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The Traditions of the Archaian White Races

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 February 2009

J. S. Stuart Glennie
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1. By Archaian White Races I mean White Races non-Semitic and non-Aryan; and by White Races I mean Races with either long or short heads (dolichocephalic, or bracbycephalic), high noses, unprojecting jaws (orthognathic, not prognathic), long hair and beards, and light-coloured skins.

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Research Article
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Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , Volume 4 , December 1889 , pp. 303 - 348
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Copyright © Royal Historical Society 1889

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page 303 note 1 Where the transverse diameter is less than eight tenths the longitudinal, a skull is reckoned long; when more than eight tenths the longitudinal diameter, it is reckoned short. Skull-measurements are now made by Virchow's method. Negroes, it may be added, are generally, and the Esquimaux and Australians are always, long-headed; while the Mongolians, or ‘Turanians,’ are characteristically round-headed.

page 303 note 2 Projecting jaws and their correlates, flattened noses, it need hardly be said, are distinctive characteristics of the Black Races.

page 303 note 3 It was Bory de St. Vincent (Essai Zoologique sur le Genre Aumain) who first scientifically classified mankind, according as they had straight and wavy, or woolly and tufted hair, into two primary groups of Leiotrichi and Ulotrichi and this principle of classification has been adopted by Huxley, Fr. Miiller, and Haeckel. See also Hovelacque, Races humaines, and more particularly Pruner Bey, ‘De la Chevelure,’ Mem. de la Soc. d'Anthrop. t. ii.; and ‘Human Hair as a Race Character,’ (translation of above), Anthrop. Rev. Feb. 1864. I venture, how-ever, to think that a true Classification of Races must take account of historical intermixtures no less than of anatomical features.

page 303 note 4 Shades of skin-coloration are now distinguished by a scale introduced by Broca.

page 304 note 1 The most complete account of these races, so far as I am aware, is to be found in the following works of De Quatrefages: Les Polynesiens et leurs Migrations, 1866; Rapport sur les Progris de l'Anthropologie en France, 1867; and Homines fossiles et Hommes sauvages, 1884. But even to M. de Quatrefages' treatment of the subject the statement in the text is, I venture to think, applicable.

page 304 note 2 To the use of this term as the designation of a White Race, one sufficient objection is that it is now commonly used to designate the Black Race, though this was not so originally. See below, p. 315, n. I.

page 304 note 3 As Kūh was but one of the many sons of Ham, the objections to the term Kushite are even stronger than to Hamitic.

page 304 note 4 This term, though applicable, like the term ‘Anglo-Saxon,’ to a certain limited time and locality, is just as false and misleading as is that term when used in a more general sense.

page 304 note 5 The Georgians and Circassians of the Caucasus certainly belong to the non-Semitic and non-Aryan stock of White Races; but far too many other races who have never had any connection with the Caucasus belong to this race to justify our giving it such a local name; and, as will appear in the sequel, there are likewise other weighty objections to such a use of the term ‘Caucasian.’

page 304 note 6 I would submit that perversity in nomenclature could hardly much further go than in giving to a non-Aryan stock of White Races the name commonly used as a synonym for the Aryan stock.

page 304 note 7 This term, which was employed by Pritchard, has been revived by De Quatrefages to designate the non-Semitic and non-Aryan White Races. But Ἀλλ⋯φνλοι was used by Berossos and by the Septuagint with the meaning of ‘other tribes’ or ‘foreigners.’ And the objections to distinguishing the non-Semitic and non-Aryan White Races as simply ‘other tribes’ or ‘foreigners’ seem to be no less obvious than unanswerable.

page 305 note 1 See for Ἀρχα⋯οι φιλ⋯σοφοι, De Cælo, A, 5; for Ἀρχα⋯οι σοφνι, Phys. B, 4; and for Ἀρχα⋯οι, Phys. A, 6, and 8; B, 2; De Gen. A, 1; De Cælo, δ 3; A, 3; Meteorol. Γ, 2; and Metaph. A, 1.

page 305 note 2 Called also Indo-European, and Indo-Germanic. The latter term might have been excusable, while it was still uncertain whether the Kelts and Slavs be-longed to the Aryan Stock of White Races. But to speak of Slavs and Kelts as Indo-Germans is now, considering not only its offensiveness but its falsity, unworthy of men of science; and is indeed only paralleled in falsity, if not in offensiveness, by the term ‘Anglo Saxon’ as a designation of the Anglo-Keltic, or Teuto-Keltic, Race of the British Islands, America, and Australasia.

page 306 note 1 In the paper read before the Royal Historical Society on April 21, 1887, as in that read at the meeting of the British Association at Manchester on September I of that year, the subject was discussed under all these three heads, but necessarily in a very summary manner.

page 307 note 1 I have endeavoured to state these results in the most general and moderate way; but I would specially commend to students Wellhausen's Prolegomena to the History of Israel, translated by Messrs. Black and Menzies, and prefaced by the Rev. Prof. Robertson Smith.

page 307 nogte 2 See G. Smith, The Chaldean Account of Genesis; and compare the corrected English edition by the Rev. Prof. Sayce, and German edition by Prof. Delitzsch. See also the latter's Wo lag das Parodies?

page 307 note 3 ‘There is no evidence,’ says the Rev. . DrSmith, Robertson, ‘that the Babylonian element in the traditions of Genesis reached the Hebrews through the Arameans of Harran rather than through the Phoenicians.’ See Historical Review, 12 1888, p, 127Google Scholar.

page 308 note 1 Hence, though M. Renan (Histoire du Peuple d' Israel) maintains that there was really some such Patriarchal Age as is pictured in Genesis before the servitude in Egypt, so respectable an authority as the Rev, Professor Robertson Smith criticising M. Renan's work in the just-cited Historical Review, edited by the Rev. Professor Creighton, points out (p. 129) that to imagine that Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob roamed at large through Palestine, as represented in Genesis (chaps, xii. to xxxv.), ‘though they were aliens from their own kin, and had not become the protected dependents of another kin,’ is to suppose a ‘standing miracle’; hence, that, if the supernatural explanation is given up, the whole notion of a Patriarchal Age falls to the ground; and, finally, that the true nomad age of the Hebrews was of the wildest and rudest type, while the picture of it in Genesis was idealised quite unhistorically from the life of a great flockmaster in the time of David and his successors, the tenth and ninth centuries B.C.

