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LA PRINSE ET MORT DU ROY RICHART D'ANGLETERRE

by Jehan Creton (composed 1399–1402) Complete verse text plus prose section, with a facing-page translation EPISTLES AND BALLADES by Jehan Creton with a facing-page translation

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 June 2023

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Extract

When cold Winter has taken his leave and Spring clothes the world in green again, and when bushes and flowers bloom in profusion in the fields, and birds sing sweetly for joy, you can hear the song of the nightingale which makes the hearts of lovers happy and carefree.

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Primary source material
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Copyright © The Author(s), 2023. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of Royal Historical Society
THE CAPTURE AND DEATH OF KING RICHARD OF ENGLAND

[fo. 2r.] Figure I: Creton makes obeisance to Jean de Montaigu, the first owner of H.

§1 Lines 1–68. Creton arrives in England and accompanies King Richard to Ireland.

When cold Winter has taken his leaveFootnote 1 and Spring clothes the world in green again, and when bushes and flowers bloom in profusion in the fields, and birds sing sweetly for joy, you can hear the song of the nightingale which makes the hearts of lovers happy and carefree.

Five days before the first day of May,Footnote 2 when every man should cast aside sorrow and sadness, a knightFootnote 3 whom I dearly loved, said tenderly to me,

‘My friend, I fondly beg that you will willingly accompany me to England; I wish to go there, and that right soon.’

[fo. 2v.] I replied,

‘Sire, fear not, you may command me, I am ready to bend my will to yours.’

The knight thanked me one hundredfold, saying,

‘Brother, we should certainly leave soon; for certain we should make haste.’

This was in the year fourteen hundred less one, that full of joy we left Paris, riding all day long, without delay until we came to London. There we took lodging one Wednesday, in time for our repast. Many a knight could be seen leaving the town, for good King Richard had set out with the Steward;Footnote 4 he rode hard, for his aim was to cross the salty sea,Footnote 5 on account of the troubles and vexations that his mortal foes in Ireland had caused him. They had killed many of his closest friends,Footnote 6 which meant that the King would never rest until [fo. 3r.] he had taken ample vengeance on McMurrough,Footnote 7 who calls himself king and lord of Ireland (where there is scarcely any meadow or open land).

Therefore the King urges his men to press forward, so that it can soon be reported that he is come to the port of Milford Haven which is richly provisioned. There we remained in joy and pleasure for ten whole days awaiting a north wind that we might depart. The sound of many minstrels playing trumpets day and night could be heard, men-at-arms coming from all parts to load the ships with bread and wine, cows and calves, salt meat and many casks of water, and to hoist fine horses on board; no man failed to prepare his baggage. Good King Richard took leave of the ladiesFootnote 8 and set off in fine array on the eleventh day.

§2 Lines 69–120. Richard arrives in Waterford and moves on to Kilkenny.

Then without further delay the sailors hoisted sail, with such address that within two days we could see the tower of WaterfordFootnote 9 [fo. 3v.] in Ireland. The people I saw were ill-favoured and wretched; some were ragged, others girt with a rope, some lived in holes in the ground, others in hovels. They were made to carry great burdens and to wade into the water up to their waists for the speedy unloading of the barges,Footnote 10 as the King and his men were already in the town, where he was well received by the common people and the merchants.

Six days later the King and his Englishmen took to the field.Footnote 11 They rode in closed ranks, bold and unafraid, as far as Kilkenny, eighty milesFootnote 12 into the country and close to the enemy. There the King and his friends spent fourteen days awaiting reinforcement from the earl of Rutland,Footnote 13 who henceforth led a life of evil doing and deceit.

On setting out every man was victualled as well as he could be with bread, wine and wheat. Very early in the morning of St John's EveFootnote 14 [fo. 4r.] the King set out, heading straight for McMurrough, who refused to bend the knee to him, rather did he declare himself rightful king of Ireland and said that war would dog Richard's steps; he would defend his country with his last breath, Richard was wrong to want to wrest it from him. Thereupon the King set out to hunt him through the rocky, barren places, for he lived in the woods. He lived that way in all seasons and had with him – it was said – 3,000 men, so bold and resourceful that I never saw the like before; it seemed to me that they had very little fear of the English.

§3 Lines 121–184. Henry of Monmouth is knighted. The Irish refuse to join battle; Richard attempts to burn them out.

The king's entire army drew up in good order where the tall trees began and every man made himself ready, for at that moment they thought that they would join battle. However, the Irish kept out of sight at this time; I know this to be true. Then the King commanded that everything round about should be burned, [fo. 4v.] the decision was taken that everything should be set alight, to lessen the grip of the Irish; many villages and houses were burned.

While this was being done, the King – who bears leopardsFootnote 15 on his arms – had the men drawn up in ranks, and pennons and standards hoisted. Then with great good will and without unpleasantness he had the son of the duke of LancasterFootnote 16 sent for; he was a fine, handsome young man. Thereupon he made him a knight,Footnote 17 saying to him,

‘Fair cousin, may you henceforth be valiant and brave, for you will be of little worth if you do not fight and win.’

[fo. 5r.] Figure II: King Richard knights Henry of Monmouth.

To heap more honours on him and to increase his well-being and pleasure, in order that he might remember this day for a long time to come, the King created more knights, eight or ten of them, but as to their names,Footnote 18 I truly know nothing. I was not much concerned with them or anything about them, considering that Grief, Torment and Care had entirely taken up residence in my heart, and that Regret had robbed me of Joy; why this was, I would never say. Thus did I ride with them and watch everything they did, so that [fo. 5v.] in time to come I could relate what happened, and how cold-hearted high treason soon ensued, as you will hear.Footnote 19

But before that you will hear of the victory enjoyed by the King who remained with his men, encamped in tents facing the woods. Everyone was preparing to move on, when two thousand and five hundred good men living thereabouts came to cut down the trees, both tall and low-growing, for there were no roads; no one, no matter how many bold and brave men he had, could ever get through, so dangerous are the woods. And do you know that in many places the woods are so deep that, if a man does not take care to watch where he steps, he will sink in up to his waist or be swallowed up altogether? For this reason none can catch the Irish, it is their refuge.

§4 Lines 185–320. The Irish harass the English troops who endure starvation. McMurrough's uncle pleads for mercy and the earl of Gloucester is sent to parley with McMurrough.

Thus we got through the woods cautiously, as the Irish were very afraid of our arrows. They screamed and shouted so loudly that I think [fo. 6r.] you would have heard them a good league off. They were almost beside themselves with anguish on account of the archers who were often face to face with them. The Irish made many attacks on the vanguard and dealt out so many blows with their spears that they struck right through coats of mail and plates of armour. They killed many of the English when they went foraging, without waiting for the standard to be raised,Footnote 20 for the native horses speed more swiftly over hill and vale than does a leaping stag. This is why they inflicted great harm on the King's men; his brave design was to subdue into servitude such men, who were little more than savages.

And then McMurrough's own craven uncle came one day to beg mercy from the King and to fall at his feet; he had a halter round his neck and bore a naked spear,Footnote 21 there were many others wearing this livery, naked, barefoot, unkempt and close to death. [fo. 6v.] When the King saw them he was minded to be merciful, saying,

‘Friends, in short I pardon the injuries which you have done me, provided that every man swears that henceforth he will be true to me.’

Willingly they all grant his demand. When this had been done, he sent to McMurrough – who claimed to be king of Ireland (where there are many woods and little open land) – saying that if he were to come to him, a rope around his neck, like his uncle, he would grant him clemency and give him land and castles in another part of the country. McMurrough told the King's messengers that he would not comply, not for all the gold here or overseas, rather he would carry war and torment to him. He knew very well that the English had scarcely a thing to eat, for even if one were to go mad in the attempt, one would not have found a pennyworth of food to buy, unless one had brought it along.

The army had to remain like this for eleven days, without finding anything [fo. 7r.] except a little oats, and not much of that, for the horses, who were often bedded in the fields, frozen in the wind and rain; many died of hunger, men too, big and small. You could not begin to comprehend the suffering endured by the English, who failed to get the better of McMurrough; he made them suffer greatly again from starvation. One day I saw for certain sure that four or six men had only one loaf between them; some men ate no bread for five whole days. Which men were these? Knights and squires. As for myself I would rather have been penniless in Poitiers or Paris, for in that place was no Delight or Laughter, but in their stead Hardship, Suffering and Danger; Grief took the honoured place of Joy.

The army would not have stayed there any longer for anything, but then three ships rode the waves from Dublin, where there was abundance of supplies and food.

[fo. 7v.] Figure III: Three ships arrive from Dublin.

Men fought to get hold of some of it, they jumped into the water as if it were straw. Everyone paid out his penny or his halfpenny, some on drink, others on food; everything was plundered without delay. More than a thousand men were drunk that day, seeing that the wines were from Alsace and also from Spain, a fine country; there were many punches and blows traded.

Nevertheless the King set out early the next morning directly towards Dublin, ignoring the harassment from the enemy. [fo. 8r.] Then McMurrough sent to the King a beggar, who announced that McMurrough wanted to be his friend and to plead for mercy with clasped hands; also that the King should send to him a loyal and trustworthy lord to negotiate peace, so that their enmity, which for long had been pitiless, might be brought to an end. This news gladdened many hearts in the King's army, for everyone wanted peace. He asked his Council for their advice, and what would be the best thing to do. They quickly agreed that, considering his good name and reputation, the earl of GloucesterFootnote 22 – an honourable man – should go and should spell out to McMurrough the great injury he has done to the King and what this amounts to. Gloucester took his leave of the King and led off the rearguard, of which he was captain. There were 200 lancers – I tell you – and 1,000 archers, I never saw better. I went with them, for I wanted to seeFootnote 23 [fo. 8v.] the prestige, estate, strength and power of McMurrough, and how the earl would do his duty to find peace.

§5 Lines 321–388. The meeting between Gloucester and McMurrough.

I saw McMurrough ride down the hillside between two woods, quite some way from the sea, and there were a great number of Irishmen with him, more than I can reckon. He had a very fine horse, with neither saddle nor pommel, which they said had cost him 400 cows, there being little money in that country; for this reason they are accustomed just to barter with animals. The horse galloped more swiftly downhill than ever did I see any hare, stag, sheep or other animal, I tell you this for certain. In McMurrough's right hand he carried a spear which was long and stout and which he could launch with telling effect; you can see his portrait painted right here, just the way he looked.Footnote 24

[fo. 9r.] Figure IV: McMurrough gallops downhill out of the woods.

But his people were held back in front of the wood, like a look-out. The meeting between the two of them took place near a stream. There stood McMurrough, a fine-looking man: he was tall and very quick on his feet; as you can see he was strong, fierce and war-like, and a man of action. He and the earl talked about the situation; the earl said how McMurrough had several times inflicted harm and mischief on the King, and how all those had forsworn their oath who cruelly killed the noble earl of MarchFootnote 25 without benefit of law. [fo. 9v.] They then talked on and repeated what had been said, but came to no agreement; their leave-taking was short and abrupt.

They went their separate ways, and the earl went back to King Richard, for he was very impatient to tell him what he has done and his innermost thoughts: how all McMurrough wants is to treat for mercy, being assured beforehand that he will be pardoned unconditionally, without any other punishment or imprisonment, or otherwise he will never make peace for as long as he lives; and will resolve to get the upper hand, if he wants to.

These words were not pleasing to the King, whose face paled with anger, it seemed to me. In great wrath he swore by St EdwardFootnote 26 that he would never leave Ireland until he captured him, dead or alive. Alas! He knew nothing of the great harm and deadly actions that were being directed against him by those from whom he expected support at all times. [fo. 10r.] And Fortune, who rules the world contrariwise, intended to cut short his course, turning his joy into grief in a very short time.

§6 Lines 389–624. Richard advances on Dublin. The earl of Rutland arrives. Six weeks of bad weather ensue, then news of Henry Lancaster's invasion is received. Salisbury is sent to Conway, Creton goes too.

The army struck camp without delay, for nothing worth a fig could be found to eat there at that time. Thus we marched directly to Dublin,Footnote 27 a fine town situated by the sea. There was such an abundance of goods and gear that throughout the King's army, it was said, no flesh nor fish was henceforth expensive, no bread, wheat, nor wine, nor other provision. I know full well that there were more than 30,000 men there; all their misfortunes were quite forgotten, and their great suffering also. We were there for more than two weeks, as happy as fish in water. Dublin was the foremost town in Ireland for provisions.

The King could not forget McMurrough. He had three parties of his men made up to hunt for him. He urged them [fo. 10v.] to do their utmost, saying that he would willingly give 100 marks of fine gold to whoever captures him – everyone bears this in mind, as it sounds very good – and should they be unable to catch him, Jesus granting him health, when autumn comes and the trees are stripped of leaves, the King will have all the woods, great and small, burned down; thus will McMurrough be caught – I think – and not otherwise.

On this very dayFootnote 28 the false earl of Rutland arrived with his men in one hundred barges fitted out nobly for war. At this time he was Constable of England and duke of Aumale (where he has fine estates). He could ask anything he wanted of the King for – so help me God – there was no man in the world whom he loved more: brother, uncle or cousin, young or old. The King was very joyful and heartened at his coming. Several times he asked him:

‘Constable, where have you tarried so long? Why have you not come to us sooner?’

[fo. 11r.] He made his excuses boldly in front of everyone. The King was happy because he was humble and gentle towards him, even although he had done the opposite of what he said he had done, which earned him many curses.

ThusFootnote 29 did we spend six weeksFootnote 30 in Dublin in transports of delight, without hearing reliable news from England, for no matter what risks were run, shipping could not make port safely. The wind was so unfavourable from all directions and the storms at sea so violentFootnote 31 that I thought Our Lord was angry with the King, for meanwhile the dukeFootnote 32 captured the greater part of England so unaccountably that I never heard of anything worse in my life; you will hear the tale, provided I do not wander off the point.

