Philosophy of Saint Augustine , trans. Lynch, L. E. M. (New York, 1960), 117–18.Google Scholar

111 Cassian develops this idea in Conferences 14.8ff. (SC 54:189ff.), where he equates contemplation with the reading of and meditation upon the Scriptures. See Markus's, discussion, Ancient Christianity (n. 17 above), 187.Google Scholar

112 E.g., Gregory, , Homiliae in Hiezechihelem 1.7.8 (CCL 142:87–88, lines 137–65). Discussed by McGinn, , “Contemplative in Action” (n. 57 above), 39–40.Google Scholar

113 Gregory, , Moralia in Iob 5.4.5 (CCL 143:222, lines 11–16): “Mira enim diuinitatis pietate agitur, cum is qui perfecto corde ad contemplationem tenditur, humanis ministeriis occupatur; ut et multis infirmioribus eius mens perfecta proficiat et quo se ipse imperfectum respicit, inde ad humilitatis culmen perfectior assurgat.” My translation.Google Scholar

114 On preaching and the two lives in Gregory, see esp. Moralia in Iob 6.37.56, 60–64 (CCL 143:325–26, 329–33), 30.2.8 (CCL 143B:1495–96); Homiliae in Hiezechihelem 1.3.2–18 (CCL 142:33–45); Homiliarium in Evangelia 1.17 (PL 76:1139–49).Google Scholar

115 Gregory, , Moralia in Iob 31.25.49 (CCL 143B:1584, lines 81–82); my translation.Google Scholar

116 Ibid., 30.13.48 (CCL 143B:1523, lines 28–31): “Notandum uero summopere est, quod istae ceruae incuruantur ut pariant, quia nimirum si erectae starent, parere non ualerent. Nisi enim praedicatores sancti ab illa immensitate contemplationis internae quam capiunt, ad infirmitatem nostram humillima praedicatione quasi quadam incuruatione descenderent, numquam utique in fide filios procrearent.” My translation. Cf. ibid., 30.2.8 (CCL 143B:1495–96, lines 53–93).Google Scholar

117 Gregory, , Moralia in Iob 28.13.33 (CCL 143B:1420, lines 11–14); my translation. Leonardi, , “Il Venerabile Beda” (n. 5 above), 633, seems to overlook this dimension of Gregory's treatment of the two lives when he asserts that Gregory differs from Bede in keeping the active and the contemplative separate. Despite Gregory's own sadness at having to forsake contemplation for a life of pastoral activity, it is clear that he felt the Christian life should balance the two ideals. On this, see Straw, , Gregory the Great (n. 48 above), 189–93, 248–51; Markus, , Gregory the Great and his World (n. 48 above), 17–23; Dagens, , Saint Grégoire Le Grand (n. 57 above), 145–54; Clayton, , “Hermits and the Contemplative Life (n. 19 above), 147–75.Google Scholar

118 Hom. 1.9 (CCL 122:65, lines 176–209), citing Augustine's In Iohannis Euangelium Tractatus 124.5 (CCL 36: 685, lines 79–133).Google Scholar

119 Bede, , In Luc. 3 (CCL 120:226, lines 2362–64), citing Cassian's Conferences 23.3 (SC 64:141). Bede elsewhere cites Conferences 14 (SC 54:182–208), where Cassian develops the relation between reading and contemplation. Cf. Bede, , In Cant. 1 (CCL 119B:208–9, lines 721–25); In Prov. Sal. 3.31 (CCL 119B:155, lines 287–96); De templ. 1 (CCL 119A:164–65, lines 711–21); In Marc. 1 (CCL 120:454, lines 667–72).Google Scholar

120 In Sam. 2 (CCL 119:85, lines 726–29): “Et manifestauit Iesus gloriam suam, et crediderunt in eum discipuli eius, egressique ambo ipse uidelicet et Iohannes de occulta diuinae uoluntatis contemplatione ad ostendenda foras operum magnalia processerunt.” Google Scholar