page 308 note 2 There was already in the age of the builders of the pyramids (4500 B.c 3500 B. c.) a developed literature; and one of the tombs at Gizeh is that of a royal librarian of the Sixth Dynasty. See Lenormant, , Histoire Ancienne, t. ii. pp. 33. 87Google Scholar.

page 308 note 3 At Tell - el - Amarna, the site of the capital of Amenophis IV. of the Eighteenth Dynasty (sixteenth century B.C.), a great number of clay tablets were picked up by fellahm last year, and these have been found to be despatches to the third and fourth Pharaohs of that name, in the cuneiform script, and Assyrian language, from the Egyptian provinces and protectorates in Syria and Mesopotamia. See ‘Der Thontafelfund von Tell-Amarna,’ in the Sitzungsberichte der K. P. Akad. d. Wissenschafien, Bd. xxiii. SS. 583–9 (May 1888); Sayce, , ‘Babylonian Tablets from Tel-el-Amarna,’ Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., vol. x. pp. 488–525 (06 1888)Google Scholar; and Budge, ‘On Cuneiform Despatches from Tushratta, &c., to Amenophis III.,’ ibid. pp. 540–569.

page 308 note 4 Contemporary Revinv, August 1888, ‘Recent Oriental Discovery,’ p. 300.

page 309 note 1 As I was the first to point out, and as I have again and again shown during the last fifteen years, the sixth century B.C.–more accurately the sixth-fifth century B.C. (550–450 B.C.)—is the true epoch of division between the Ancient and Modern Civilisations. The sixth-fifth century before Christ was the century of Confucius in China; of Buddha in India; of Gomates and Zoroastrianism as a political power in Persia; of the Babylonian Captivity (588–536); the so-called second Isaiah and the triumph of Yahvehism, in Judrea; of Psammetichus, its last Pharaoh, and of the worship of Isis and Horus, the divine Mother and Child, rather than of ‘Our Father,’ Osiris, in Egypt; of Thales, the Father of Philosophy; of Pythag⋯ras and Xenophánes, the fathers also of Religious and Ethical Reform; and of Sappho and Alkaios, the first of the new subjective and lyric school of Poetry in Greece; and finally, in this rapid indication of its greater synchronisms, it was the century of that Persian world-empire of Kyros which, followed as it was by the Greek world-empire of Alexander, and the Roman world-empire of Caesar, established henceforth Aryan domination; it was the century in which Europe and Asia first appear as clearly differentiated; and it was the century of those political changes from Monarchies to Republics which were but the outward sign and seal of far profounder economic changes both in Greece and at Rome. The dates of the birth of Confucius vary only between 551 and 550 B.C. As to the date of Buddha, see the Academy of 03 1, 1884Google Scholar, in which Professor Max Miiller gives new proofs of the date of his death being 478–7 B.C.; and compare MrMüller's, discussion of the date of Chandragupta, the basis of Indian chronology, in his History of Sanscrit Literature, pp. 242–300Google Scholar, and Davids's, Rhys ‘Discussion of the Ceylon Date of the Buddha's Death,’ in The International Numismata Orientalia, p. 56Google Scholar. As to Zoroaster, or at least Zoroastrianism, see, for a refutation of the theories which place its origin as far back as 1500 B.C., or even 1800 B.C., De Harlez, , Origines du Zoroastrisme, 1882Google Scholar, and Avesta, Introduction, 1884. And as to the other synchronisms see, for instance, Ewald, Die Propheten des alten Bundes, Bd. ii.; Goldzieher, Mythology among the Hebrews; Sharpe, Egyptian Atythology Zeller, Pre-Socratic Philosophy, First Period; Grote, , History of Greece vol. ii. p. 505Google Scholar, note; and F. de Coulanges, La Cité Antique.

page 310 note 1 See Lieblein, , ‘Les quatre Races dans le ciel inférieur des Egyptiens,’ Mus'e Guimet, t. x. (1888), pp. 545–52Google Scholar; Lefebure, ‘Les Races connues des Egyptiens,’ ibid t. i. (1880), pp. 60–76; and ‘Les quatre Races au Jugement dernier,’ Trans. Soc. Bibl. Archteol., vol. iv. pp. 44–48; Brugsch, , ‘Diealtagyptische Völkertafel,’ Verhandl. des fünften internat. Orientalisten-Congresses (1881), 2, SS. 25–79Google Scholar; and Geograph. Inschrijt., Bd. ii. SS. 89, 91; and compare Chabas, , Etudes sur;'Antiquité hist., chap. iv. pp. 92Google Scholar, &c.; and Lenormant, , Origines de iHistoire, t. ii. p. 204Google Scholar.