A little later the sea was calmed. When it pleased the King who governs all down here, there came a barge which drew tears from many eyes. Those on board related to the King how the duke had had his TreasurerFootnote 33 executed [fo. 11v.] and how, when he first arrived on his estates, he had the noble Archbishop of CanterburyFootnote 34 preach to people, saying,

‘ “Good people, listen all to me. You know how the King unjustly and without cause banishedFootnote 35 your lord Henry; for this reason I have won a judgement from the Holy Father, who is our benefactor: all those who help him – be certain of this – will have remission of all the sins with which they have been sullied since the time of their baptism. And here is the papal bullFootnote 36 that the Pope in the holy city of Rome has sent me for you all, good friends.

[fo. 12r.] Figure V: The Archbishop of Canterbury, holding the papal bull, preaches from the pulpit.

Help him then to defeat his enemies and you will be with those who are in Paradise when you die.”

‘Then you could have seen young and old, weak and strong, start to murmur and with one accord, with no heed to right or wrong, rise up in rebellion, thinking that what they had been told was the truth. They all believed it to be true, for such people have scarcely any sense or knowledge. The archbishop thought up this scheme because no one dared to join the rebellion, for everyone feared your anger, dear Sire. [fo. 12v.] When the sermon was finished they started fleeing to the duke, to overthrow and destroy you and ravage your country in several ways: capturing towns and castles in his name, subjecting young and old to his sway; certainly nothing that can be carried away is left for the poor. For God's sake, make haste, Sire, to thwart his criminal plans, that is my advice.’

The King's face grew pale with anger and he said:

‘Come here, my friends. Good God, does this man intend to take my country from me?’

He had the young men and elders of his Council brought together to decide on the best response to these events. They agreed one Saturday to set sail the following Monday without any further delay. When the duke of AumaleFootnote 37 heard that they were to leave, an evil thought entered his mind: he decided secretly that if he could, he would arrange otherwise.

He came in private to the King to undo [fo. 13r.] what all the others had done, saying,

‘Sire, may it please you, I have never heard such bad faith. Do not make haste to depart, it would be much better to take time to gather shipping, for we do not have a hundred barges.Footnote 38 How can we set out, considering that in the sea here are rocks like mountains, and the sea-bed is dangerous? Come, it would be much better to send the earl of SalisburyFootnote 39 over there. He will hold the field against the duke and carry battle to him; he will have all the Welsh to fight him. Meanwhile we will go by land to Waterford. There you will send for shipping from all ports, so that, weak and strong, all your army can make the crossing. You will soon see your enemies captured and killed or defeated; be assured and confident of this.’

The King believed him more than all his friends, the other advice was completely overthrown by his.

[fo. 13v.] This displeased some of the elders who loved the King sincerely. They said:

‘Delay in our situation is not a good idea, dear Sire.’

Nothing that was said to him did any good, his true friends found no cause to rejoice, their hearts were full of sorrow and anger. Without further discussion the King had the earl of Salisbury sent for and said,

‘Cousin, you must cross to England and challenge the duke's mad undertaking, his men must be put to death or captured. Find out how he has stirred up my country and raised it against me.’

The earl replied,

‘Sire, by my faith I shall do this, so that – I believe – you will soon hear of the fighting, or I will die in the attempt.’

‘This I know, cousin,’ said the King. ‘And I will make haste to come across as soon as I can, for I shall have no rest so long as the false traitorFootnote 40 who has played such a trick on me remains alive. [fo. 14r.] If I can hold him in my grasp, I will make him die such a death that they will talk about it as far away as TurkeyFootnote 41 for years to come.’

The earl soon had his men and vessels made ready to depart. He took his loyal leave of the King and begged him to follow as soon as possible. The King swore on holy relics that he would set sail within six days,Footnote 42 whatever happened. Then the earl, who was very eager to set out to fight for the cause of King Richard, begged me to cross with him to provide diversion and singing and I agreed willingly; my companion and I sailed over the sea with him.

Now it happened that the earl landed at Conway,Footnote 43 a fine strong town, I tell you;

[fo. 14v.] Figure VI: Salisbury's ships arrive at Conway.

it was in Wales. There we learned of the duke's cruel behaviour, such as was unheard of anywhere. They told us that he had already taken the greater part of England, and captured towns and castles, dismissed office-holders and made new appointments everywhere in his own name; all those who displeased him he had had killed, without granting pardon as a lord should.

§7 Lines 625–76. Salisbury raises 40,000 Welshmen and men of Cheshire for the King.

When the earl heard these bad tidings, it was no surprise that he was struck with fear, [fo. 15r.] for the duke had already managed to win over most of the English nobles; we were told that he had 60,000 men eager to fight. The earl immediately called to arms the Welsh and the men of Cheshire: he said how all good men, archers and others, if they valued their life, should rally to him in support of King Richard, who loved them dearly. They were eager to do this, thinking for sure that the King had arrived at Conway. I know for certain that within four daysFootnote 44 there were 40,000 men drilling and mustering in the fields; they all sincerely wanted to fight against the enemies of King Richard, who was valiant and brave all his life long.

Then the earl, filled with great grief and distress, rode out to meet them, swearing in the name of Jesus, who hung on the Cross for us, that within three days he would grasp the duke and his supporters so tightly in his power that they would no longer go around sacking the country. [fo. 15v.] A little later the earl found his men gathered together in the fields. He addressed them, saying,

‘Good people, let us take pains to avenge King Richard before he comes, that he might forever be pleased with us. As for me, I do not intend to take my ease or rest until I have done my utmost against those who are so wicked and cruel towards him. Let us leave this place and carry the fight to them. God will help us if we work hard to attack them, for our belief is that every man must maintain what is right all his life long; God expressly commands us in several places to do this.’

§8 Lines 677–708. Having learned that Richard is not at Conway, the Welsh refuse to fight.

On hearing that the King was not there, the Welsh were all disheartened and afraid and many whispered one to the other: they thought that the King had died and feared the awful cruelty of the duke of Lancaster and his men. [fo. 16r.] They were not happy with the earl, and said:

‘Sire, you may be sure that we will advance no further at the present time, since the King is not here. And would you know why? Here is the duke who subjects all to his will. This fills us with fear and dread, for we believe that the King is dead, since he did not arrive with you. Had he been here – by fair means or foul – each one of us would have been eager to fight his enemies, but for now we will not advance with you.’

The earl almost lost his wits, so great was his wrath. He wept hot tears, it was most distressing to see his plight.

‘Alas!’ he said. ‘What shame is mine today. Death, come to me, tarry not, strike me down; I hate my life. Alas! The King will think that I have betrayed him.’

§9 Lines 709–52. The Welsh desert Salisbury.

Lamenting thus, he said:

‘My friends, may Jesus Christ forgive you, come with me – I beg you – and we will hold the field [fo. 16v.] for King Richard who will be here within four and a half days. He told me when I left Ireland that he would set sail before the end of the week; he swore this on his life.Footnote 45 Messeigneurs – I beg you – let us be diligent.’

It was to no avail. They remained faint-hearted and dejected. Many of them wanted to flee to join the duke, as they feared for their lives, but the earl kept them fourteen days in the field, awaiting the arrival of King Richard. The earl kept saying to himself:

‘It seems to me, my lord, that your delay means that you will keep no part of England. God in Paradise, what can this mean? I believe you have been betrayed, since I hear no news of you in word or deed. Alas! These men are afraid, they fear the duke's enmity. They will leave me; they are an unknowing and ignorant people.’

[fo. 17r.] Thus did the good earl turn things over in his mind in the field as he rode along with these men, who very shortly all deserted him; some went directly to the duke, others returned to Wales. Thus they left the earl alone in the field with only his own men, who were fewer than one hundred, I think. He made great lamentation, saying sorrowfully,

‘We should retreat, for our affairs are going very badly.’

§10 Lines 753–824. Salisbury withdraws on Conway. Richard arrives at Milford Haven; dressed as a priest he leaves his army and rides to Conway.

Thus does the earl hate himself, for he can plainly see that he has neither killed nor captured the duke's men; his heart fills with deep shame. Without further delay the enemy advanced, for they had learned that the earl had mustered his forces to attack them in strength. The duke was happy at this: he wanted nothing so much as to go to war against those who would defend or serve King Richard. He made his way as directly as he could towards the earl, who retreated on Conway, [fo. 17v.] full of grief, fear and despair. This made me very sad, for I loved him dearly, because he sincerely loved the French, and in all he did was modest, gentle and chivalrous,Footnote 46 and had the reputation of being loyal at all times and a worthy man. He dispensed generous and liberal gifts, was bold and fierce as a lion, wrote ballades and songs, rondeaux and lais; and yet he was a lay person. Nevertheless all his actions were so full of grace that to my mind no fellow countryman ever had so many God-given gifts as he. May his soul for ever be with the saints in Paradise, for he was thereafter foully killed,Footnote 47 suffering a martyr's death, while he loyally upheld what was righteous and true; you will hear how, if God spares me.

But before that I want to tell you about the arrival of King Richard, which was too long delayed, for he waited 18 daysFootnote 48 after our departure from Ireland; [fo. 18r.] this was very great foolishness. May Jesus Christ curse in mind and body the man who contrived this,Footnote 49 for well did he show his love for the King who loved him so.

The King issued orders throughout his army for the barges and ships to be loaded up and for all men capable of bearing arms to embark.

Figure VII: King Richard's fleet leaves for Wales, one of the ships bearing his sunburst badge on her sail.

Thus King Richard crossed the seaFootnote 50 in a short time, for the weather was fine and clear and the wind favourable, so that he arrived at Milford Haven within two days. He did not linger there, in the light of the weeping and wailing of the poor people and the intense grief that everyone felt. [fo. 18v.] Then he decided that he would leave his army, at midnight without saying a word, accompanied by only a few people, for he did not want to attract attention. He dressed right there in a borrowed garment, like a poor priest;Footnote 51 he was afraid of being recognized by his enemies. Alas! He thought that the earl [of Salisbury] was still holding the field with his men; thus, sad and melancholy, he rode swiftly towards him.

§11 Lines 825–56. Those who rode with Richard from Milford Haven to Conway are named.

Now you should know the names of the friends who were with him as he rode: I saw there the duke of ExeterFootnote 52 – his brother – and also the good duke of SurreyFootnote 53 who was loyal and true to the end; the fearless earl of GloucesterFootnote 54 was with them.

There were three bishops, two of whom did not behave with integrity, and you will hear how; but first I want to tell you their names. One was bishop of St David'sFootnote 55 and the other bishop of Carlisle; he was the least bad of them, for he never sought to flee the King or change sides, [fo. 19r.] whatever was said to him. The third was bishop of Lincoln;Footnote 56 he would not give a rotten pear for what they did, for he was brother german to the duke [of Lancaster] and thought that he could always make his peace with him.

Of laymen there were two knights, gracious and noble, well versed in arms: the first was called Stephen Scrope,Footnote 57 the other Ferriby,Footnote 58 who was young and dashing. Also with them was Janico,Footnote 59 who was said to be a first-rate soldier, undertaking great feats of arms, so people said.

§12 Lines 857–944. Richard and Salisbury meet at Conway, where the King learns that he has no army in Wales.

Thus the King went off that very night with just 13 companions. He rode hard for he wanted to meet up quickly with the earl of Salisbury: humiliated and ashamed, the earl considered himself worthless, because the duke overthrows all obstacles in his path, wherever he goes.

The King rode unrecognized and so hard that he arrived at Conway (where there are many slate roofs) at day-break.Footnote 60

[fo. 19v.] Figure VIII: King Richard, in black cowl, meets Salisbury and other companions at Conway.

When the King and the earl met there was great sorrow instead of joy: tears, laments and sighs, groans and grief went on and on. It was certainly most distressing to see their faces and how they behaved when they met.

The earl's face was pale with fatigue. He told the King how badly things had gone for him, how he had mustered his troops when he landed in England,Footnote 61 and how he had immediately called up the men of Cheshire, the Manxmen and the Welsh; they all wanted to destroy their enemies. [fo. 20r.]

‘There were forty thousand of them gathered together. I repeated to them time and again,

‘ “Friends, let us advance. The King has sent me here to lead you. Rest assured that I will never leave you until I die.”

‘But I could not prevail upon them, for when he saw his chance, everyone left; some went to the duke, others came in this direction. Because they did not see you right here, they thought that you were surely dead across the surging sea. Thus I remained alone in the field where I had held them for almost two weeks. Alas! He who kept you back in Ireland has very little love for you. All is lost, unless God, who hung on the Cross, intervenes; for sure I believe that money has betrayed us.’

The King's sorrow was so great that you would not have believed a third, or a fourth, part of it, however loyal you were. His mortal suffering and his anger were no small matter, and he said over and over again:

‘Sweet and glorious God – who hung on the Cross for us – if I have sinned greatly against Thee, [fo. 20v.] I clasp my hands and beg for mercy. Grant not that I lose my country and my life at the hands of these disloyal and jealous traitors who would drive me

out and disinherit me.

‘Alas! I know not what they want of me; to the best of my ability I have supported justice and the law. I truly appeal to our sovereign King, who sits on high and sees afar, that my poor heart wants everyone who is alive now, has been, and is to come, to know what is in my mind and what I want. If I have been merciless and inflexible in maintaining the law, that is only right, for the King must be resolute and decisive and remain steadfast; he must punish wrong-doers and remain fair at all times. Alas! Because I have followed these principles to the best of my ability for three, nay eight and ten years,Footnote 62 these people persecute me. Gracious God, I promise Thee truly and respectfully that, as well as I could, I never allowed harm to be done to anyone who did not deserve it. [fo. 21r.] Have mercy on me, poor, wretched King, for I know for sure that I am undone if Thou dost not help me now.’