121 In Sam. 1 (CCL 119:35, lines 986–88): “Dominus inter praedicandum ministrandumque spiritalia mortalibus suspensum ab exterioribus oculum mentis in supernae atque intimae lucis contemplatione defigebat.” Google Scholar

122 De tab. 1 (CCL 119A:40, lines 1377–1401); trans. Holder, , Bede: On the Tabernacle (n. 1 above), 44.Google Scholar

123 De templ. 1 (CCL 119A:162, lines 615–20): “Fenestrae templi doctores sunt sancti et spiritales quique in ecclesia quibus mente excedentibus Deo archana secretorum caelestium specialius ceteris uidere conceditur. Qui dum ea quae in occulto uident publice fidelibus pandunt quasi suscepto lumine solis fenestrae cuncta templi penetralia replent.” Trans. Connolly, S., Bede: On the Temple (n. 1 above), 25.Google Scholar

124 In Prov. Sal. 1 (CCL 119B:42, lines 169–72): “… allegorice nubes sunt ecclesiae magistri sublimes per contemplationem et uitam rigantes corda auditorum quasi subiectam sibi terram per doctrinam.” Google Scholar

125 See esp. In Luc. 2 (CCL 120:119, lines 750–54), citing Gregory, , Moralia in Iob 28.13.33 (CCL 143B:1420, lines 16–21). The latter passage from the Homilies in Ezekiel, in which Gregory says that the lives are joined together by the commands of the decalogue, contains a theme Bede repeated often, e.g., In Gen. 2 (CCL 118A:106, lines 1198–1202); De temp. 2 (CCL 119A:219–20, lines 1083–1103); Hom. 1.9 (CCL 122:64–65, lines 163–74); 1.16 (CCL 122:113, lines 90–96); and 2.11 (CCL 122:256–57, lines 133–39).Google Scholar

126 On the two lives in Bede, see In Sam. 1 (CCL 119:57–58, lines 1931–40 and 1977–94), 4 (CCL 119:249–50, lines 1597–1607); In Cant. 1 (CCL 119B: 208–9, lines 713–25), 2 (CCL 119B:229, lines 689–708), and 3 (CCL 119B:225–26, lines 2333–77); In Luc. 2 (CCL 120:118–19, lines 742–60); Hom. 1.9 (CCL 122: 64–65, lines 145–209). In these passages, Bede does not quote Gregory directly, though the pope's influence is easily discerned.Google Scholar

127 In addition to the passages cited in n. 126, see In Luc. 1 (CCL 120:27, lines 322–28), citing Gregory, , Homiliarium in Evangelia 2.34.13 (PL 76:1255B); In Luc. 3 (CCL 120:226, lines 2366–77), citing Gregory, , Homiliae in Hiezechihelem 2.2.9 (CCL 142:231, lines 219–32); In Cant. 6 (CCL 119B:360, lines 44–46), citing Gregory, , Moralia in Iob 30.13.38 (CCL 143B:1524, lines 58–60); In Prov. Sal. 2.15 (CCL 119B:88, lines 71–74), citing Gregory, , Moralia in Iob 30.15.51 (CCL 143B:1526, lines 43–46).Google Scholar