page 310 note 1 The cuneiform original of the Chaldean tradition of the three semi-divine Brothers who reigned after the Flood has not yet been discovered. That tradition we know as yet only in very late forms. The first of these is the version given in one of the Fragments of the Xαλδα of the priest Berossos, writing in Greek in the century of Alexander the Great (fourth century B.C.), and hence using what he believed to be the best Greek equivalents for the Chaldean names of the Brothers. See M. C. Muller, Frag. Histor. Grac, t. ii.; Richter, Berosi qua supersunt; Lenormant, Commentaire des Fragments cosmogoniques de Berose. The second form of the tradition in point of date is that given by an Alexandrian Jew of the second century B.C., in the most ancient part of Book iii. of the so-called ‘Sibylline Oracles.’ But his list of the three Brothers differs from that of Berossos only in substituting Iapetos for Promethevs. See Alexandre, Oracula Sibyllina, t. ii. The third form of the tradition is that given by the Armenian historian of the seventh century A.c. who, according to Professor von Gutschmid, (‘Glaubwiirdigkeit d. Armenischen Geschichte,’ Berichte d. Sáchs. Gesell. d. Wissensch. 1876)Google Scholar, was the author of the History and the Geography attributed to Moses of Khor'ni of the fifth century A.c. But the Iranian form of the names he gives to the three Brothers show s that his source was not a Greek text directly extracted from Berossos, but a version of the tradition to which currency had been given by the learned school of Edessa, to which belonged, in the second century A.c., Mar-Abbas Katina, whom the author of the History of Moses of Khor'ni made his guide for the earlier ages of Armenia. See Hist, Armen., lib. i. c. 5, p. 16 (Ed. Whiston, )Google Scholar; p. 31 (Ed. Le Vaillant de Florival).

page 311 note 1 See Genesis, v. 32; vii. 13; ix. 18; and x. I.

page 311 note 2 See Norberg, , Cod. Nasar., t. i. p. 96Google Scholar.

page 311 note 3 See De Harlez, , Avesta, Yescht xiii. 143Google Scholar. And for proof that the myth of the three Brothers belongs to the cycle of traditions antecedent to the first putting-together of the books of the Zend-Avesta (or rather Avesta-Zend) see t. iii. p. 4.

page 311 note 4 See Spiegel, , Eranische Alterthutiiskunde, Bd. i. S. 554Google Scholar.

page 311 note 5 ‘The form of the skull, as well as the proportions of the several parts of the body, as these have been determined from examination of a great number of mummies, are held to indicate connection with the Caucasian Family of Mankind,’ Brugsch, , History of Egypt, v. i. p. 8Google Scholar. So Maspero, : ‘La race égyptienne se rattache aux peuples blancs del' Asie anterieure par ses caracteres ethnographiques,’ Hist. Ancienne, p. 16Google Scholar. And see particularly Lepsius, Nubische Grammatik, ‘Einleitung,’ in which he refutes the theory of the African origin of the Egyptians as advanced by Hartmann, , Die Völker Africa's, S. 3Google Scholar Fig. For reproductions of portraits see Lepsius, Denkmiiler, Bd. vi.; Brugsch, Geographische Inschriften, Bd. ii.; and above all, the photographs by MrPetrie, Flinders, Racial Types from Egypt, 1887Google Scholar.

page 312 note 1 According to Lepsius, the Egyptian language indicates that the Egpytian Race belongs to a Stock unquestionably allied to both the Semitic and Aryan Stocks; and that to the same Family as the Egyptian belong the Languages of the Libyan tribes of North Africa. See his Zwei sprachvergleichende Abhandlungen; and also Schwartze, Das alte Aegypten; and Bunsen, Egypt's Place in Univ. Hist. With respect to the more special relationship of Egyptian to Semitic, see pro, Benfey, Ueber das Verhält. der ägypt. Sprache zum semitischen Sprachstamen; E. Meier, Hebräisches Wurzeliwöwbuck, ‘Anhang;’ Bottischer, Wurzelforschungen; De Rougé, Sur l'Inscription du Tombeau d'Ahmes; and contra, Pott, Ewald, and Wearich, as cited by Renan, in support of his own views, Hist. de Langues Semitiques, 1. i. ch. ii. § 4, p. 74Google Scholar.

page 312 note 2 According to Lenormant, in Daremberg and Saglio's Dictionnaire des Antiquith, the name, Chaldaei or Xαλδαῖοι has had three significations. First, it signified the people called Kaldi in the cuneiform texts; the Kasdim of one of the oldest passages of Genesis (xi. 28), and the people whom Hellanicus counted among the primitive elements of the population of Chaldea. Then it meant the Sacerdotal Tribe or Caste, using still the otherwise dead language which was now variously called Accadian, Sumerian, and Accado-Sumerian; the Tribe or Caste which, on the downfall of the Assyrian Empire, gave again to Babylonia a Chaldean Dynasty, of which the most illustrious representatives were Nebopolassar and Nebuchodorossor, of whose Court we get interesting information in the Book of Daniel, late as is its date. Last of all, from the time of Alexander the Great, and particularly after the visit of the Chaldean priest and magus, as well as historian, Berossos, to Athens—where a statue was officially erected to him in consequence of the impression he made there by his predictions and inventions; (Plin, . Hist. Nat.. vii. 37Google Scholar; and Quaranta, , L'orologio a sole di Berose scoperto in Pompeii 1854)Google Scholar —the name Chaldean came to mean Prophet, Diviner, and Magician. But see Schrader, E, ‘Die Abstammung der Chaldaer und die Ursitze der Semiten,’ in Zeitsch. d. d. Morgenl. Gesellsch., Bd. xxvii. (1873)Google Scholar, S. 397 Fig. I venture, however, to dissent from his conclusion that there was no connection between the Chaldeans of the south and those later-mentioned Chaldeans of the north referred to by Xenophon and other classic writers. But the question will be better discussed in the Second Part of this Essay.

page 312 note 3 Genesis x. 8–10.

page 313 note 1 See Brugsch, , ‘Die altágypt. 'Völkertafel,’ in Verhandl. Inlernat. Oriental-isten Congresses, v. 1881–1882Google Scholar, Bd. ii. I. S. 76: ‘Die Denkmaler zeigen uns in dunkelrother Hautfarbung (1) die Aegypter, (2) die Kuschilen, (3) die Puntier, (4)die χαρ oder Phönizier;’ and compare the same author's Geograph. Inschriften, Bd. ii. S. 89: ‘Dieselbe rothbraune Farbe findet sich, den Denkmäler zufolge, auch bei … den Bewohnern Naharuna's oder Mesopotamiens.’

page 313 note 2 And particularly as to the original meaning of the terms Ham and Toura, which, as I shall presently endeavour to show, were really the Semitic and Aryan designations respectively of the Archaian Races, the chief of which, themselves, the Egyptians designated Rotou.