§13 Lines 945–1028. Rutland engineers the defection of Richard's army from Milford Haven; the men plunder the King's treasure as they leave. The English are robbed in turn by the Welsh.

Now I will tell you how the Constable,Footnote 63 who commanded the King's army, wrongfully went off without waiting for him and took all his men with him. This was a great sin, for no one esteemed him henceforth. This is not surprising, since up until now no man of noble rank had done such a thing as wanting to overthrow his rightful lord.

As the Constable schemed to fulfil his aim, on the very night that the King left the port at midnight, disquiet and commotion arose in the ranks, and men cried out:

‘The King is fleeing without saying a word.’

The Constable was overjoyed at this, for really he had not been able to find a way to leave. But when he saw that the army was in turmoil, he said loudly enough for everyone to hear:

‘Let us go, we are all doomed since Monseigneur had fled to save himself.’

[fo. 21v.] He swiftly had trumpets sounded and commanded that every man should be ready to leave immediately, since he does not know if the King is coming back.

Then there was incredible uproar, ships were discharged and carts loaded; everyone soon got his baggage ready for going away. The King's treasureFootnote 64 was all carried off: gowns, jewels, fine gold and shining silver, many good horses of foreign breed, many precious stones of great worth, many splendid cloaks and many whole ermine furs, much splendid foreign cloth of gold, and many lengths of cramoisy.

Sir Thomas PercyFootnote 65 was absolute master over all these things. He was the King's Steward – in French that is maître d'hôtel – and had served the King for many years. The Constable and he put their heads together. A short time later they [all] went from there and headed straight through Wales, but the Welsh saw their treacherous behaviour and [fo. 22r.] accosted them in strength, one thousand here, two thousand there. They shouted out repeatedly:

‘Wretched traitors, by God's will you will advance no further here and you will give up all the jewels that you are carrying off as booty, for the King did not give them to you.’

Thus were the English plundered by the Welsh. They took back the baggage and all the armour, gold and silver, jewels, precious stones and cloth of gold. Then were the English maddened and in torment, for a thousand of them were stripped of their clothingFootnote 66 and sent to the duke wearing only their doublets, a white stick in their hands and nothing on their feet; moreover the man who was not better equipped than this had to say whence he came and where he was going, and pay his due – willy-nilly – or be killed. And if you think this is too hard to believe, it is not, for the Welsh were of one mind, having pity for the great wrong and outrage that the English had meted out to the King. Alas! What were the English thinking? God will pay them back one day, for if someone knowingly does wrong to another, [fo. 22v.] it is commonly seen that God will dole him out great punishment, for God is powerful over all who are, and have been.

§14 Lines 1029–1172. The English are harassed by the Welsh; Rutland joins Henry Lancaster. Richard sends the dukes of Exeter and Surrey from Conway to treat with Lancaster at Chester.

This is how the English were attacked by the Welsh, who showed them no mercy; they were routed and rode in groups of ten, twenty, forty or a hundred. They had to leave the treasure, for countless Welshmen emerged from the mountains, and things went very badly for them, since out of two or three roads, they had chosen the most dangerous and the narrowest. God made them happy to go that way where there were great heaps of rocks and stones, so that they found it difficult to ride. This was told me a week later.Footnote 67

Thus the English lost all their booty, seeing that the Welsh, who were bold, daring, strong and high-spirited men of action, followed hot on their heels; certainly to my mind this was a very good thing. I do not know where the English then retreated or made tracks to, but I tell you that [fo. 23r.] within a month I saw the Constable in duke Henry's army. The lord Percy, formerly Steward of noble King Richard, was there too, wearing the duke's badge.Footnote 68 Also I was told that they had come directly and as fast as they could to him, along with five hundred other naked men whom the Welsh had stripped to their doublets and beaten, as you have heard already, if you remember.

Now I will tell you about the KingFootnote 69 who remained at Conway weeping tears of dismay. He said,

‘My lords, in the name of God in Paradise, counsel me, for it is in time of need that a man often sees who his friends are.’

The duke of Exeter spoke first, for he was the King's brother, saying that the best thing would be to send with all speed to the duke to find out what he wants to do, or what is his wish.

‘Why does he want to seize your kingdom, your person and your treasure and does he want to be [fo. 23v.] King of England and her sovereign lord, Prince of Wales and lord of Chester?’

Thus spoke the noble duke of Exeter to his brother.

‘And he should be told that he was banishedFootnote 70 with his father's approval, so that he should consider carefully what he is going to do. It would be a great disgrace for all time if his rightful King were overthrown by him or his actions; he would never outlive such shame all the days of his life. He should be told that all living kings, nobles and knights would hate him, and rightfully so, and that over all the world he would be called the veritable Mirror of Treason if he sought to destroy and overthrow his lord. He should follow the example of his father who all his life long was virtuous and honourable, only ever wanting to be loyal to you and abhor treachery.

‘All these things should be told him: that his family had never been accused [fo. 24r.] of any treason or violent crime – it would be a very bad thing if he disgraced his lineage by his present conduct – that God hates and despises the man who supports treachery in any form – that is our law, taught us by Holy Church – and that the duke can enter into possession of his estates again,Footnote 71 provided that he at least comes and begs mercy of you for your honour's sake. If he will not consent to come, someone who is able must give you different advice; if it pleases you, this is what he will be told. Let us consider who will go to him, for we should make haste, with no further delay, if you agree with what I have said. On the other hand if someone can offer better advice, let him give it for Our Lord God's sake, for there should be no bias amongst us; we are few in number and the duke is merciless and cruel – as you can see – and ill-disposed towards us.’

Then the King replied piteously:

‘Brother you speak the truth, you have found a good solution. [fo. 24v.] As for me, I do not think we could have taken better counsel. Cousins and loyal friends, every one of you must say what he thinks, I beg you, for God's sake, as our honour and our lives are at stake. May Jesus Christ curse duke Henry who mortally hates us and does us great wrong. Now let us consider whether we are in agreement and if everyone will agree with this.’

Then they all said:

‘Yes, for there is no better course of action in the world. If someone is suffering, he has to seek a cure; if he acts before the time is right, there is a danger that he will die or the suffering remain.’

Thus – as I tell you – they agreed there and then to send someone to duke Henry.

Now it came about that the duke of Exeter was chosen by them, for no better man could have been found to speak so wisely nor deal with such an important matter. The good King had his cousin – [fo. 25r] the duke of SurreyFootnote 72 – go with him. In the morning they took leave of the King, who earnestly begged them to take the shortest route and to relate to duke HenryFootnote 73 all that you have heard spoken of here, so that they can win from him submission or peace.

Figure IX: Exeter and Surrey ride out on their embassy to Lancaster.

§15 Lines 1173–1244. Richard remains at Conway with a small retinue. Creton discourses on Fortune and her role in men's lives.

Thus they left the King, but had little opportunity to return, for duke Henry kept a tight hold of them, as you will hear [fo. 25v.] later.

Bathed in tears, the King remained at Conway, where he had with him only two or three of his closest friends;Footnote 74 they were sad, downhearted and in distress. The courtly earl of Salisbury was there and the tall and upright bishop of Carlisle, and with them was Ferriby who was not unthreatened, for the duke hated him; I do not know why, but Ferriby feared him greatly, to my mind. With them was another of their good friends, whom I heard called Sir Stephen Scrope; I often saw him with the King in those days. My companion and I were there too; we all feared greatly for our safety, as we were right to do, as you can see.Footnote 75 And I want you to know in truth that neither our number nor our strength was great, and certainly there were only sixteen of us all included, nobles and others.

Now see the distress, suffering and pain – considering his might, wealth and high standing – of King Richard, who was such a great lord. He was beset by injustice and treachery, [fo. 26r.] and by Fortune,Footnote 76 who at all times has the strength and sway to undo those whom she wants to, like a cruel and powerful ruler who is also very fickle and impetuous; for she is so merciless that she never had any wish to stop acting like this. And when she wants to work according to her nature, which is often bad for some people, one simply has to put up with it – for good or ill – as no one can resist what she wants to hand out. She makes some laugh, others sing, and then tumbles them back down into distress and anguish. Sometimes like a hypocrite she calls herself a mother, but then is cruel and malevolent; she does not consider whether a man be king or prince, it is all one to her. I reveal her to be like this, for she has allowed one of the most powerful kings in Christendom – as everyone says – to keep from among all his possessions, only a scanty measure. She sets one man up and pulls the other down; her way of working is capricious. There is nothing good in her, and thus the man [fo. 26v.] who is wise and resolved to stand firm, would pay no heed to her foolish and fluctuating virtues, for we came completely naked into the worldFootnote 77 – poor, wretched and quite destitute – and we will return to the earth, be we prince, king, earl or whoever.

§16 Lines 1245–1292. Richard learns of Rutland's defection and the theft of his treasure.

I do not want to talk any more about Fortune at the moment, for a wise man would only want her gifts in moderation. I want to come now to the end of the story of King Richard who, humiliated by Fortune and betrayed, was alone at Conway – as I have already said – full of sadness, grief and dismay.

He and the earl [of Salisbury] saidFootnote 78 – for I know this well – that they should send to the men whom the King had left the day before yesterdayFootnote 79 at the port [of Milford Haven], for them to come straight there without delay. However, by chance a messenger arrived who stopped someone going, for he told the King what the ConstableFootnote 80 had done, [fo. 27r.] which did not paint him in a good light, considering that the messenger said without a lie that he appeared to be disloyal to him. As soon as the King had left Milford Haven and the Constable had heard of this, he left there, and the Steward had no wish to stay behind.

‘Rather did he have all your treasure which remained on board ship packed up, and then they [all] went away. But the Welsh, who were strong and bold, followed hot on their heels; they re-captured all your treasure and killed very many of the English. Those who escaped went straight to the duke; thus in truth it is told me, dear Sire.’

When the King had let him tell everything he had to say, you may know that he did not feel like laughing, for on all sides affliction and suffering came at him in a steady stream.

‘Virgin Mary,Footnote 81 sovereign Queen, who bore Jesus without sin,’ thus said the King, ‘Fortune deals very severely with me.’

§17 Lines 1293–1316. Richard deplores the treachery of those who have betrayed him.

[fo. 27v.] Then he said,

‘Earl of Salisbury, how shall we deal with the duke and his people, who have the power to treat us so cruelly? Alas! They have failed in their duty to us if this man is telling the truth, given that we have always strived to behave well towards them all. And if their loyalty is suspect, God will see that and know how to punish the sinner's transgression; He is the true judge. For I know that when the Flood comes and He sits in judgement, evil-doers will find no protection or deliverance, rather will they reap what they have sown and will be condemned out of God's own mouth into everlasting Hell; that is our Law. Therefore we place our trust entirely in Him; it is often said that when arms speak, the laws are silent.’Footnote 82

Then the earl said,

‘By my faith, Monseigneur, you speak the truth.’

§18 Lines 1317–1388. Richard moves from Conway to Beaumaris to Caernarvon.

Then they agreed that they would remain no longer at Conway, for they were very afraid, and rightly so. [fo. 28r.] They went directly to Beaumaris,Footnote 83 which was ten miles from Conway – it is a castle that could not be taken in two years, providing always that there was enough food and also a stout garrison – one of its sides faces the fields, the other the sea; St Edward had it built, so I heard it said by the English.

The King decided not to remain long there, rather he felt that he and his people would be safer at Caernarvon.Footnote 84 The town and castle are very fine and well fortified; on one side there are ample woods for hunting, on the other the mighty sea. There the King stayed, his face often losing all colour as he bewailed his cruel fate and cursed the hour and the day that he ever crossed the salty sea to Ireland, repeating often,

‘Gracious Virgin Mary, help me, I beg you for mercy, for never have I deserved [fo. 28v.] to be hounded thus by the duke or by my own people, who have for no reason grown to hate me and falsely betrayed me, as you can see. Alas! And when the true story is known in sweet France, certainly I hope that the heart of my father-in-lawFootnote 85 will be gripped with bitter pain, for it will be a great insult to him – and to all mortal kings – on account of the outrage, torment and reduced state I am in; I am deserted by those who have always been with me. Now they have turned against me, I know not why. Alas! Such bad faith will be held against them for all time, for as long as the world remains and the waters continue to roll; these past events count against them grievously.

‘God in the Highest, who died on the Cross for us, may the beams of Thy radiant eyes shine upon me, for none other than Thou canst [fo. 29r.] help me at this pass. And if I have to lose my country or my life, I will have to take it in good part if that is the will of Dame Fortune, for everything must happen as she commands.’

Thus did King Richard repeat these words, sighing piteously, so that I shed tears more than a hundred times; there is no beating heart so hard nor so obdurate that would not have wept, considering the attacks made upon him.

§19 Lines 1389–1436. Richard returns from Caernarvon to Conway; his regrets for Queen Isabella.

Yet there was worse to come, for there were no provisions in his castles to which he had withdrawn and only straw for a bed. He slept there four or six nights, really you would not have found a halfpennyworth of food or anything else there. Certainly I dare not recount the King's great distress; he did not remain long at Caernarvon, for he had little rest there, in the light of his suffering and penury.

He returned to Conway. He missed his wife greatly, saying,

‘My beloved [fo. 29v.] wife,Footnote 86 may Jesus Christ curse the man who has separated us so shamefully; he has no love for us. I expire with grief, my fair sister, my bride and my heart's desire, when I cannot feast my eyes on you. There is such pain and grief in my heart that I am often near to despair. Alas! Isabella, virtuous daughter of France, you were wont to be my joy, my hope and my comfort.

‘Now I can see that through the work of Fortune, who has killed many a man, I must part from you to our great disadvantage. Thus my heart grieves with such intense pain that I am in danger of expiring at any moment – and this is not surprising considering that I have fallen so low from so great a height – and of losing my joy, my comfort and my wife. I can see that no one hesitates to wound or betray me. Alas! Everyone attacks or abuses me. God, [fo. 30r.] who is in His Heaven above, be praised.’