128 See Gregory, , Dialogues 2.35.2–8, ed. de Vogüé, A. (SC 260:236–42) and McGinn's comments, “Contemplative in Action” (n. 57 above), 66. A comparison of this episode with Bede's account of Cuthbert's vision of Bishop Aidan's transport to heaven (VCP ch. 4) can provide some sense of the difference between Gregory and Bede I am referring to here. The centerpiece of Gregory's account is Benedict's mystical vision, in which “omnis etiam mundus, uelut sub uno solis radio collectus, ante oculos eius adductus est” (2.35.3, SC 260:238, lines 24–26). What interests Gregory is the nature of the experience itself, which he explains to his disciple Peter in decidedly mystical terms: Benedict's soul “is enlarged” (laxatur [2.35.6, SC 260:240, line 54]) and “carried above itself and expanded interiorly” (rapitur super se, in interioribus ampliatur [ibid., line 57]); the light that precedes the vision doubles as both an exterior phenomenon and an “interior light of the mind, which revealed to the soul of the seer, because it was caught up to higher things, how narrow all lower things are” (lux interior in mente fuit, quae uidentis animum quia ad superiora rapuit, ei quam angusta essent omnia inferiora monstrauit [2.35.7, SC 260:240, lines 69–71]). Though Bede's account, by contrast, begins by describing the illumined night sky in terms strongly reminiscent of Gregory's (compare Bede's fusum de coelo lumen medias longae noctis interrupisse tenebras [VCP 164] with Gregory's fusam lucem desuper cunctas noctis tenebras exfugasse [2.35.2, SC 260:236, lines 19–20]), it says nothing more about the nature of the vision itself. The focus shifts immediately to the moral effect the vision has on Cuthbert: “Compunctus est multum hoc uisu Deo dilectus adolescens, ad subeundum gratiam spiritualis exercitii, ac promerendae inter magnificos uiros uitae felicitatisque perennis, confestimque Deo laudes gratiarumque referens actiones, sed et socios ad laudandum Deum fraterna exhortatione prouocans …” (VCP 166). These words are followed by a long exhortation by Cuthbert, which, Bede says, “kindled the hearts of the shepherds in no little measure to the worship and praise of God” (non parum corda pastorum ad reuerentiam diuinae laudationis accendit [VCP 166]). Unlike Gregory, Bede shows no interest in the nature of the vision. See additionally Bede's account of Drythelm's vision (HE 5.12), which is also treated in moral rather than mystical terms.Google Scholar

129 See esp. Gregory, , Moralia in lob 23.21.40–43 (CCL 143B:1174–77), 24.6.10–12 (CCL 143B:1194–96) and Homiliae in Hiezechihelem 2.1.17–18 (CCL 142:222–23), along with McGinn's discussion of these passages, “Contemplative in Action” (n. 57 above), 63–66.Google Scholar

130 See, for example, In Prov. Sal. 2.15 (CCL 119B:89, lines 103–9); In Cant., Prol., (CCL 119B:178, lines 429–34), 3 (CCL 119B:234, lines 133–37), 5 (CCL 119B:338, lines 35–40), and 6 (CCL 119B:370, lines 441–44), citing Gregory, , Homiliae in Hiezechihelem 2.2.13 (CCL 142:234, lines 310–17); In Luc. 1 (CCL 120:64, lines 1766–70); Exp. Act. Apost. 2.1 (CCL 121:15, lines 2–4); Hom. 2.17 (CCL 122:310, lines 342–51).Google Scholar

131 On the fleeting nature of contemplation, see In Sam. 1 (CCL 119:59, lines 1985–87); In Cant. 1 (CCL 119B:218, lines 302–6); De templ. 2 (CCL 119A:220, lines 1120–26); Hom. 2.5 (CCL 122:217, lines 102–10). Bede followed Gregory in restricting real contemplative perfection to the monastic and clerical states, but even here, he insisted, such perfection is only partial: see De templ. 2 (CCL 119A:220, lines 1120–26); In Reg. Quaest. 14 (CCL 119:307, lines 41–51); In Cant. 1 (CCL 119B:220, lines 376–82).Google Scholar

132 In Sam. 1 (119:56, lines 1879–88): “Soli namque scientia et actione perfecti caelestium contemplationi in hac uita mentem intendere norunt. At si qui minus perfectus adhuc in humanis diuina tractare praesumpserit, cauendum ne uel heresi uel desperatione uel alio quolibet discrimine reuerberetur eius inconsulta temeritas. Sed melius fortasse haec percussio plebis quae arcam domini uidisset in bono accipietur quia quanto quisque amplius diuinae secreta maiestatis aspicere coeperit tanto mox de se humilia sentiens a tota sua trepidus uirtutum fiducia deficit.” Cf. De tab. 1 (CCL 119A:22, lines 680–98) and 3 (CCL 119A.125, lines 1258–63).Google Scholar