page 313 note 3 For even if it were admitted that the Accadian, the language of the inscriptions of the pre-Semitic Old Chaldean Empire, belongs to the family of languages spoken by those races of Central and Northern Asia now called ‘Turanian,’ it would by no means follow that the initiators of the Chaldean Civilisation spoke a language of ‘Turanian’ character because they were ‘Turanians’ in the modern sense, and not simply because their own language, possibly allied, like their race, to the Egyptian-, was influenced in the ‘Turanian’ direction by their Coloured and Black subjects.

page 313 note 4 As by Professor Sayce in Smith's, Chaldean Account of Genesis, pp. 81–3Google Scholar.

page 313 note 5 See De Lacouperie, , ‘The Shifted Cardinal Points from Elam to Early China,’ in Bab. and Or. Record, v. ii. pp. 25 and 31Google Scholar.

page 314 note 1 As expressed, for instance, in the proverb, ‘A hairy man's a happy man, a hairy wife 's a witch.’

page 314 note 2 Origines dt l'Histoire, t. ii. 1re partie, pp. 206–239.

page 314 note 3 See below, § 8, pp. 322, 323.

page 315 note 1 With respect to the origin of the notion that the Hamitic Races were Negroes, the following remarks may here suffice. The curse, not on the irreverent Ham but on one of his sons (Genesis ix. 22)— the curse which Burns (The Ordination, s. iv.) so wittily ridicules: How graceless Ham leugh at his dad,

Which made Canaan a nigger

(not the culprit Ham)—this curse was recorded with the evident purpose, on the redaction of these old traditions, of giving a sort of justification to the atrocities of the Israelitish conquest of the Kanaanites. This moral blackening of Ham prepared the Church fora theory that physically blackened the Hamitic Races. And, owing to the results of millenniums of intermixture, the name of Kush, the eldest son of Ham, was already, in the Egyptian ethnography of the Ptolemaic Period, applied to Negroes, though this was contrary to the system of the nineteenth and eighteenth Dynasties. Compare Chabas, , Etudes sur l'Antiquiti historique, p. 97Google Scholar, and Lenormant, , Origines de VHistoire, t. ii. Ire partie, pp. 202–3 nGoogle Scholar.

page 315 note 2 See above, p. 313, n. I, and compare Lenormant, , Ristoire Ancienne, t. i. p. 266Google Scholar and n. 2: ‘L'identite de la race de Kousch et des Ethiopiens est certaine; les inscriptions hieroglyphiques de l'Egypte designant toujours les peuples du Haut-Nil, au sud de la Nubie, sous le nom de Kousch. Ces habitants non-négres, du pays de Kousch, ou de l'Ethiopie nilotique, sont represents sur les monuments exactement avec les mimes traits que les Egyptiens.’

page 316 note 1 Isaiah xi. II.

page 316 note 2 In Egyptian, l took the place of r, and r of l very easily.

page 316 note 3 See Lenormant, , Hist. Anc, t. i. pp. 269–71Google Scholar.

page 316 note 4 Compare Lenormant, as above cited, pp. 271–2Google Scholar, and Brugsch, , History of Egypt, v. ii. p. 404Google Scholar.

page 316 note 5 Ezekiel xxvii. 10.

page 316 note 6 Hist. Nat., v. I.

page 316 note 7 xxiii. I.

page 316 note 8 ii. 5. Compare Joshua xi. 2, &c.

page 316 note 9 xv. 18.

page 316 note 10 See particularly Sayce, , ‘The White Race of Ancient Palestine,’ in the Expositor, 07 1888, pp. 48–57Google Scholar, and also in Nature of the same month.

page 317 note 1 See Geiger, , Civilisation of the Ancient Iranians, p. 31Google Scholar.

page 317 note 2 See Wilford, , ‘Geographical Systems of the Hindus,’ Asiatic Researches, vol. viii. p. 296Google Scholar. See, however, as to Wilford's authority generally, Kennedy, , Ancient and Hindu Mythology, App. A., pp. 405–422Google Scholar.

page 317 note 3 See above, p. 303, n. 2.

page 317 note 4 Geographia, pp. 363–5 (Ed. Whiston, )Google Scholar.

page 317 note 5 See Lenormant, , Histoire Ancienne, t. i. p. 268Google Scholar.

page 317 note 6 See D'Eckstein, , ‘Les Ethiopiens de l'Asie,’ in Athen. Francais, 22 Août 1854Google Scholar; and compare ‘Les Regions de Coush et de Chavilah,’ ib. 27 Mai, and ‘Les Origines de la Metallurgie,’ ib. 18 Aôut.

page 317 note 7 ‘The Kushites: Who were they?’ in the Babylonian and Oriental Record, Dec. 1886, p. 26.

page 318 note 1 1–2 Esdras vi. 56. They may be come of Adam, but not of Noah.

page 318 note 2 See Rawlinson, , Herodot., vol. iv. p. 255Google Scholar, and Rawlinson, (Sir H.), Memoir on the Cuneiform Inscriptions, v. i. p. 312Google Scholar.

page 319 noe 1 See Brugsch, , Geograph. Inschr., Bd. ii. SS. 88– 89Google Scholar. ‘Ich mochte die Aamu der Denkmäler ursprunglich fur gleichbedeutend halten mit den Ammonitern der H. S.’ (S. 90).

page 319 note 2 Tamáhū signifies ‘Men of the North,’ as also does Hanebū (ha = ‘behind,’ and so, the north). Tahennu means clear- or bright-complexioned races. Compare Lenormant, , Origines de l'Histoire, t. ii. 1re partie, p. 201Google Scholar; Chabas, , Etudes sur l'Antiquité historique, p. 174Google Scholar; Lefebure, , Mush Guimet, t. i. p. 73Google Scholar; Ebers, , Egypten und die Bu'cher Moses, S. 109Google Scholar; and Tomkins, , ‘On Mr. Flinders Petrie's Collection of Ethnographic Types,’ Trans. Antkrop. Institute, 1888Google Scholar.