Thus said the King, weeping piteously, for he could do no more at that time.

§20 Lines 1437–1512. Exeter delivers Richard's message to Lancaster at Chester.

Now I shall tell you how the duke dealt with the King's brother, who went to him along with the duke of Surrey, who loved King Richard steadfastly, so much so that he endured great suffering and met an ignoble death hereafter,Footnote 87 as you will soon hear, if God spares me.

The two dukes rode all day long until they came to Chester, which the duke [of Lancaster] had captured without fighting, through his skill and judgement; they both entered. They were accompanied by very many people, who thought that they were unwilling to serve the King, and had come to beg mercy of Henry, duke of Lancaster; but it was great folly to think so, for they would not have abandoned the King for all the gold in England.

They were led swiftly to duke Henry, directly to the castle (which was skilfully built); he had great joy and gladness in his heart when he saw them. [fo. 30v.] He pretendedFootnote 88 to give them a very warm welcome, and then said to the duke of Exeter:

‘Now, brother-in-law,Footnote 89 without demur, I beg you, give me your news.’

‘Brother-in-law, the news is not good for Monseigneur; it is bad and uncertain, which makes me anguished and despondent.’

Figure X: Exeter and Surrey make obeisance to Lancaster at Chester.

Then he told him most seriously all that you have heard already when they left the King: [fo. 31r.] that it will be a very great wrong if he betrays his loyalty to his lord in this manner, and that he was banished at the request and with the consent of his own father – he should think carefully about all these things – and how all mortal kings will be shamed and insulted by his behaviour, and that he will be hated by his friends; that all who love honour, loyalty, virtue and worthy deeds will be his enemies. He will bring great shame on his lineage for all time to come if he commits such an outrage, considering that he ought to be a wise and moderate lord: but if it happens that his rightful King is disinherited – either by his resignation or by use of force – he will be compared to Ganelon,Footnote 90 who in his day committed many acts of treason, which led to the deaths of many good knights; he should therefore for God's sake beware of this comparison. He will get back his estates and his wealth, provided that he henceforth does his duty, and the King will gladly pardon [fo. 31v.] all the wrongs that he has done him.

Thus did the duke of Exeter tell him what he had to say and dared to talk quite boldly to him, for he had married Lancaster's sister and thus was of his family. The noble duke of Exeter added:

‘I beg you, brother-in-law, grant us your swift response, wholly or in part, for Monseigneur awaits us, and he is not in a good situation.’

§21 Lines 1513–1544. Lancaster refuses to let Exeter and Surrey return to Richard.

Then said duke Henry:

‘You have explained everything to me very well, but you will not go back today, nor yet in a week's time, if Christ grants me health and joy. It would not be sensible for me to send you straight back, you are not paid messengers,Footnote 91 and Monseigneur was not wise in sending you here. Could he not find other messengers apart from the two of you? It is not very clever to send here men of such eminent rank.’

Thus did the duke stand in their way, but his brother-in-law kept urging him to grant them leave to go, [fo. 32r.] saying,

‘Sire, the King may think that it is treason that keeps us here; we will never in our lives be able to survive such shame. Therefore, in God's name, we beg you with true love, brother-in-law, let us go, for honour's sake, lest disgrace attach itself to us.’

Then said the duke (who was as bold as a lion):

‘Do not speak any more of this, brother-in-law; when the time is right we will send you back to the King. And keep away from me, for I swear to you by my faith that however much you bother me, you will not escape from me within a month.’

§22 Lines 1545–1764. The castle of Holt is surrendered to Lancaster. The Archbishop of Canterbury suggests a ruse to capture Richard and the earl of Northumberland is sent to Conway to carry it out; the castles of Flint and Rhuddlan surrender to him. Richard suspects that Exeter has met with trouble.

Thus did the two dukes remain with sorrow in their hearts, considering that duke Henry was angry with them at that time. They wanted to be with the King, who remains alone with no one to help him. Thus they both often weep, but they just had to put up with everything, heartache and joy. Duke Henry made them separate: he made his brother-in-law – the duke of Exeter – stay with him, [fo. 32v.] and he had the good duke of Surrey imprisoned in Chester Castle (where there are many fine windows and many high walls. It reminded me of the castle of NamurFootnote 92 when I saw it, it is so high and forbidding); the duke did not feel very safe there, and rightly so.

Six miles from the town there was another castle called Holt,Footnote 93 perched high on a rock. The duke of Lancaster approached it at the head of his army. The people inside were so afraid that they did not know what to do, even although they knew for sure that the duke could not lay a finger on them, for the castle is so strong and solid that I do not think it could have been taken by force in ten years, considering the rock on which it was sited and that there was a very stout garrison of good men. There were a hundred choice men-of-arms installed within by King Richard, but they failed [fo. 33r.] to guard the narrow entrance passage where one had to ascend carefully, step by step. Wretched and afraid, they surrendered it to the duke, who was very happy to enter, for there were more than one hundred thousand marks sterling in gold which King Richard had amassed in that place. There was also a great store of other precious things: by St Mor, I heard it said that the total there was worth an estimated two hundred thousand marks in gold; duke Henry had it all taken away with him.

Thus was Holt surrendered – as I tell you – and all King Richard's treasure stolen, and yet there were artillery pieces defending it, and provisions – bread, wine, sweet water and cattle – enough for six years. Such people were not worth a straw, for without joining battle or putting up a defence they immediately gave it up to duke Henry; please God that he would have had them all hanged.

He did not want to linger there, but rather returned [fo. 33v.] directly to Chester, where he summoned all the members of his Council and asked each man to say what seemed to be the best way to proceed.

The Archbishop of Canterbury replied before anyone else and said:

‘My lords, King Richard has retreated to Wales, where there are many perilous mountains, which waggons and baggage cannot traverse. On the other side is the sea (where many sardinesFootnote 94 can be caught); you cannot get your army near him. You should send someone to him to swear and promise that you want lasting peace between you, provided that he pledges to call a Parliament where the malefactors – those who had his unclesFootnote 95 put to death – will be punished; thus you will be henceforth good friends and you will humbly beg mercy of him. And he should set a suitable date in some place where everyone – clerk or lay, knight, priest or nun – can see him. [fo. 34r.] Otherwise you will not be able to capture him, since whatever we do he can set sail at any time to escape, for I have heard it said that he has had shipping impressed at Conway. Thus my advice is that you need to reflect on this; now say what you think, Messeigneurs and friends.’

Then everyone said:

‘By God in Paradise, I never heard better advice than his.’

Then duke Henry said:

‘The old earl of NorthumberlandFootnote 96 – my cousin – will be a good mediator and accomplish this. I command him to set out very early tomorrowFootnote 97 morning and not to return for whatever reason until he brings the King, by fair means or foul. He should have with him 400 lancers and one thousand archers, who will do their job well, for more than anything else I wish to capture him.’

Then he said to the earl:

‘Cousin, have a care to depart and accomplish your task, for you can give me no greater pleasure [fo. 34v.] in the world. In the name of God, make haste, and I shall stay at Chester until you return or I hear news of you that makes my heart swell with joy.’

‘God grant that my news may be such,’ said the earl. ‘By sound judgement or trick, I shall bring him.’

Thus the earl left without delay. He took the most direct route to Conway, worrying how he can capture the King. He and his men rode hard until they arrived at a very strong castle called Flint.Footnote 98 He demanded that those within surrender it to him in the name of duke Henry, or they will all be killed without clemency or pardon. Fearing for their lives, they opened the gate to him; he had King Richard's people ejected and set a large portion of his own men to guard it. It was in this castle called Flint that the King was captured, as you will hear tell later.

Now Northumberland had his men make haste, and went directly from there to Rhuddlan,Footnote 99 where he found the going rough and difficult, with many hills and large boulders. [fo. 35r.] He passed through them as well as he could, to his great satisfaction. He sent to the constableFootnote 100 of the castle, who was an old knight, to tell him that the castle should immediately be surrendered to him in the duke's name, or he will be hanged without mercy along with all the others there: truly they will not escape the sting of death, not for all the treasure in the kingdom, if they do not yield the castle. Thus does the earl threaten the constable of the castle, whose face was pale with fright, for he had held the castle and its entrance in the King's name for many a day. It is very strongly defended, considering that the salty sea comes up into the ditches, and also it is perched very high on a rock; the walls are stout and wide and fortified with fat towers.Footnote 101 But the old keeper was so afraid that he handed over the keys like a coward; and yet King Richard had begged him most courteously [fo. 35v.] to defend it, since it was very richly supplied with wine and wheat, for he had been there recently, and I with him.Footnote 102 Thereupon the constable of the castle pledged to the earl that he would surrender it to him, in the name of duke Henry, on condition that he remain governor for life; the earl agreed.

Now it was just ten milesFootnote 103 of quite straight road to Conway where the King remained in sorrow and dismay. He knew nothing about the earl's approach, but repeated to himself:

‘I know not what this means; glorious God, creator of my life, what can have happened to my brother Exeter? A week ago he went to Chester to reconcile the duke and me; now he has not been able to come back. In truth I believe that they have met with trouble and distress. I know not what to think or say.’

Thus did the King suffer greatly, considering the misfortunes that came upon him thick and fast; nevertheless [fo. 36r.] he rendered thanks to Almighty God.

Now it is right that you know the truth about Northumberland and how he schemed to capture King Richard, for he knew perfectly well that if the King guesses that he has come in strength, he will absolutely refuse to leave his castles.

§23 Lines 1765–1916. Northumberland leaves most of his men behind as an ambush to capture the King and goes forward with a small party to outline Lancaster's terms to Richard.

He had his men split into two groups behind some boulders, bristling with catapults. They were keen and willing to capture the King as though he were a treacherous tyrant. Alas! Such people! What were they thinking of, when they had held him in great esteem as their rightful lord for twenty-two years, and now wanted to depose and ruin him? It is my view that this is such a cardinal error that they should, for all time, be considered most wicked, and fresh chronicles should be written so that people could see, in greater detail, what they had done and how unworthy they were. Then the earl, who was wise and astute, said to his men:

‘Guard well this pass, and I will go across the river with five others, [fo. 36v.] and please God, before tomorrow morning I will say such things to the King – in prose or rhyme – that unless he is a man of steel, I think he will be flushed out; but on pain of death do not move until you see the King or meFootnote 104 returning.’

Thus they arranged themselves in good order and the earl went off quietly to Conway to fulfil his pledge.

There is an arm of the sea in front of the townFootnote 105 and when the earl got there he sent a herald to King Richard to ask if it were his pleasure that he be granted safe-conduct to come across to tell him how the duke wants to be reconciled with him. Then the herald crossed the water and found the King in the castle on high,Footnote 106 engulfed in sadness. He said eagerly to him:

‘Sire, the honourable earl of Northumberland has sent me here, to tell you how duke Henry wants to have a genuine and speedy peace between you. [fo. 37r.] For the true state of affairs to emerge you will grant him, if you please, safe-conduct and permission to come here, for otherwise he will not dare to set out.’

Then Salisbury, who was there, told King Richard that it would be a good plan to have the earl come there on his own. Then the King said out loud to the heraldFootnote 107 in his own tongue, that he willingly grants passage to the earl of Northumberland (who was wise and astute). The herald rendered thanks one hundredfold to the King. He descended from the lofty castle, and crossed the water to where the earl had awaited him impatiently. He related to him how King Richard granted him safe-conduct kindly and willingly and begged him to make haste.

Then the earl climbed into a boat and crossed the water. He found King Richard in the castle, the earl of Salisbury and the bishop of Carlisle with him also. He said to the King,

‘Sire, duke Henry has sent me here

[fo. 37v.] Figure XI: Northumberland makes obeisance to King Richard at Conway.

so that there may be peace between the two of you, and that you be henceforth good friends. If it please you, Sire, and if I may be heard, I will tell you what he asks and will tell no lie: that you will be a true judge and have all those whom I shall name here come on the appointed day to Westminster, in the name of justice, to attend the Parliament that you two will cause to be held in good faith: [fo. 38r.] and that the duke will be reinstated as High Steward,Footnote 108 as the duke his father had been and all his kin, for more than 100 years. I will name those who will await judgement; it is time, if you please, Sire.’

‘Yes, for I wish to know who they are.’

‘Sire, know in truth that your brotherFootnote 109 is the first. The second has not done his duty, it is the duke of Surrey who is in fact imprisoned and locked up in the castle of Chester; I know not how he has offended duke Henry. The others are the earl of Salisbury and the bishop of Carlisle. The fifth – as I understood – I have heard named Monseigneur Maudelyn.Footnote 110 These men conspired to advise you to have your uncleFootnote 111 killed most treacherously. If they deny this, they must await the judgement of your Parliament, where you will be crowned King and lord in high estate, [fo. 38v.] and duke Henry will be there impartially as High Steward.Footnote 112 Those who have sinned or been traitors will be punished; this is what Monseigneur has decided. Certainly, dear Sire, he has no wish to inflict suffering except for good reason.

‘I want to say something else to you: you should swiftly name a day, for well do I know that that is the duke's greatest wish. He wants only his estates and what is his, he wants nothing of yours, for you are his sole and rightful King, and he reproaches himself for the great wrong he has done you through the evil counsel of the Enemy,Footnote 113 who never rests or sleeps. Rather is he ever on the watch to place temptation in Man's way; he put him up to all this. Thus for the sake of God – who suffered the supreme agony on the Cross for us – show kindness to Monseigneur, who is downcast and in distress, and spare him your wrath this time, [fo. 39r.] and he will most humbly beg mercy of you, on his knees. After this, you will make your way together to London, peacefully like men of the cloth, or if you want to make your own way, you will do so; and then Parliament will be summoned throughout the land.

§24 Lines 1917–2004. Northumberland withdraws and Richard tells his companions that he will pretend to agree to Lancaster's terms.