133 De tab. 1 (CCL 119A:7, lines 87–93): “Et nos, si doctores nostros ad altitudinem diuinae contemplationis sequi non possumus, curemus solliciti ne aliqua nos temptatio a uicinia montis Dei retrahat sed iuxta modulum nostrum uirtutum operibus insistamus inhaerentes stabili corde sacramentis nostri redemptoris quibus imbuti sumus et gratiam spiritus eius qua signati sumus intemeratam in nobis conseruare curantes.” Google Scholar

134 In Cant. 4 (CCL 119B:303, lines 149–65): “… ac si aperte dicatur, Oculos quidem tibi columbinos dedi quibus scripturarum archana cognosceres quibus uirtutes a uitiis secerneres quibus semitas iustitiae per quas ad me uenires dinosceres, sed caue ne ipsos adhuc oculos etiam ad me uidendum intendere quaeras, non enim uidebit homo faciem meam et uiuet; erit enim tempus cum uinculis absoluta carneis ad me peruenies et tunc implebitur quod promisi quia qui diligit me diligetur a patre meo et ego diligam eum et manifestabo ei me ipsum, at nunc dum in corpore constituta peregrinaris a perennibus bonis auerte oculos tuae mentis a contemplatione diuinae meae maiestatis et essentiae quia ipsi me auolare fecerunt, id est ipsi tui sensus spiritales quibus me perfecte cognoscere desiderasti quamuis multum se extollant non in hac tamen uita me ad perfectum comprehendere sufficiunt sed ad hoc solummodo peruenire queunt ut animaduertant diuinae gloriam naturae tantae esse sublimitatis quae nequaquam uideri possit nisi ab his tantum qui a uita uisibili funditus ablati atque ad inuisibilem fuerint introducti.” My translation.Google Scholar

135 Epist. Cath. (CCL 121:314–16, lines 136–204), citing Ambrose, , Expositio Euangelii secundam Lucam 1.25, ed. Adriaen, M. (CCL 14:19, lines 396–406); and Augustine, , Epistula 147.22, 28, 48, ed. Goldbacher, A. (CSEL 44: 296, 297, 323), and Tractatus in epistolam Ioannis ad Parthos 7.10–11 and 8.4, 10 (PL 135:2033–34, 2037–38, 2042–43).Google Scholar

136 Bede also wrote a metrical life of Cuthbert, produced sometime between 705 and 716. For discussion of Cuthbert's lives and his place in early Anglo-Saxon Christianity, see Colgrave, Bertram, ed. and trans., Two Lives (n. 19 above), 1–55; and Bonner, Gerald et al., eds., St. Cuthbert (n. 19 above).Google Scholar

137 Thacker, , “Bede's Ideal” (n. 18 above), 130–53.Google Scholar

138 Thus Bede emphasizes that those who sought out Cuthbert's hermitage were never denied his attention, e.g., VCP ch. 22: “Veniebant autem multi ad uirum Dei non solum de proximis Lindisfarnensium finibus, sed etiam de remotioribus Brittanniae partibus fama nimirum uirtutum eius acciti, qui uel sua quae commisissent errata, uel demonum quae paterentur temptamenta profitentes, uel certe communia mortalium quibus affligerentur aduersa patefacientes, a tantae sanctitatis uiro se consolandos sperabant. Nec eos fefellit spes. Nanque nullus ab eo sine gaudio consolationis abibat, nullum dolor quem illo attulerat redeuntem comitatus est.” Google Scholar

139 Thacker, , “Bede's Ideal of Reform” (n. 18 above), 132–33.Google Scholar

140 For a recent account of the eremitic tradition in seventh- and eighth-century Anglo-Saxon England, see Clayton, , “Hermits” (n. 19 above), esp. 147–56.Google Scholar