page 319 note3 §3

page 320 note 1 See Lenormant, , Origines, t. iii. p. 22Google Scholar; and Chabas, , Eludes, p. 174Google Scholar.

page 320 note 2 I cannot, therefore, agree with Mr. Flinders Petrie that ‘there can be little hesitation in classing the Amorites as a fair race cognate with those of the, and probably Aryan’ (‘Ethnographic Casts from Egypt,’ in Babylonian and Oriental Record, May 1888, p. 136). And still less can I agree with a writer in the Historical Review, April 1888, who confidently alludes (p. 293) to ‘the irruption of the Aryans into Babylonia and Chaldea in 2300 B.C.’ (!) As to the facts, see next page, n. 1.

page 320 note 3 For instance, such facts with regard to Egypt as the discovery of the temple by the side of the Sphinx under the sands of the desert so early as the reign of Khufu of the Fourth Dynasty (about 4000 B.C.), and its unknown antiquity even then, as recorded in contemporary inscription; such facts also as the existence, in the remote foretime to which that temple belongs, of hieroglyphic writing, as is specially mentioned, on skins; and such facts with regard to Chaldea as that, in the cuneiform inscriptions of 4000 B.C., it is already difficult or im-possible to trace the original picture-hieroglyphics. See Lenormant, , Hist. Anc, t. ii. pp. 53Google Scholar, 55; and as to the last, De Lacouperie, , ‘The Old Babylonian Characters and their Chinese Derivates,’ in the Bab. and Or. Record, 03 1888, p. 78Google Scholar; and compare Sayce, , in Nature, 06 7, 1888Google Scholar, or the Bab. and Or. Record. August 1888. ‘The oldest characters,’ says Professor De Lacouperie, ‘belong to the hieratic stage, and indeed to a stage of hieratic rather remote from the hieroglyphic period.’ And ‘in the inscriptions of Telloh, earlier than the epoch of Sargon I. (3800 B.C.), the characters,’ says Professor Sayce, ‘have already become cuneatic, and not unfrequently have departed so widely from their primitive appearance as to make it impossible even to guess what they were primarily intended to represent.’

page 321 note 1 The Aryans, when we have our first definite historical knowledge of them, are on the east of the Caspian, between the Oxus and Jaxartes; and the migra tions probably recorded in the Avesta (First Fargard of the Vendidad), all belong to Bactria, or more generally Iran, beyond the sphere of the Chaldean Empire, not to speak of the Egyptian. The very earliest date that can be assigned to these historical first movements of Aryans would seem to be from about 2000 B.C. to 1500 B.C. And, as proved by inscriptions, not till the end of the ninth century B.C. do Aryans appear on the borders of the Babylonian Empire. As to their first appearance in Phrygia, , see ‘Acad. des Inscrip.,’ Comptes Rendus, 1888Google Scholar.

page 321 note 2 Among the facts to which I here allude are such as these:—the association of the pig with the hosts of Typhon, the enemy of Osiris and of Horus, and the probability—as was suggested to me by Professor Ramsay in discussing with him the association of the pig with the worship of Demeter—the probability that this association of the pig with Typhon indicates a race from the North, where the pig is less injurious as food than in the South; the probability, as will be pointed out in discussing the Foretime Traditions, that the myth of Horus is in essentials the record of an actual war; and further, the variety of facts which connect certain peoples of Western Asia and of the northern coasts of the Mediterranean with the White Races of the Caucasus, facts which will be set forth in detail in the Second Part of this Essay, and one set of which I shall immediately indicate, p. 323, n. 2.

page 322 note 1 Origines, t. ii. Ire P. p. 223.

page 322 note 2 M. Lenormant's whole argumentation about the original name translated by Bérossos as Kronos, and by Moses of Khor'ni as Zerovan, appears to me to be vitiated by his arguing as if Kpivos had been originally equivalent to 'Kpovos; and as if Zerovan had not most probably been (as he himself points out that it probably was) introduced only about the time of the Sassanides, when Kpovos had already long got assimilated with Xpivos; and also by the postulate of the whole discussion, that ‘Cronos-Zerovan est manifestement, dans le mythe babylonien, le correspondant du Shem biblique’ (Origines, t. ii. ire P. pp. 218–22, &c).

page 322 note 3 Origines, t. ii. Ire P. p. 229.

page 322 note 4 Chaldean Account of Genesis, pp. 143–7.

page 322 note 5 Sub voce Aδανμ

page 323 note 1 Origines, t. ii. Ire; P. p. 218; but compare p. 191.

page 323 note 2 M. Lenormant (Origines, t. ii. Ire; P.) admits that the Aryan etymologies hitherto proposed both for Magog and Madai, sons of Yapheth, cannot be maintained (pp. 466 and 500); and that Madai was peopled by the non-Aryan, ‘race des blancs allophyles du Caucase’ (p. 474)Google Scholar; but he still contends—against, as I think, serious objections—that the name Madai was first used by the Iranians to denote themselves (502), and hence that it denotes an Aryan people in Gen. x. 2.

page 324 note 1 See the references, n. I, § I of this Section.

page 324 note 2 Genesis iv. 16.

page 325 note 1 Plutarch, , De Is. et Osir., 33Google Scholar. Kem or Kara, which in Coptic or Modern Egyptian is Kame, means ‘black.’ And Khemi-t, the ‘Black Land,’ signified the Land of the deep rich soil, or loam, as distinguished from Teschr, the ‘Red Land— Libya,’ so called by Herodotos, as also Palestine and Syria, of which the soil is more or less mixed either with sand or gravel. Compare Brugsch, , Geog. Inschr., Bd. ii. S. 17Google Scholar; Chabas, , Etudes sur l'Ant. Hist.; and Herodot. ii. 12Google Scholar.