‘You can be certain sure of this. I will swear on the body of our Lord Jesus Christ, consecrated by priestly hand, that duke Henry will most willingly observe everything that I have said, for he pledged it to me on the HostFootnote 114 when I took my leave of him lately. Now consider, Sire, what you would do, for I have tarried long.’

Then King Richard said carefully to him:

‘Northumberland, just step aside and before long you will have our reply, so that you can leave soon.’

Then you could have seen Northumberland's party draw away from them. The King and his companions discussed in detail what they had heard the earl recount; at length the King [fo. 39v.] said:

‘Messeigneurs, we will give him what he wants, for upon my soul I can see no other way out. All is lost, you can see that as well as I, but I swear to you that the duke will meet a painful and certain death for this, whatever I promise him, considering the outrage and affront that he has caused us. And assuredly no Parliament will be held at Westminster to discuss his demands, for I love you with such a tender heart that were I to die for it, I would not let you appear in Parliament for the duke to have his way with you. For well do I know that he would make you suffer great torment and you would be in mortal danger, considering that some men are spreading false charges against you. Have no fear, despite them you will always be my closest friends, for I have found you loyal and true, without malice.

‘I tell you furthermore that I will enlist the Welshmen and have them gather in secret so that we can find them when we want them, [fo. 40r.] after we have talked to duke Henry. Then we will make our way through Wales, and if he asks why, we will tell him that there is not a halfpenny worth of provisions out there; his troops have laid waste the country. “In order thatFootnote 115 we do not run out of food, let us go that way, if you give your assent.” This is what we will say to him and I think that he will easily agree; the earl has told us so.

‘And when we have come upon our men, we will unfurl our banners in the wind and attack the duke with all speed and with all our strength. For I swear on my life that when they see my colours, they will be filled with such remorse – considering the wrong they have done me – that half of those who have gone over to him will abandon him and come to us, since a noble heart cannot be found lacking. They will remember that they should hold me as their rightful lord as long as I live; then you will see them come straight to us. [fo. 40v.] You know that we are in the right; God will help us, if we all believe. If we are not as many on our side as they, they will then – please God – be keen to join battle, and if it turns out that they are defeated, they will be put to death; I shall have some of them flayed alive. I would not spare them for all the gold in the land, if it pleases God that I stay alive and keep my health.’

§25 Lines 2005–2076. Northumberland swears on the Host that Lancaster's terms are as they have been related to Richard.

This is what the King said to them, and the others all agreed, saying,

‘Sire, let the earl of Northumberland be sent for, and let us have him swear right away the oath as he offered before; if he does so, we will go along with everything he has said.’

Thus without more ado, the earl was summoned and the King said to him:

‘Northumberland, the duke sent you here to make peace between the two of us. If you swear on the Host, which we will have consecrated, that everything you have said is true, [fo. 41r.] with no falsehood about it, and that the duke will honour our agreement as a noble lord should, then we will agree to your terms. For well do I know that you are an honourable man, and would not perjure yourself for the sake of finery, jewels or gifts, for the man who wittingly breaks his oath will know only shame and affront as long as he lives; and at the last he will die in great torment.’

Then the earl replied:

‘Monseigneur, have the Host consecrated, and I will swear that there is no falsehood here, and that the duke will honour our agreement, as you have heard me say.’

All of them devoutly heard Mass. Then the earl, without offering any objection, swore on the Host. Alas! His blood ought to have boiled, for he knew the opposite

[fo. 41v.] Figure XII: Northumberland kneels before the Host.

to be true. Nevertheless he swore the oath – as you have heard me say – to fulfil his own wish and keep his promise to the duke who had sent him to the King. Thus did the two of them agree: one laid a wicked scheme, and the other was even worse. But the King did the lesser wrong, for it is often said,‘When arms speak, the laws are silent’,Footnote 116 and he did not swear an oath as the earl did: [fo. 42r.] he will die in supreme disgrace, unless he repents before God, for what he did is worse than all other sins, it seems to me; to my mind, what he did is like nothing else you can ever hear of. And therefore, the man who treads a straight path lives and reigns in great prosperity and peace until Death comes, whom we all expect at any time; the great are undone and the poor gobbled up. Nothing can withstand his blows, he leaves a very bad taste in one's mouth. Now please God that Death carries us off in such a way that in Heaven we may see His face and His beaming eyes, and may He be benevolent and well disposed towards us on the Last Day.

§26 Lines 2077–2136. Richard leaves Conway for Rhuddlan.

To return to our main story: the earl begged the King to make haste, saying,

‘Sire, let us ride, I beg you, for well do I know that the duke is most anxious to learn that we have peace.’

Alas! The King had no inkling of the harm or the earl's wish [fo. 42v.] to deceive him in the manner laid out before you here. The King said to him:

‘It is time to set out, whenever you will, but I command you to go on ahead to Rhuddlan, and have dinner prepared there.’

‘It is as you wish,’ the earl replied, and set off; King Richard followed soon after him.

The earl rode hard until he caught sight of all his men behind the boulders,Footnote 117 and then he was well pleased, for he could see that they were taking care to guard the defile. He told them all that had happened and how he had schemed, and that the King will soon be upon them. They were all full of joy at this, for their desire to capture their lord was very great.

Then the King left Conway to go to Rhuddlan. He crossed the broad stretch of water then rode four miles further on until he ascended the bouldersFootnote 118 where the earl [and his men] were hidden. [fo. 43r.] The King was astounded when he saw them, saying,

‘I am betrayed! What can this mean? God in Paradise, help me.’

Then they were recognized by their pennons which were seen fluttering, and the King said,

‘I think it is the earl, who got us to agree by swearing an oath.’

Then were they all plunged into bitter fear: I would rather have been in France, for I saw them close to despair, and rightly so. It was no surprise that they were all in anguish, for even had they fled, none could have escaped there, but would have been taken or captured.

If you listen to me, I will tell you how the King had come so close to Northumberland's men that it was much further to return to the town than to descend the boulders; the sea beat upon them and on the other side the way was impassable due to the rocky ground.

§27 Lines 2137–2204. Richard falls into Northumberland's ambush and is brought by him to Rhuddlan.

Thus they had to carry on, come what may, or be killed amongst the press of the earl's men who were wearing chain-mail, as you can see.Footnote 119 [fo. 43v.] Then the King gave way to such grief that I felt sorry for his plight. He kept saying:

‘Blessed God, what distress and affliction come upon me! Now I can see clearly that this man is taking me to the duke, who has little love for us. Virgin Mary, sovereign Queen, pity me, for in truth I know that I am lost if you do not keep me safe.’

Thus spoke the King, who had no power there, for we numbered only twenty or twenty-two, it seemed to me.

Everyone descended the steep boulders; this displeased the King greatly, and he kept saying to Salisbury:Footnote 120

‘Now I can see that I am dead and done for, since duke Henry hates me very much. Alas! Why did we believe the earl's word? Certainly it was very foolish of us. But it is too late; may Jesus – in whom I believe – help us.’

As he spoke we had to come within a bowshot of Northumberland's men. Then the earl came and kneeled down,Footnote 121

[fo. 44r.] Figure XIII: King Richard is ambushed by Northumberland.

saying to the King:

‘Be not displeased, my rightful Lord, I was coming to fetch you for your better safety, since the countryside is unsettled because of the fighting, as you know.’

Then said the King:

‘I would have gone without all the men whom you have brought here; it seems to me that this is not what you promised me. You told me that you had been sent with five others. In the name of God in Paradise, you have behaved very badly, [fo. 44v.] considering the oath that you swore. It seems that you, who have made this move here, are lacking in loyalty. Know you that I shall return to Conway, which I left today.’

Then the earl said:

‘Monseigneur, you accuse me of dishonour, but I swear to you on the body of Jesus who died on the Cross for all of us, since you are held here by me, I shall take you to duke Henry as directly as I can, for I want you to know that I promised him ten days ago that I would bring you.’

Then he had bread and wine brought and offered them himself to the King, who dared not refuse the earl's commands, considering his strong position. Then they remounted and made their way directly to Rhuddlan; they dined excellently in that strong castle.

§28 Lines 2205–2268. Northumberland takes Richard to Flint. The King apostrophizes Queen Isabella and her father, Charles VI of France.

After dinner Northumberland (who was most assiduous) ordered a man to ride straight to Chester, [fo. 45r.] for duke Henry was there, awaiting the earl amidst the throng of his men. He was greatly apprehensive about the long delay, for he knew nothing about what the earl had done: that he and his men were bringing the King from Rhuddlan.

Immediately after dinner, without further delay, we dropped down to Flint, which had been surrendered to the duke without a fight. It was in this castle that he came the next day to capture King Richard and all those who were with him, as you will hear in a very short time. Alas! You can well imagine the King's lamentations that night when he was alone, for he had plenty to lament about, considering that he could see his enemies on all sides eager to deal him a tyrant's death. That night he loudly grieved for his wife – the daughter of the King of France – saying:

‘My sweetheart,Footnote 122 my sister, I bid you farewell. It is on account of my love for you that I have come to this pass, for never did I deserve to be so foully undone [fo. 45v.] by my subjects. But if it be Christ's pleasure that I should die, may He lead my soul into Paradise, for I can no longer escape or flee.

‘Alas! Father-in-law – King of France – I shall never see you again. I leave you your daughter amongst these wicked and dishonest people; this almost fills me with despair, for she was my joy and my delight. Please God that you will swiftly seek revenge once you know what has happened, lest reproaches be heaped upon you. The matter concerns you; may you attend to it soon. Alas! I have no ships, men or money to enable me to send a messenger to you just now. Were I still at Conway I would go to you. Now it is too late. Alas! Why did we believe Northumberland who has handed us over to the wolves? I fear that we will all die, for these people are pitiless; may God confound them, body and soul.’

Thus spoke King Richard to Salisbury, [fo. 46r.] who expressed great sorrow – I never saw greater – and the bishop of Carlisle also. None of the others slept at all that night.

§29 Lines 2269–2295. Northumberland apprises Lancaster of Richard's presence at Flint. Creton informs his readers that he will now change to writing in prose.

Overnight Northumberland reported to duke Henry that he was bringing the King; the messenger arrived at Chester just as day broke. He told duke Henry all that had happened with King Richard, who was presently at Flint. The duke's heart leapt with joy at the news, and rightly so, for that was what he wanted most in the whole world. His army was camped out all over the fields around Chester. Then he had it announced that each man should immediately make ready to go where he led; the English had many trumpets sounded.

Now, I will tell you about the King's capture, without having to find words that rhyme. And in order better to render the words spoken when the two of them met – for I recall them perfectly well, it seems to me – I will convey them in prose, for it seems that sometimes we add too many words [fo. 46v.] to what we are writing about. Now may it please God, who made us in His likeness, to punish all those who committed this outrage.

§30 Lancaster leaves Chester and descends on Flint with his army.

In this part [you will hear of] the sorrow and suffering endured by King Richard, who was in the castle of Flint awaiting the arrival of the duke of Lancaster.

He left Chester on Tuesday 22 August 1399Footnote 123 with all his army, estimated by several knights and squires at more than 100,000 men, arrayed for battle and riding along the seashore,Footnote 124 full of joy and pleasure and eager for the capture of their natural and rightful lord, King Richard.

On the said Tuesday he got up early, attended by suffering, sadness and sorrow: by lamentations, tears and groans. He heard Mass very devoutly, as a good Christian should, with his true friends the earl of Salisbury, the bishop of Carlisle, Sir Stephen Scrope and one other knight named Ferriby; they all refused to abandon or desert the King, whatever hardship or ill fortune befell him. Also with them was the son of the countess of SalisburyFootnote 125 whom King Richard had knighted in Ireland along with the eldest son of the duke of Lancaster and several others, as I have told you in the first part of this work.

There too was Janico,Footnote 126 a Gascon squire, who certainly demonstrated the true love [fo. 47r.] he bore King Richard, for despite threats from knights or squires, or any request whatever, he would not take off the badge of his lord the King – the hartFootnote 127 – saying:

‘God forbid that for any man I take off the badge of my rightful lord, unless he himself tells me to.’

And so it was that the duke of Lancaster heard about it and had him taken in shame and disgrace to Chester Castle, where he expected from day to day to lose his head, for that was what people were generally saying. And yet he did not die – as I heard since – but I can assure you that he was the last man in England wearing the badge of King Richard. Thus did he truly show that he would not change sides lightly, nor was he of the English race.

As for their race and character,Footnote 128 they do change sides lightly, always ranging themselves with the strongest and most powerful, without regard to right, law, reason or justice. And this is not only nowadays, but they have deposed and killed their king and lord several times,Footnote 129 as you can learn from various chronicles and histories.

In order not to digress too much from the matter I am discussing, I do not wish to write further about their character and condition for now, but to return to King Richard. Having heard Mass, he climbed up onto the castle walls, which are wide and broad, and watched the duke of Lancaster coming along the seashoreFootnote 130 with all his men, wonderfully great in number, expressing such joy and satisfaction that you could hear within the castle the sound of their instruments: [fo. 47v.] horns, bugles and trumpets. And then the King commended himself to the blessed protection of Our Lord and all the saints in Paradise, saying:

§31 Richard foresees his coming death.

‘Alas! Now I can see that the end of my days draws near, since I must be delivered into the hands of my enemies, who mortally hate me, without my deserving it. Earl of Northumberland, you should certainly be hugely afraid that Our Lord God will take revenge for the sin you committed when you so shamefully forswore Him to draw us from Conway, where we were completely safe. May God now repay you for this.’

§32 Lancaster takes Richard into his custody at Flint. He guarantees the safety of Creton and his companion.

Thus spoke King Richard to the earl of Salisbury, the bishop of Carlisle and the two knights – Sir Stephen Scrope and Ferriby – weeping softly on the castle walls and giving vent to great sorrow; certainly I believe that no one in this mortal world – be he Jew or Saracen – having seen the five of them together, would not have been filled with pity and compassion.