141 On the ascetic strains of Martinian and Irish monasticism, with reference to the anonymous Life and Bede's version, see Thacker, A., “Lindisfarne and the Origins of the Cult of St. Cuthbert,” in St. Cuthbert (n. 19 above), 103–22, and Stancliffe, , “Pastor and Solitary” (n. 19 above), esp. 38–42.Google Scholar

142 Thacker, , “Bede's Ideal” (n. 18 above), 137.Google Scholar

143 VCP ch. 22: “Hoc quoque fratribus solebat crebrius intimare, ne conversationem eius quasi singulariter celsam mirarentur, quia contemptis saecularibus curis secretus uiuere mallet. Sed iure inquit est coenobitarum uita miranda, qui abbatis per omnia subiciuntur imperils. Ad eius arbitrium cuncta uigilandi, orandi, ieiunandi, atque operandi tempora moderantur, quorum plurimos noui paruitatem meam longe et mundicia mentis et culmine gratiae prophetalis anteire.” Google Scholar

144 HE 2.1 (esp. 124–25); text cited above, n. 21.Google Scholar

145 In Cant. 1 (CCL 119B:221, lines 415–20): “Surge de stratu illo multum tibi amabili in quo tuimet curam agere in psalmis et orationibus ceterisque uitae studiis delectaris propera et ueni ad impendendam etiam proximis curam salutis per Studium sedulae praedicationibus quasi enim tot passibus ad uocantem nos dominum properamus quot pro eius causa uirtutum opera patramus.” My translation.Google Scholar

146 Hom. 2.20 (CCL 122:334, lines 209–11): “Eius continue flagitemus auxilium ut lucem scientiae quam contulit in nobis ipse conseruet et ad perfectum usque diem perducat.” Trans. Martin, and Hurst, , Homilies (n. 1 above), 2:210.Google Scholar

147 Hom. 2.14 (CCL 122:272, lines 19–33): “Vnde necesse est, fratres mei, ut petamus sedule sine intermissione oremus procidamus ante Deum ploremus coram domino qui fecit nos. Et ut exaudiri mereamur uideamus sollicite qualiter nos uiuere uelit quid nos facere iusserit qui fecit nos. Quaeramus dominum et confirmemur quaeramus faciem eius semper. Et ut hunc inuenire et uidere mereamur mundemus nos ab omni inquinamento carnis et spiritus quia nonnisi casto corpore in die resurrectionis ad caelos subleuari nonnisi mundo corde gloriam ualent diuinae maiestatis intueri. Pulsemus infatigabili desiderio aeternae beatitudinis aures pii conditoris nec deficiamus a coeptis prius quam illo aperiente de carcere mortis huius eripi ac portam mereamur patriae caelestis ingredi. Nemo sibi de innocentia blandiatur nullus suis fidens actibus quasi qui misericordia iusti iudicis non egeat a precibus cesset….” Trans. Martin, and Hurst, , Homilies (n. 1 above), 2:125.Google Scholar

148 In Ez. et Neem. 1 (CCL 119A:267, lines 1029–34): “… completis diei operibus non ante demus somnum oculis nostris aut palpebris nostris dormitationem quam locum domino in nobis sollertiore orationum instantia consecremus iuxta hoc quod idem dicit propheta: Dirigatur oratio mea sicut incensum in conspectu tuo eleuatio manuum mearum sacrificium uespertinum.” My translation.Google Scholar

149 In Ez. et Neem. 1 (CCL 119A:341, lines 89–96): “Si enim uir sanctus audiens destructa lapidum ac lignorum aedificia recte lugebat ieiunabat et orabat et hoc multo tempore sedens in tristitia, quanto magis in destructione ac ruina animarum quae per peccatum committitur continuis est luctibus lacrimis orationibus insistendum quatenus miserante domino ad pristinam erigantur sospitatem qui in obprobium religionis triumphante inimico iacebant diutina uitiorum sorde squalentes.” My translation.Google Scholar