page 325 note 2 Brugsch, , History of Egypt, ‘Additions and Notes,’ vol. ii. pp. 463–4Google Scholar.

page 325 note 3 Compare Brugsch, , Geographische Inschriften, Bd. ii. S. 37Google Scholar; and Astronom. u. Astrolog. Inschriften, S. 176.

page 326 note 4 See Tomkins, , ‘Remarks on Mr. Flinders Petrie's Ethnographic Types from Egypt,’ Trans. Anthropol. Inst., 1888Google Scholar.

page 327 note 1 Brugsch, , History of Egypt, ‘Additions and Notes,’ vol. ii. pp. 463–4Google Scholar.

page 327 note 2 See Tomkins, as above cited; Petrie, F, Racial Types from Egypt, 1887Google Scholar; and Haig, , ‘Journey through Yemen,’ Proc. R. Geog. Soc., 08 1887Google Scholar. See also Burton, (Sir R.), First Footsteps in East Africa (1863)Google Scholar, and James, , The Horn of Africa (1888)Google Scholar. For, though no one would guess it from their titles, these books are narratives of Travel in Somali-land.

page 326 note 1 The further evidence which I more particularly refer to is that derived from the distribution of the Archaian White Races.

page 327 note 1 Brugsch, , Astronom. u. Astrolog. Inschriften, S. 176Google Scholar.

page 327 note 2 ‘Als die äusserste Grenze im Norden …“die vier Stiitzen des Himmels.”’ Brugsch, , Geog. Inschriften, Bd. ii. S. 35Google Scholar.

page 327 note 3 As above cited.

page 327 note 4 ‘Als die ausserste Grenze im Suden gait den Egypten das Meer (Sar) und der Berg Ap-en-to oder Tap-en-to, wörtlich “ das Horn der Welt.”’ Brugsch as above cited.

page 327 note 5 Records of the Past, vol. iv. p. 67.

page 327 note 6 Ibid. p. 3, and Birch, , Book of the Dead, pp. 170, 311, 312Google Scholar.

page 327 note 7 Ibid. p. 122.

page 327 note 8 Ibid. p. 101.

page 327 note 9 Guigniaut, , Religions de P Antiquiti, t. ii. p. 836Google Scholar.

page 327 noe 10 Brugsch, , Astronom. Inschriften, pp. 82–4, 121–3Google Scholar.

page 328 note 1 Renouf, , Religion of Ancient Egypt, pp. 119, 120Google Scholar.

page 328 note 2 F. Petrie, The Pyramids.

page 328 note 3 See Tiele, , History of the Egyptian Religion, pp. 46–7Google Scholar

page 328 note 4 But see Zeitschrift für Ægyptische Sprache, 1880, p. 25.

page 328 note 5 Hist. Anc., t. ii. pp. 33–5. The synchronous Dynasties by which Bunsen, for instance, reduced this date to 3623 are fully admitted, but it is shown that Manetho took due account of them in his List.

page 329 note 1 See Lenormant, , Origines de l'Histoire, t. i. p. 39Google Scholar, and compare Chabas, , Antiquitt historique, p. 87Google Scholar.

page 330 note 1 Comment, des Fragments cosmog. de Birose, p. 315.

page 330 note 2 Ibid. pp. 6, 7.

page 330 note 3 Èνδ⋯ τῇ Bαβνλ⋯νι πολὺ πλ⋯θος ⋯νθρώπων γεν⋯σθαι ⋯λλοεθν⋯ν κατοικησ⋯ντων τ⋯ν χαλδα⋯αν. Lenormant, Fragments cosmog. de Bérose, p. 6Google Scholar.

page 331 note 1 Z⋯ο ἓμφρον…τò μ⋯ν σ⋯μα ⋯χθ⋯ος, ⋯πò δ⋯ τ⋯ν κεφακλ⋯ν φαραπε φκνῖαν ἃλλην κνφαλ⋯ν ???;ποκ⋯τω τ⋯ς κα⋯ π⋯δας μο⋯ως νθρώπον παραπεφνκ⋯τας δ⋯ ⋯κ τ⋯ς οὐρ⋯ς το⋯ ἰχθ⋯ος. Lenormant, loc. cit.

page 331 note 2 See De Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldée.

page 331 note 3 See Petrie, Flinders, in Nattire, 08 9, 1883Google Scholar; and compare Sayce, , Babylonian Religion, p. 33Google Scholar.

page 331 note 4 See above, p. 326.

page 332 note 1 See, for instance, Boscawen, , British Museum Lectures, ‘The Races and Languages of the Tigro-Euphrates Valley,’ p.8Google Scholar; and see generally pp. 1–9.

page 332 note 2 Sayce, , Jour. R. Asiatic Soc., vol. xiv. pt. iii. p. 393Google Scholar; see also Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., 1881.

page 332 note 3 Lenormant, , Die Magie u. Wahrsagekunst der Chaldaer, p. 164Google Scholar; or the English Translation of the French edition, p. 150.

page 333 note 1 See the texts, Lenormant, , Origines de l' Histoire, t. ii. p. 126Google Scholar, n. 6 and 7; and p. 135, n. 3.

page 333 note 2 See the text translated by . MrBoscawen, , Trans. Sac. Bibl. Archtcol., t. iv. pp. 272–286Google Scholar; and Lotz, , Die Inschriften Tiglathpileser's, pp. 12–15Google Scholar.

page 333 note 3 See Lenormant, , Origines l' Histoire, t. ii. p. 135Google Scholar; and his references to the Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, t. ii. and t. iv.

page 333 note 4 See the text, Lenormant, , Origines, t. ii. p. 129Google Scholar n. ‘Le jardin qui est mis ici en rapport avec la montagne sainte n'est-il pas un Gan-Eden qui en couronne la cime ? On ne saurait l'affirmer d'après une indication aussi incomplete. Mais il ne serait pas trop téméraire de le conjecturer.’

page 333 note 5 Lenormant, , Origines, t. ii. p. 133Google Scholar.