Lamenting thus, they saw a great number of men leaving duke Henry's army and spurring on towards the castle to find out what King Richard was doing. In this first party were the Archbishop of Canterbury, Sir Thomas Percy and the earl of Rutland,Footnote 131 from whom duke Henry had taken the office of Constable of England and the duchy of Aumale, which he had previously held of King Richard. But I firmly believe that he did this under a pretext and to throw sand in people's eyes, lest they think Rutland knew anything about the affair or the betrayal, rather than otherwise.

And yet I know not whether he did have any inkling of it, but [fo. 48r.] I do know for sure that he and Sir Thomas Percy, who had been the King's Steward – that is to say in French grant maistre d'ostel – left the port of Milford Haven and took with them the King's men and his treasure, of which they were robbed in Wales, as I told you previously.Footnote 132 They joined the duke – as it appears – for they were among the first coming to the castle of Flint, wearing duke Henry's badge,Footnote 133 not the hart.

The archbishop entered first and the others after him; they climbed up to the keep. Then the King came down from the walls and they made most humble obeisance, kneeling before him. The King made them rise to their feet and drew the archbishop aside; they spoke together for a long time. I know not what they said, but the earl of Salisbury told me later that the archbishop had comforted the King most tenderly, saying that he should not be afraid and that no bodily harm would befall him. At this point the earl of Rutland spoke no word to the King, rather kept as far from him as he could, as though he were ashamed to be seen in his presence.

The party remounted and returned to duke Henry, who was coming up fast, for between the town of Chester and the castle of Flint there are only ten short milesFootnote 134 – round about five French leagues, or so – and there is no hedge or bush between the two, but merely the seashoreFootnote 135 and the high rocks and boulders on the other side. And know for sure that they made a fine sight, for they were very well arrayed and so great in number, that it seems to me I had never seen so many men together. The principal commander of duke Henry's army was Sir Henry PercyFootnote 136 [fo. 48v.] whom they say is the foremost knight of England.

The King climbed back up onto the walls and saw that the army was only two bowshots from the castle. Then he lamented loudly again – and the others with him – uttering many heart-rending regrets for his wife, Isabella of France. He praised Our Lord Jesus Christ, saying,

‘Dear Lord God, I commend myself to Thy blessed protection and beg that Thou wilt forgive me all my sins, since it is Thy pleasure that I be delivered into the hands of mine enemies. If they kill me, I will accept my death with meekness, as Thou didst for the sake of us all.’

As he thus spoke, the army approached the castle and surrounded it in fine array, as far as the waters permitted. Then the earl of Northumberland went up to duke Henry, who was assembled with his men at the foot of the castle rock. They conferred for a considerable time and decided that the duke would not enter the castle until the King had dined, because he was fasting; thus the earl returned to the castle. When the table was prepared, the King sat down to dinner and had the bishop of Carlisle, the earl of Salisbury and the two knights – Sir Stephen Scrope and Ferriby – sit down, saying thus:

‘My good, true and loyal friends, since you are in mortal danger for being loyal, be seated with me.’

Meanwhile a great number of knights, squires and archers detached themselves from duke Henry's army and came to the castle, eager to see their King, not for any good that they wished him, but on account of their great desire to put him to death. They went to see him dine and gave it to be understood [fo. 49r.] throughout the castle that, as soon as the duke came, all those who were with the King – bar none – would lose their heads; and they said furthermore that they knew not whether the King would be spared or not.

When this news was heard, fear struck into everyone's heart, for Nature teaches every creature to fear death above all things. As for me, I do not think that I was ever so afraid as I was then, considering the utter contempt they showed and their total disregard for law, right or loyalty. And because Nature compelled me to fear death, my companion and I approached Lancaster Herald, who had come to the castle along with a great number of men to see the King. I begged him that for the love of Our Lord he would help us save our lives, and that he would please take us to duke Henry, his master; he replied that he would do so most willingly.

The King sat a very long time at table, not that he ate much, but because he knew well that as soon as he had eaten, the duke would come to fetch him to take him away or to have him killed; also he was left a long time at table because he was fasting for Our Lady.Footnote 137 After he had dined, the Archbishop of Canterbury and the earl of Northumberland went to fetch the duke of Lancaster, who left his men splendidly arrayed in front of the castle and came to the King, with nine or eleven of the greatest lords who were of his company.

[fo. 49v.] At the entrance to the castle, Lancaster Herald took us to the duke. Kneeling before him, the said herald told him in English that we were French, that the King [of France] had sent us to Ireland with King Richard, as a diversion and to see the country, and that for God's sake he wished to have our lives spared. Then replied the duke to us in French:

‘Be not afraid of anything you see, my sons,Footnote 138 but stay close to me and I will keep you safe.’

This reply fell most joyfully on our ears.

Then the duke entered the castle, wearing all his armour except for his helmet, as you can see in this picture.Footnote 139 Then the King, who had dined in the keep, was made to come down and meet duke Henry who, as soon as he caught sight of him, bowed low to the ground; as they approached one another he bowed a second time, with his hat in his hand. And then the King took off his cowl and spoke first, addressing the duke thus:

[fo. 50r.] Figure XIV: Lancaster makes obeisance to King Richard at Flint.

§33 Lancaster meets the King at Flint; their exact words are reported.

‘Fair cousin of Lancaster, you are most welcome.’

Then duke Henry replied, bowing low to the ground:

‘Monseigneur, I have come sooner than you asked; I will tell you the reason why. Your people regularly say that for twenty or twenty-two years you have ruled them very badly and with an iron hand, such that they are not happy. But please God I will help you to govern them better than they have been ruled in the past.’

Then King Richard replied:

‘Fair cousin of Lancaster, since that is your wish, it is our wish too.’

And know for sure [fo. 50v.] that these are the very words that they exchanged with nothing taken out or added, for I heard them quite clearly. Also the earl of Salisbury repeated them to me in French, along with another old knight – one of duke Henry's councillors – who told me as we were riding to Chester that Merlin and BedeFootnote 140 had foretold in their lifetime the capture and death of the King; were I in his castle he would show me their prophecy as I had seen it happening. He said:

§34 The prophecy of Merlin and Bede.

‘There will be a king in England who will reign between 20 and 22 years in great majesty and power. He will be allied and connected to the people of France; the said king will be undone in the north of the country, in a three-cornered place.’

The knight told me that thus it was written in a book of his.

He identified the three-cornered place as the town of Conway, and in this he was right, for I can tell you that it is triangular, as if it had been measured exactly. The King was completely undone in the said town of Conway, for the earl of Northumberland drew him out – as you have already heard – by means of the agreement that he made with him; since then the King was powerless.

Thus did the said knight hold this prophecy to be true and lent it great credence, for their character is such in their country that they believe wholeheartedly in prophecies, ghosts and spells and have great recourse to them. But it seems to me that this is not a good thing, but is rather a great lapse of faith.

§35 Richard leaves Flint in Lancaster's custody.

[fo. 51r.] As you have heard, duke Henry came to the castle and spoke to the King, to the bishop of Carlisle and to the two knights – Sir Stephen Scrope and Ferriby – but he did not speak to the earl of Salisbury. Rather did he have a knight say to him:

‘Earl of Salisbury,Footnote 141 you can be sure that, for as much as you would not consent to speak to Monseigneur the duke of Lancaster when he and you were in Paris last Christmas, he will not speak to you.’

Then the earl of Salisbury was very afraid and his heart filled with dread, for he could seeFootnote 142 that the duke mortally hated him.

Duke Henry said in a fierce and merciless voice:

‘Bring the King's horses.’

And then two sorry nags, scarcely worth 40 francs, were brought to him. The King mounted on one and the earl of Salisbury on the other. Everyone got on horseback and we left the castle of Flint around two hours after midday.

§36 Richard is taken to Chester by Lancaster. From now on Creton is forbidden to speak to him.

Duke Henry captured King Richard, his lord – in the way that you have heard – and brought him with great rejoicing to Chester, whence he had set off that morning. And you should know that you could scarcely have heard the voice of God thundering, on account of the great noise and crashing sounds made by their instruments – horns, bugles and trumpets – so much so that they made the whole seashore resound.

Thus did the duke enter the town of Chester and the common people bowed down low before him, praising Our Lord; they called after their King, as if to mock him. The duke took him straight to the castle, which is very fine and strong, and made him take up his quarters in the keep. Then he handed him into the custody of the sons of the duke of GloucesterFootnote 143 [fo. 51v.] and the earl of Arundel, who hated him more than any man alive, for King Richard had had their fathers killed. There the King saw his brother – the duke of Exeter – but neither dared nor was able to speak to him.

Soon afterwards the duke sat down to dinner and had the Archbishop of Canterbury sit above him; below him at some distance were seated the duke of Exeter – brother to King Richard – the earl of Westmorland,Footnote 144 the earl of Rutland, the earl of Northumberland and Sir Thomas Percy. All these were seated at duke Henry's table, and the King remained in the tower with his close friends, the earl of Salisbury, the bishop of Carlisle and the two knights. And from that time onwards we were not able to see him, except out in the country as we rode. And we were forbidden to speak to him any more or to any of the others.

§37 Lancaster sets off from Chester to take Richard to London. At Lichfield Richard attempts unsuccessfully to escape.

Duke Henry remained three days at Chester and held a great Council. They decided that since the King had been captured he had too many men, and thirty to forty thousand menFootnote 145 would be enough to take the King to London; otherwise the country would be quite devastated, since it had been extensively despoiled when they came. Thus the duke had most of his men withdraw, and left Chester on the fourth day after the King's capture, and took the direct road to London.

He arrived at LichfieldFootnote 146 – a very pretty little town – and there poor King Richard attempted to escape from them by night; he slid down into a garden through the window of a stout tower where he had been lodged. But I think that it was not Our Lord's will [fo. 52r.] that he escape, for he was seen and very roughly cast back into the tower. And from then on – at all hours of the night – ten or twelve armed men guarded him without sleeping.

§38 A deputation from London demands that Richard be summarily executed. He and Lancaster continue via Coventry and St Albans. Near London, Lancaster hands the King over to the mayor and a large number of liverymen.

Now it came about that the citizens of LondonFootnote 147 heard the news of the capture of their rightful lord – King Richard – and set out in most prestigious company; that is to say that five or six of the greatest merchants – governors of the city – rode out as fast as they could to meet duke Henry. And you may know that I heard it said by several knights and squires that, as soon as they met the duke they demanded on behalf of the citizens of London that King Richard – their rightful lord – and all those who were captured with him should be beheaded, without being taken on any further. Duke Henry would not grant this request and excused himself as reasonably as he could, saying,

‘Messeigneurs, we would be in deep disgrace for all time if we put the King to death like that. But we will take him to London and there he will be judged by Parliament.’

The duke left Lichfield and rode on with all his army until he came to Coventry, which is a very fair town. But before they could arrive there, the WelshFootnote 148 inflicted great injury and mischief on him, killing and robbing many of his men. Sometimes they set the English quarters on fire; certainly this filled me with great joy. The English were not able to capture any of them, except by chance. And when they could catch [fo. 52v.] any of them, they tied them with ropes to the tails of their horses and dragged them along the rough and stony roads; thus did they inflict a cruel and painful death on them.

The duke crossed their hills as quickly and as best he could; he reached the town of Coventry and stayed two days there. Then he moved on to St Albans, a very fine town with a beautiful abbey, and thence straight to London.Footnote 149 When he was about five or six miles from the city, the mayor accompanied by a very great number of liverymenFootnote 150 – each trade arrayed in their particular striped garments, and bearing arms – came to meet duke Henry, with great numbers of instruments and trumpets playing, and manifesting great joy and pleasure; a sword was borne in front of the mayor, as before the King.

When they met, they greeted the King and then duke Henry; they made much greater reverence to him than to the King, shouting out in their own tongue in an awesome voice:

‘Long live the good duke of Lancaster!’

And they said one to the other that God had revealed a miracle to them when He sent them the said duke, and how he had conquered all of England in less than a month; and that the man who could prevail like that ought to be King. And for this they most devoutly praised and thanked Our Lord, saying that it was His will, for otherwise the duke could not have done it. These foolish and credulous men also said that he would conquer a large part of [fo. 53r.] the world, and were already comparing him to Alexander the Great.Footnote 151

As they thus talked and cast their minds forward, they came to within two miles of the city, and there the whole company stopped, all together. Then said duke Henry to the liverymen of London in a ringing voice:

‘Messeigneurs, here is your King. Make up your minds what you want to do with him.’

And they replied loudly:

‘We want him to be taken to Westminster.’

Thus he handed him over to them. At that point the duke reminded me of Pilate,Footnote 152 who had Our Lord Jesus Christ scourged at the stake and then led before the multitude of the Jews, saying,

‘Messeigneurs, here is your King.’

And they replied:

‘Let Him be crucified.’

Then did Pilate wash his hands and say:

‘I am innocent of the blood of this just man’ and handed Our Lord over to them. In the same way did duke Henry behave when he handed over his rightful lord to the liverymen of London so that, should they have him killed, he could say:

‘I am innocent of this deed.’

[fo. 53v.] Figure XV: Lancaster hands King Richard over to the liverymen of London.

§39 King Richard is taken to Westminster. Lancaster goes to St Paul's and then to St John's Priory, Clerkenwell.

Thus did the liverymen of London take their King to Westminster.Footnote 153 The duke went round the city to enter by the main gate, in order to pass along their great thoroughfare called Cheapside. He entered the city at the hour of Vespers and came directly to St Paul's. The people shouted after him in the streets: ‘Long live the good duke of Lancaster!’

And they called blessings down upon him in their own tongue, expressing such great joy and exultation that I believe they would not have voiced greater had Our Lord God descended amongst them.