150 In Sam. 1 (CCL 119:19, lines 339–46): “Et nos ergo completa oratione ut postulata obtineamus ut post luctuosam mentis infructuosae sterilitatem sacranda Deo ualeamus uirtutum germina proferre non ad superuacua foras agenda sed ad nostrae conscientiae fide et ueritate sublimata studeamus habitacula reuerti. Nec sit uultus noster amplius in diuersa mutatus sed in eodem quem in oratione conceperit etiam post lacrimas compunctionis ardore et deuotione persistat.” My translation.Google Scholar

151 Ward, Benedicta, Bede and the Psalter, Lecture, Jarrow, 1991 (Newcastle, 1992), 10.Google Scholar

152 Ibid., 11–14.Google Scholar

153 The text, once known by the title Libellus Precum, is now referred to as Collectio Psalterii. The standard edition is Fraipont, J., ed., Collectio Psalterii Bedae, CCL 122:452–70.Google Scholar

154 Hom. 2.11 (CCL 122:259, line 243–45): “dicamus singuli domino dicamus omnes: Spiritus tuus bonus deducet me in uiam rectam.” Trans. Martin, and Hurst, , Homilies (n. 1 above), 2:107.Google Scholar

155 Epist. Cath. (CCL 121:303, lines 86–89).Google Scholar

156 Bede, , In Ez. et Neem. (CCL 119A:392, lines 2108–15): “Et tu summe pater luminum a quo omne datum optimum et omne donum perfectum descendit qui mihi humillimo seruorum tuorum et amorem dedisti et auxilium considerandi mirabilia de lege tua quique in thesauro prophetici uoluminis non solum uetera amplectendi uerum et noua sub uelamine veterum donaria inueniendi atque in usus conseruorum meorum proferendi indigno mihi gratiam praestitisti memento mei Deus meus in bonum.” My translation.Google Scholar

157 Bede, , In Luc. 4 (CCL 120:231, lines 23–30): “Quapropter ipse quartum expositionis euangelicae librum incipiens a lectione in qua superbiae spiritus in digito Dei eicitur tuam Christe clementiam suppliciter imploro ut spiritus tuus bonus deducat me in uiam rectam et eum qui ab aquilone est longe faciat a me quatenus eiectis a me malignis scruter mandata Dei mei reuelatisque mentis oculis ad consideranda tuae sacrosanctae legis mirabilia deuotus lector ingrediar.” My translation.Google Scholar

158 In Luc. 5 (CCL 120:325, lines 1179–84): “Quapropter et de uerbis elati Pharisaei quibus humiliari meruit possumus ex diuerso formam humilitatis qua sublimemur adsumere ut sicut ille consideratis et peiorum uitiis et suis uirtutibus est elatus ad ruinam ita nos non nostra solum pigritia sed et meliorum uirtutibus inspectis humiliemur ad gloriam….” My translation.Google Scholar

159 In Luc. 5 (CCL 120:325, lines 1186–92): “Deus omnipotens miserere supplici tuo quia non sum sicut innumeri serui tui contemptu saeculi sublimes iustitiae merito gloriosi castitatis laude angelici uelut etiam multi illorum qui post flagitia publica paenitendo tibi meruerunt esse deuoti qui etiam, si quid boni tua gratia largiente fecero, quo fine haec faciam quaue a te districtione pensentur ignoro.” My translation.Google Scholar

160 See above, n. 31.Google Scholar

161 De tab. 1 (CCL 119A:26, line 832–33). Trans. Holder, , Bede: On the Tabernacle (n. 1 above), 27. Cf. Gregory, , Regula pastoralis 3.1, Prol. (PL 77:47); Moralia in Iob 30.3.12 (CCL 143B:1499, lines 91–107).Google Scholar