page 334 note 1 See Bonavia, , ‘The Cone-fruit of the Assyrians,’ in the Babylonian and Oriental Record, 05 and 06 1888Google Scholar.

page 334 note 2 Lenormant, , Origines, t. ii. pp. 136–8Google Scholar. Lenormant suggests that Havilah (referred to in Genesis ii. 11 as ‘the whole land of Havilah, where there is gold, and the gold of that land is good’) may be a mistake for Haralah, which would have exactly corresponded in Hebrew to the Assyrian Aralu; and he points out that in the Oural, as in the whole Siberian region between the Oural and the Altai, there are very rich auriferous strata.

page 334 note 3 See De Candolle, and Babylonian and Oriental Record.

page 335 note 1 For in Chaldea and Assyria the terms used to denote the enclosed plesaunces —to use an old English word—of the Kings, were Kirn and Ginu, the latter identical with the Hebrew gan (garden), and, according to Lenormant, derived, not from a Semitic root, but from an old Accadian form gana, ‘enclosure.’ Delitzsch has also shown that edin signified in Accadian a ‘plain.’ See Wo lag das Parodies ? and compare Hommel, Abriss der babylonisch-assyrischen Geschichte; Sayce, , Academy, 10 9, 1880Google Scholar; and Lenormant, ‘La Question de l'Eden et les Etudes de M. F. Delitzsch,’ Origines, t. ii. ‘Appendice.’ As for the word ‘Paradise,’ it is derived from the Zend Pairidaeza, a ‘place enclosed by walls;’ whence the Armenian Parde, the Greek πα⋯δεισος, the Hebrew Pardes, the Syriac Phardaeso, and the Persian Firdaus. See Lenormant, Origines, t. ii. 1re partie, p. 67.

page 335 note 2 Wo lag das Parodies? S. 169 Fig.

page 335 note 3 Genesis xv. 18, and Deuteron. i. 7.

page 335 note 4 Exodus xxiii. 31; Is. viii.

page 335 note 5 Tin = life, tir = tree, or group of trees, and ki = place. Lenormant, Etudes sur quelques parties des Syllabaires cimeifonnes, § ix., and Delitzsch, Assyrische Studien, S. 120.

page 336 note 1 See Delitzsch, , Wo lag das Parodies? SS. 133–37Google Scholar, and compare Lenormant, , Origines, t. i. 1re P. p. 105Google Scholar,&c.

page 336 note 2 Lenormant, , ‘Les Etudes de M. F. Delitzsch,’ Origines, t. ii. 1re partie, ‘Appendice,’ pp. 103Google Scholar, 106, &c. As to the Tree of Life, compare Baudissin, , Studien zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte, Bd. ii. S. 190Google Scholar Fig., and Lacouperie, De, ‘The Tree of Life and the Calendar Plant of Babylonia,’ in the Bahyloniaii and Oriental Record, 06 1888Google Scholar. See also in the same periodical, Bonavia, , ‘The Cone-fruit of the Assyrian Monuments’ (05 and 06 1888)Google Scholar, and Petrie, F, ‘Egyptian Funeral Cones’ (02 1888)Google Scholar. As to the manner in which the Cone is presented to the Kings, it has been supposed to be an indication of some know-ledge of electricity or magnetism. But if it is a Citron, it would be presented for its perfume, and would be naturally held as represented.

page 336 note 3 See Baudissin, as cited in last note, p. 227.

page 337 note 1 It may, however, be doubted, perhaps, whether the figure to the left is a woman. See Sayce, Chaldean Account of Genesis; and compare Menant, , Glyphique Orientale, p. 191Google Scholar.

page 337 note 2 xxiii. 15: ‘The images of the Chaldeans portrayed with vermilion, girded with girdles upon their loins, exceeding in dyed attire upon their heads, all of them princes to look to, after the manner of the Babylonians of Chaldea, the land of their nativity.’

page 337 note 3 See Smith, , Chaldean Account of Genesis, p. 91Google Scholar; and Layard, eompare, Culte de Mithra, pl. xviGoogle Scholar. No. 4, and Lenormant, , Hist, Anc., t. i. p. 35Google Scholar, and in the latter (p. 37) compare an engraving of the Phoenician vase discovered by General de Cesnola in Cyprus, on which a serpent is represented advancing to take of the fruit of a tree.

page 337 note 4 See Trans. Soc. Bibl. Archæol., vol. iii. p. 378.

page 337 note 5 See Lenormant, Comment, des Fragments cosmog. de Bérose.

page 337 note 6 Lenormant, , Origines de l'Hist., t. i. pp. 111–118Google Scholar. As to the Kerubim of Ezekiel see pp. 119–124, and as to the Kerubim of the Ark of the Covenant pp. 125–128.

page 338 note 1 The Tchakra or Chakra is thus described by Coleman, , Mythology of the Hindus, p. 376Google Scholar; ‘A discus resembling a wheel, or quit, a sort of missile weapon, imagined to have been whirled round the middle finger, and used as an instrument of war. The Chakra is mytholcgically described as a circular mass of fire, darting flame in all directions, which, thrown by the gods, slays the wicked, and then returns to the hand from which it issued.’ Several of the Hindu gods are represented with this discus in the plates of the above-named work. And with reference to this property of returning to the hand by which the weapon was thrown, it may be noted that the boomerang appears to have been identified on the Chaldean monuments.

page 338 note 2 Lenormant, , Origines l' Hist., t. i. pp. 129–139Google Scholar; and compare Orby, , Le Berceau l' Espèce humaine, p. 163Google Scholar.

page 338 note 3 See above, pp. 307–9 and n. 1.