The duke dismounted at St Paul's and went to pray, fully armed, at the high altar. Then he turned away to his father's tomb,Footnote 154 which is quite near the said altar; you should know that it is a very richly ornamented sepulchre. There he wept most bitterly, as he had not seen it since [fo. 54r.] his father had been laid in it.

He remained five or six days at St Paul's, then left and went to St John's Priory,Footnote 155 a hospice of the Knights’ Templar, which is outside the city of London.

§40 Creton and his companion return to France.

When we had seen and thought about these things, which filled my heart with grief and pain, and also since I was eager to leave their country, my companion and I went to duke Henry and begged him to grant us safe-conduct to come back to France; this he did right willingly.

Thus we left duke Henry and rode until we came to Dover. We crossed the sea and arrived at Calais, where we scarcely lingered, for I was most anxious to reach France.

And then shortly afterwards, considering their rebellions, wickedness, betrayals and mockery of their rightful lord – King Richard – I wrote a ballade, which begins thus:

§41 Lines 2296–2334. Imprecatory ballade, cursing Lancaster.

Oh, Henry, who for the present are the ruler of the land of King Richard, who was so powerful, whom you cast aside and expelled and whose treasure you stole and took for yourself, who are the image of treachery. Now everyone knows that never was man so falsely betrayed as you betrayed your King; you cannot hide this. You had him condemned in an arbitrary ruling; for this, on the Last Day you will forfeit body and soul.

For falsely and furtively, being banished, [fo. 54v.] you stole his country without issuing a challenge. It certainly seems to me that this was not a worthy thing for you to do, considering that he was abroad fighting his enemies in Ireland, where he received many painful blows from the Irish, who are as fierce as lions. He knighted your eldest son.Footnote 156 Alas! You forgot to reward him. This is a great sin of which the whole world holds you guilty; for this, on the Last Day you will forfeit body and soul.

For you did not keep faith with him, as you had sworn and promised to do, when treacherously and in the name of reconciliation you sent to him Northumberland, who swore on the Host that you would be his friend. Therefore before the time was right the King left his castles and quietly made his way towards you. Alas! You carried him off in shame and humiliation; for this, on the Last Day you will forfeit body and soul.

Princes and kings, knights and barons, French, Flemings, Germans and Bretons ought to attack you immediately, for you have committed the most horrid crime of any man: this is an ignoble distinction for you; for this, on the Last Day you will forfeit body and soul.

§42 Lines 2335–2361. Creton rails against the English.

[fo. 55r.] When I had finished my ballade I was no longer so very sick as I had been, and angry at the great injury that I had seen the English do: overthrowing their lord like traitors and usurpers; please God, may every tyrant work swiftly for their destruction. I think this would win salvation for all those who quickly and eagerly attacked them. For they are so steeped in evil, in falsehood and in wrong – in word and deed – that I firmly believe that there is no race beneath the heavens that is like theirs, considering their actions, which are not worthy or virtuous according to law and justice. But if I err in saying this, forgive me, for I have seen the evil in them that makes me speak so.

§43 Lines 2362–2376. Back in France, Creton expresses a wish to know how events concluded.

[fo. 55v.] As you have heard, I had returned from their country quite short of money and finery, and I often thought that – at whatever cost – I needed to know the end of the business that they had started, concerning their King whom they were holding in shameful imprisonment at Westminster; this redounded to their discredit, and always will, for as long as they live. Certainly they will never have any honour, at least among faithful people, considering their very many acts of wrongdoing.

§44 Lines 2377–2412. Creton meets a clerk returned from England, who takes up Richard's story.

Thus I remained a long time in Paris, ignorant of what they were doing with their lord and King, whom they held imprisoned in shame and suffering for many a long day – this was a great crime – until a clerk whom duke Henry had taken with him when he left Paris, returned, sad and dejected, on account of the great wickedness he had witnessed there. He had remembered it all quite clearly, for he related it to me when he came back from there, [fo. 56r.] saying that he would not accept all the wealth in England, were he obliged to spend his life there in return, so great is the English hatred of the French.

Then he told me how they had most wrongfully imprisoned their King at Westminster, when duke Henry arrived latterly in London. The duke went directly to St Paul's and then to St John's, a Templar hospice a short way outside the walls. It was his pleasure to remain there a full two weeks,Footnote 157 without leaving; then he went off to his estates in the county of Hereford. This is what the clerk told me; he was there and could observe all their disloyal deeds and conduct.

§45 Lines 2413–2424. The date is to be set for the Deposition Parliament.

The duke remained in the said county for three weeks and then came back to London, for the commons had summoned him. Then he was told that the date for Parliament should be set. This pleased [fo. 56v.] duke Henry greatly and he readily agreed; it was his dearest wish, for he knew perfectly well that the King would be deposed and that he would be made King.

§46 Lines 2425–2444. The Deposition Parliament meets.

Duke Henry had his men called to attend, and they were swift to obey. I am profoundly amazed that God could suffer the evil that was in their thoughts.

As I heard it, it was on the first Wednesday of OctoberFootnote 158 that they all gathered. Alas! King Richard had few friends in that company, for they all wanted to depose him without delay. So they did, but I truly believe that they will pay dearly for it, as the righteous Judge in Heaven above, familiar with their words and deeds, will punish them in time, even if they meet with no other punishment.

[fo. 57r.] Figure XVI: The Deposition Parliament. The empty throne, with Lords Spiritual on the left and Lords Temporal on the right.

§47 Lines 2445–2478. Those present at the Deposition Parliament.

Thus there gathered on an evil day at Westminster, outside the city of London – this was no lie – firstly all the prelates: archbishops and bishops. Alas! What were they thinking? What was in their hearts? They must have been mad to agree to such a Parliament.

After the dukes in the first rank were marquesses, earls and knights: squires, archers and several degrees of men, who were neither great-hearted nor high-minded, [fo. 57v.] but false and disloyal traitors; there were so many of them that I hardly dare tell you. First to enter the hall were leading citizens who had previously – as I heard – had the throne made ready in magnificent state, for they hoped to elect another King; this they did, to their shame, as you will hear later.

Seated round the throne and near to it were the prelates, more than six in number. On the other side all the lords – of high, middle and lesser rank – were seated in fine order; never did I hear tell of such.

§48 Lines 2479–2528. Creton names the peers present at the Deposition Parliament

Duke Henry was seated foremost, and nearest to him the duke of York,Footnote 159 his cousin – who was not well disposed towards his nephew, King Richard. Next on the same side sat the duke of AumaleFootnote 160 – son of the duke of York – [fo. 58r.] and then the good duke of Surrey,Footnote 161 who remained loyal and true. Next to him sat the duke of Exeter, who could not have been happy, since he could see in front of him the means of deposing the King, his brother german; this was the will of everyone there that day.

Also on this side was one named the MarquessFootnote 162 – he was lord of extensive lands – and then the earl of ArundelFootnote 163 (who was young and fleet of foot.) The earl of NorfolkFootnote 164 was not left out of the tally, neither was the earl of March.Footnote 165 From another region came one who was the earl of Stafford,Footnote 166 who did not like being at peace with his lord, King Richard. Also seated on this side was a peer whom I heard called earl and baron Pembroke,Footnote 167 and right near him sat the earl of Salisbury, who remained loyal to the end, so much did he bear a tender love for the King; [fo. 58v.] the earl of UmestatFootnote 168 was there, so I heard.

All the other earls, lords and the greatest of the land were of that assembly, all wishing and planning to elect another King: in fine array were the earls of Northumberland and Westmorland,Footnote 169 on their feet all day, and for the better accomplishment of the part they had to play, they often fell to their knees; I know not why.

§49 Lines 2529–2549. The Archbishop of Canterbury's sermon.

Then the Archbishop of CanterburyFootnote 170 stood up and preached before the people in Latin: Habuit Jacob benedictionem a patre suo,Footnote 171 how Jacob had received the blessing instead of Esau, even though Esau was the elder son of Isaac; that is true. Alas! What a text for a sermon! He preached it in order to demonstrate, in conclusion, that King Richard should have no share [fo. 59r.] in the kingdom of England, and that the princeFootnote 172 should have had the realm and the land. These people had completely forgotten that they had all – great and small – acknowledged King Richard as their rightful King and lord for twenty-two years; subsequently in an arbitrary judgement they deposed him by common accord.

§50 Lines 2550–2578. A document is read out which claims that Richard has resigned the throne.

When the archbishop had finished his sermon in Latin, a lawyerFootnote 173 who was also a notary and a very learned scholar got up and asked for silence. He began to read aloud a document which said that Richard – formerly King of England – had in another place, confessed, freely and without use of force, that he was neither capable nor worthy: wise, circumspect nor benevolent enough to rule; he wanted to relinquish the crown into the hands of another worthy man who was nobler and wiser than he. This is what they agreed to have been said – rightly or wrongly – [fo. 59v.] by King Richard, unlawfully imprisoned in London.

And then in this said Parliament the document was read before them all; the witnesses were bishops and abbots who swore – I know this well – that the document was completely genuine. Now look here! What testimony! No man ever heard such dishonesty.

§51 Lines 2579–2642. Lancaster is elected as the new King.

After the reading of the document all were silent. Then the archbishop got to his feet and continued his sermon, basing it on the aforesaid document; he spoke so loudly that he could be heard clearly:

‘Since King Richard – formerly King of England – in his own words and of his own free will has admitted and confessed that he is not fit, suitable nor wise enough to rule his kingdom, we should take thought and elect another King.’

Alas! Messeigneurs, what madness! [fo. 60r.] They were judge and one side of the argument. This was done neither legally nor loyally, for there were only three or four men there on the side of the former King; they would not have dared for anything to contradict what the others did and said. This was completely wrong, for they all concluded – great and small, without being of two or three opinions – that they wanted another King, who could do his duty better than King Richard had done.

When the archbishop had finished explaining in English what he wanted and what was in his heart, and the people had replied to what they had heard, he began to ask one by one:Footnote 174

‘Do you want the duke of York to be your King?’

They all replied:

‘No indeed.’

‘Would you then have his elder son, the duke of Aumale?’

‘Let no one talk to us any more of him,’ they replied in a loud voice.

Once again he asked: [fo. 60v.]

‘Do you want to have his younger son?’Footnote 175

‘Indeed no, in truth,’ they said.

He asked them about many others, but the people did not grasp at any of those he named. Then the archbishop stopped and was silent for a long time. Then he asked in a loud voice:

‘Do you want the duke of Lancaster?’

‘Yes! We want none other,’ they all replied, so loudly that – as it was told to me – it seemed a wonder to relate.

Afterwards they praised Jesus Christ, as it is contained in Holy Writ.

§52 Lines 2643–2660. The election of the new King is confirmed.

When the bishops and prelates, who omitted to do the right thing, along with the foremost lords – who forfeited their honour on the day of that election – heard the questions answered without dispute, they then like false and frenzied traitors, along with the others: knights, squires, villeins, archers and the whole body of the commons, said implacably [fo. 61r.] that the man who did not agree with them deserved to die.

And thus the spurious, false and wicked questions were asked three times; it will be held against them for ever as an evil sin.

§53 Lines 2661–2682. Lancaster accepts the crown.

Then they wrote these things down in documents: letters, charters and deeds, in the presence of all those in the hall, which was neither squalid nor dirty but very richly decorated in a fitting manner. The archbishopsFootnote 176 rose together – it seemed to me – and went directly to the duke, who had now been elected by all the Commons. They both fell to their knees and said:

‘The great lords who are here, and also the prelates, in good order elect you and nominate you as King. Decide whether you accept.’

Then duke Henry who was on his knees at that moment, with sound judgement got up and said to them all that he accepted the crown, since it was God's will.

§54 Lines 2683–2748. Ceremonial of making Lancaster King. He ascends the throne.

[fo. 61v.] Then he himself questioned everyoneFootnote 177 and asked if it was their will. They replied:

‘Yes, in truth,’ tremendously loudly.

This stirred him so much that he immediately accepted the crown of England.

The archbishops, both kneeling on the ground, took great pains to read aloud the rite and everything the new King was bound to observe. With many ceremonies and cultish practices they placed a cross upon his head and over his whole body, as the custom is there. Both archbishops kissed him and they then picked up the magnificent ringFootnote 178 worn by their Kings, with which it is their custom to marry their Kings; they say that this is the law. They both carried it to the Constable – Lord Percy,Footnote 179 a noble knight – [fo. 62r.] and when he had possession of the ring he showed it round to those present; then he kneeled down and placed the ring in marriage on the King's finger. But I would not give a farthing for this rite, since it was performed without law or justice; I am not saying that this would not be an honourable ceremony had it been done as it should be done. The Constable kissed the King on the lips as a proper conclusion to what they were doing; I know not what this means.

The two archbishops immediately came back to the King, who was splendidly attired, and led him by the arms to the richly decorated throne which stood near there. The King kneeled before it and prayed. Then like a second Solomon he addressed everyone there, most particularly the prelates [fo. 62v.] and then the great lords, in Latin and English.

When he had finished what he had to say, with no dissenting voice raised, he took his seat on the throne. Alas! King Richard was deprived of it for good, so much did they hate him; but please God, they will do the same to the one whom they have placed on it.

§55 Lines 2749–2772. The new Constable is confirmed in office.

He sat on the throne without speaking for a long time and made no sound, for everyone there was praying devoutly for the prosperity, authority, peace and health of the new King whom they had elected.

When everyone there had finished praying, the Constable, who was not yet established or confirmed in his office – where there should be no sin – was summoned publicly; he kneeled humbly before Henry and the lords. He was there elected [fo. 63r.] Constable by the greatest in the land without opposition, and then Henry gave into his hands the golden staff, which should incline him to worthy deeds at all times, if he intends to do his duty.

§56 Lines 2773–2794. High officers of state are elected.