page 339 note 1 See Sprenger, , Alte Geographic Arabien's, § 427Google Scholar; Eberhard Schrader, ‘Die Abstammung der Chaldaer, und die Ursitze der Semiten,’ in the Zeilschr. d. deutsch. morgenl. Gesellsch., Bd. xxvii.; Sayce, , Assyrian Grammar, pp. 3Google Scholar and 13, and ‘The Origin of Semitic Civilisation,’ in Trans. Soc. Bibl;. Arch., vol. i. 1872Google Scholar; and compare, among the later defenders of the opposed theory of an Armenian origin of the Semites, Ewald, , Gesch. d. Volkes Israel, Bd. i. § 402Google Scholar; Hommel, , ‘La Patrie originaire des Sémites,’ in the Atti del IV. Congresso internal, degli Orientalisti, t. i. pp. 219–228Google Scholar; and Die Namen der Saugethiere; and Guidi, ‘Delia sede primitiva dei popoli-Semitici,’ in the Mem. d. Reale Acad. dei Lincei, t. iii.

page 340 note 1 See, for instance, Fortnightly Review, August 1884.

page 340 note 2 The date now accepted for the epoch of Sargon I.

page 340 note 3 Lenormant, , indeed (Origines, t. ii. 1re partie, pp. 52, 105, &c.)Google Scholar, rather surprisingly insists that ‘la donnée fondamentale’ of the Hebrew Eden is that ‘le jardin de Dieu, Gan-Elohim, est placé, comme le jardin des délices des Dieux de l'lnde, au sommet d'une montagne, la montagne sainte de Dieu, toute étincelante de pierres précieuses.’ But he cannot, of course, but admit that there is no such ‘donnée fondamentale’ whatever in Genesis, the fundamental document on the subject, and he can but refer to such expressions as the following in the Prophets: ‘Thou hast said … I will sit also upon the Mount of the congregation, in the sides of the North’ (Isaiah xiv. 13); ‘Thou wast upon the Holy Mountain of God’ (Ezekiel xxviii. 14); and ‘I will cast thee as profane out of the Mountain of God’ (ibid. 16). These expressions certainly witness to the currency of the notion of such a Divine Mountain in the North, as we have found mentioned both in Egyptian hieroglyphic and Chaldean cuneiform documents. But it seems hardly justifiable to affirm that such late poetic expressions supplement the want of any hint even of such a Mountain in the primitive Jehovist document of Genesis.

page 341 note 1 Genesis ii. 8.

page 341 note 2 Ibid. 10–14.

page 341 note 3 As, for instance, Josephus, , Antiq., i. 1Google Scholar, 3; S. Ambrose, De Paradiso; Huet, , De la situation du Paradis terrestre (1691)Google Scholar; Morin, De Paradiso terrestri; Vivien de St. Martin, Histoire de la Geogi-aphie; Sprenger, Geographie Arabitns;Reland u Brugsch, Persischen Reise, Bd. i. S. 145 Fig.; Rawlinson, (Sir H.), Rep. of the Liverpool Meeting of the British Association, p. 173Google Scholar; Delitzsch, Wo lag das Parodies? M. Engel, Die Lösung der Paradiesfrage; Ig. Donnelly, Atlantis; Warren, Paradise Found; the various other only true discoverers of Eden cited and refuted by these authors; and last of all, surely an impossibility, that Seychelles theory of General Gordon's, the cruel publication of which(Universal Review, December 1888) we owe to the conjunction of an enterprising editor and an indiscreet friend.

page 342 note 1 See above, p. 333.

page 342 note 2 Rep. of Liverpool Meeting of Brit. Association.

page 342 note 3 Wo lag das Paradies ?

page 342 note 4 See Reland u. Brugsch as above cited, p. 341, n. 3.

page 343 note 1 Wo lag das Paradies? But even he admits that ‘sehen wir von Phasis ab, so liegen die Quellen jener vier Strome nicht allzuweit von einander,’ S. 34.

page 343 note 2 According to the theory above referred to (p. 339, n. 1) of the Semites having originated in the Armenian Taurus, of which the eastern part is called Sim by Moses of Khor'ni (i. 5 and 22, ii. 7 and 81); but the theory can hardly, it would seem, be now sustained against the apparently more probable theory of their North Arabian origin.

page 343 note 3 See Pinches, , Trans. Soc. Bibl. ArchceoL, 11 Dec. 1881 and 1882Google Scholar. ‘As it seems,’ says Mr. Pinches, ‘that the country north of Assyria was also called Akkad, as well as the northern part of Babylonia, the neighbourhood of Cappadocia as the home of the Akkadian race may be regarded as a very possible explanation.’ This suggestion, however, has been much questioned.

page 344 note 1 Proc. Soc. Bibl. Archaol.

page 344 note 2 Atti del IV. Cong. Internat. degli Oriental., 1880. Trad, de quelques Tenies Assyriens, p. 238.

page 345 note 1 Il Penseroso.

page 345 note 2 The mystic love-songs of Persian ironic fables of Ottoman story-tellers will at once occur as illustrations to the Eastern traveller even if he has no profound acquaintance with Oriental literature. But even Aristotle says, δ φιλ⋯σοφος φιλ⋯μυθ⋯ς ⋯στι, Met. i. 2. Compare Pindar(Nem. v. 30, and vii. 33; Olym. i. 45, and i. 51); Plato, (Phædr. 229, and Tim. 99)Google Scholar; and Strabo (i. 115, p. 43).

page 345 note 3 Wisdom ii. 23, 24, ‘For God created man to be immortal, and made him to be an image of his own eternity. Nevertheless through envy of the devil came death into the world, and they that do hold of his side do find it.’ The ‘serpent,’ which, in Genesis (iii. 1), is a ‘beast of the field,’ is here for the first time allegorised into the ‘devil,’ though that personage did not come into existence till the period between the Books of Samuel and Chronicles (compare 2 Sam. xxiv. I with 1 Chron. xxi. 1), that is to say, till after the Captivity or the Sixth Century B.C. See Roskoff, Geschichte des Teufels, and Reville, Histoire du Diable.

page 345 note 4 Compare Mackay, , Progress of the Intellect, vol. i. pp. 400–34Google Scholar.