Afterwards everyone there elected a new MarshalFootnote 180 and then they all in good form swore allegiance to Henry and paid homage to him. Afterwards they elected a very wise man as Chancellor,Footnote 181 and having done this they installed the Keeper of the Privy Seal;Footnote 182 they ended by filling a great number of other offices.

Next the archbishop rose to his feet and recited several Latin rites, urging them to pray loyally for the prosperity of the King and of his kingdom; he repeated this in English. When he finished what he had to say, they all of high and low degree sat down as one man.

§57 Lines 2795–2832. Lancaster's eldest son is made Prince of Wales. 13 October is set for the coronation of the new King.

[fo. 63v.] Then duke Henry got to his feet. His eldest son kneeled down humbly in front of him; he created him Prince of WalesFootnote 183 in the presence of everyone there, and granted him the land. But I think he will have to fight for it if he wants to possess it, for the Welsh would not recognize him as their lord at any price – I think – on account of the pain, the grief and the great disgrace that the English under his father had heaped on King Richard. Then everyone individually swore allegiance, loyalty, help and comfort to the said prince, as they had to the duke. He made his second son duke of LancasterFootnote 184 unconditionally; everyone was very happy at that.

Afterwards all the prelates, dukes, princes, earls – it seems to me – and the whole body of the Commons bowed their heads before the duke with most profound reverence, as a sign of their submission to him. And then by common accord and without dispute – as I heard it said – [fo. 64r.] they chose as duke Henry's coronation day St Edward's day, 13 October; they were very impatient at such a long delay.

They did nothing else that day, except to say that anyone who does not greatly rejoice over the election will perhaps lose his head.

§58 Lines 2833–2932. Lancaster creates forty-five new knights. He is crowned and a feast follows.

As you have heard – and as he who heard the whole affair and what Parliament did related to me – the former King was deposed without justification, unlawfully and with no half measures; it will be held against them for ever as an evil sin.

When they had done the deed and deposed good King Richard and shut him up in their prison – and this was a great wrong – very early on the following Sunday nearest the coronation Henry summoned the greatest lords of England to come to the Court in London. And in order to win for himself praise and honour he dubbed a great number of knights in the presence of them all. Thus was it told me by him who was there, and who gave the number as [fo. 64v.] forty-five, neither more nor less; you can be sure – as he said – that his younger sonFootnote 185 was the first. Then he had a mind to ride through London on this very day, without staying any longer at Court, and the new knights, well arrayed, all rode together with him.

Thus did that day pass and the Wednesday arrived when – as I told you before – he was to be crowned. So he was, and in order to celebrate the coronation more fully, four dukes ritually carried above his head a rich pall of cloth of gold. The duke of York was first and then the good duke of Surrey, who did not do it sincerely, for he loved King Richard and was always of his party, whatever they made him do. To complete their work of destruction, the duke of AumaleFootnote 186 was the third, who carried out the task willingly, for he was not loyal, as you will hear below; [fo. 65r.] the fourth knew what he was doing and was called the duke of Gloucester.Footnote 187 These four dukes – rightly or wrongly – by common assent bore the pall above their King, who was handsomely accoutred.

And when he was crowned King they returned to the Court where dinner was very richly prepared; this is how it was. After duke Henry the Archbishop of Canterbury was seated first at the royal table, have no fear of that. The duke occupied the very middle of the table which was conspicuously raised up two and a half feet higher than the two ends, as he who was present told me; he said that the middle part of the table was two arms’ lengthsFootnote 188 long or more. Furthermore he told me that several new bishops, neither true nor loyal but unjustly appointed, were also sitting at the King's table.

His elder son, in fine array, who was made Prince of Wales, was holding in his hand [fo. 65v.] a sword for jousting; but I heard no man say what this means. He was on his father's right hand, and next to him was a knight who was holding the sceptre capped with a cross. To the left – as I believe – was the new Constable who displayed the Constable's sword in front of the table; it was meant for administering justice. But at that time neither the Constable nor his sword were functioning as they should, for without restraint and with neither rhyme nor reason, but full of wickedness, evil and disloyalty, they persisted in their behaviour, as their actions reveal.

§59 Lines 2933–2984. The feast continues and homage is paid to Henry. The King's Champion enters.

The new Marshal was there, standing in front of Henry and holding the royal sceptre; he was the earl of Westmorland. Next the earl of Warwick,Footnote 189 whom they hold in very high esteem, was bread-bearer for the day. The great cup-bearer was the earl of ArundelFootnote 190 (who is young and fleet of foot). The Marquis carved at dinner; that was how they arranged things.

[fo. 66r.] The duke of Aumale served him with wine, but before the duke's table was cleared, the Steward,Footnote 191 the Marshal and the Constable rode into the hall; they remained there in front of the table until it was cleared. And to honour the duke even more, a knight called Thomas DymockFootnote 192 entered the hall on a mailed horse, well armed and ready for battle, and said: if there be any man – of high or low degree – who maintained that King Henry was not lord and rightful King of all England, then he challenged him to fight to the death. No man reacted to this. He rode three or four times around the hall, offering himself for combat, as he had said.

After dinner the greatest lords of England, without demur, together paid homage to duke Henry. But some there were who did not act [fo. 66v.] with a sincere heart, rather had they already plotted to kill him, since he had this day had himself wrongly crowned by force of arms. They planned to have a great feast day arranged this coming Christmas at Windsor Castle (which is very strong and fine).

§60 Lines 2985–3050. The plot to kill Henry.

Thus was the feast day arranged, but those who schemed to carry out their plot planned to joust against all-comers, of high and low degree: there was the good duke of Surrey, who was always loyal and true to his lord, King Richard; Salisbury was on his side. Those two organized the jousting against all-comers – and I esteem them much for this – so that under cover of the feast day they could bring in there many men-at-arms to achieve their ends: their dearest wish was to kill duke Henry as they had undertaken to do. But subsequently they were captured [fo. 67r.] and shamefully put to death, for the treacherous duke of AumaleFootnote 193 betrayed them, in which he did great wrong: he was of their party and had sworn faith and loyalty to them and that he would help in any way to make their plot succeed. The duke of Exeter also knew all about their plans and was in league with them; he had reason to be, as he was brother german to good King Richard, the former King whom they had unanimously deposed and deprived of the fair crown of England. Therefore no one should be surprised that they wanted to do their duty to place King Richard – who ought to be King of England for all of his life – back in possession of his kingdom and of his lands.

You will hear how the duke of Surrey and the earl of Salisbury, in order better to carry out their scheme in secret, laid their plans to ensure the success of their plot. They had big carts made and planned to place many men inside, [fo. 67v.] well equipped and well armed, who would be driven there covered up, as if they were suits of armour for the tourney, in order that they might more easily enter Windsor Castle, where the duke was said still to be. The men were commanded and told that as soon as they saw their masters, they should do their duty by killing those who were guarding the doors; and while they were doing that, their masters would hasten towards duke Henry and put him to death, without showing him any mercy.

§61 Lines 3051–3100. Rutland betrays the plot.

Their scheme was suspended at this point while Christmas approached, when the duke went to stay at Windsor to judge at the festivities that were going to take place. And then the duke of Surrey and the earl of Salisbury wrote a letterFootnote 194 which dealt solely with carrying out the plot. They had it taken to London by a trustworthy man, straight to the earl of Rutland,Footnote 195 (who was duke of Aumale at that time): begging him [fo. 68r.] to be ready to come to them to carry out their plot as they had vowed together; and that he bring all his men with him, so that should there be anyone ready to oppose them, they can kill them or capture and put them to death without delay.

But when the duke of Aumale saw in the letter the commands to which he was held by his promise and by his pledged word, he pretended to be very eager to set off at top speed to obey the summons that the lords had sent him. Alas! He was not without blame: he never will be, for he does not appear so, since he carried the lords’ letter to the old duke of York – his father – sparing the lords nothing. He knew for sure that the duke – his father – did not love them or King Richard; rather was he of duke Henry's party having sworn liege homage to him.

When the duke of York saw what was in the letter and what its aim was, he frowned angrily [fo. 68v.] and had a great number of men brought to him, saying,

‘Take my son to the King, so that he can relate to him the great crime that is planned against him; it was thought up in an evil hour.’

§62 Lines 3101–3130. Henry escapes.

The duke of Aumale left his father and went down hastily to Windsor; he gave his letter to duke Henry and revealed the whole plot to him. But the duke did not believe him, until that very day the mayor came with all speed from London and confirmed the plot from beginning to end.

When Henry heard this, he would not have waited there longer at any price. He quickly mounted on horseback for fear that he would be overthrown that day by his enemies. He set out on the road to London, he and the mayor with his men. They made great haste, but before they could arrive in London, those who wanted to kill him were already inside [fo. 69r.] Windsor Castle to carry out their plot. But when they discovered that the duke had left, they were very unhappy that they had not captured him and that he had thus escaped.

§63 Lines 3131–3158. The rebel lords move to Cirencester. They put it about that King Richard is free; his chaplain Maudelyn is to impersonate him.

They retreated from Windsor and went to Cirencester – a town that is quite near there – where they had a very large force of their men-at-arms: they all wanted to use their bodies and their weapons to restore King Richard, who in justice should be King for all of his life. They drew their men up in good order for riding; with them were many archers and they said that good King Richard had escaped from prison and was there with them.

To make this more believable they took along a chaplain, who resembled good King Richard so closely in face, body, actions and words that anyone seeing him would have testified that he was the former King; he was called Maudelyn.Footnote 196 [fo. 69v.] I saw him often in Ireland riding through woods and plains with King Richard, his master; never did I see such a handsome priest.

§64 Lines 3159–3222. The rebel lords attempt to rally the country for King Richard but are defeated in battle. Exeter, Surrey and Salisbury are executed.

They had the above-named Maudelyn dressed in kingly armour with his helmet sumptuously crowned, so that people would really think that the King was out of prison. They then intended to ride around the country to rally all the friends and allies of King Richard. Alas! They were too late, for without delay duke Henry, who wanted them dead, swiftly sent there so many men, that none of those whom he wished to capture escaped.

They did their bounden duty to fight them off for a long time, but there were a hundred or more men against ten, as I heard. Those fought like false and frenzied traitors until they gained the upper hand and captured all the rebel lords by force, which was a great shame, for they had to suffer bitter death, as you will hear tell. [fo. 70r.] First of all they beheaded the duke of Exeter, next the good duke of Surrey, who was always loyal and true, and then the earl of Salisbury was not forgotten in this tally; they had these three put to death shamefully and unlawfully.

Afterwards the heads were carried to London amid great rejoicing. They were nailed up on lances on London Bridge, high enough for them to be easily seen. But to tell you the truth, they did not leave the duke of Exeter's head there long; it only stayed there a day and a night, because he was married to duke Henry's sister.Footnote 197

Now may God, who suffered death to redeem sinners from the infernal agonies of hell, preserve their souls in heaven, for at all times they were worthy men, loyal and bold, in word, thought and deed; so much so that one could not find three such knights in all England today, for they remained faithful [fo. 70v.] and devoted unto death. But if they were mindful of God and His holy Passion, I understand and believe that they are in Paradise above, for their blood was shed as martyrsFootnote 198 loyally defending what was right in all respects.

§65 Lines 3223–3234. Richard is told the bad news.

Shortly afterwards good King Richard was told the whole truth of the sorrowful affair, which was distressing for him to hear, and that was no surprise. Weeping he then said,

‘Death, get ready to attack me, no one can help me any longer, since I have lost my friends. Sweetest God, who was hung on the Cross, have mercy on me, for I can live no longer like this.’

§66 Lines 3235–3266. Richard refuses to eat and dies.

When the King received this bad news, his heart filled so much with anger that, from that time onwards, he neither ate not drank, and thus it was that he died, so they say. But really I do not believe that this was so, since some men say that for sure he is still alive and well and [fo. 71r.] shut up in their prison – which is a great crime on their part – even although they had a dead man carried openly through London – this was no lie – with all the honour and ceremony due to a deceased King, saying that it was the body of King Richard, who had died.

Duke Henry made a pretenceFootnote 199 of mourning, holding in front of him the pall covering the coffin. Behind him walked his kinsmen, in good array; they had no knowledge of King Richard or the crimes that they had committed against him. This will weigh on them in the presence of God on the Last Day, when He will condemn the wicked into the flames of hell which burn for ever.

§67 Lines 3267–3312. Richard's funeral.

As you hear tell, they carried the body directly to St Paul's in London, honourably and fittingly, as was appropriate for a King. But certainly I do not believe that it was the former King, rather do I believe that it was his chaplain Maudelyn, who resembled him so closely in appearance, breadth, height and build [fo. 71v.] that everyone firmly thought that it was good King Richard.

And if it was him, I pray earnestly and continually to our merciful and benevolent God that He may receive his soul in heaven above, for he hated all vice and evil, as I believe. I saw in him nothing but goodness and his Christian faith; I served him for sevenFootnote 200 months to the best of my ability, in order that I might in some way merit the gifts he had promised me.

Certainly he was only deposed and betrayed because he faithfully loved the King of France – his father-in-law – with a true heart, as much as any man alive. This was the root of their hatred, even although they alleged that in his folly he had had the dukes – his unclesFootnote 201 – foully murdered, and that he was neither wise nor capable enough to rule the kingdom. I could tell you plenty of other things that they say, but certainly I think I have told you [fo. 72r.] the truth as I understand it. If I had to surrender my soul, I would continue to think in this way; being a wicked and capricious race, they have a mortal hatred of the French, if only they dared to show it.

§68 Lines 3313–3405. Henry sends ambassadors to Charles VI: amongst other things he wants a marriage between Queen Isabella and the Prince of Wales.

The Commons crowned duke Henry after he had accomplished the greater part of what he wanted and deposed good King Richard. Then he appointed his official ambassadors and messengers (who were very wise) – clerks and laymen – and sent them to Calais bearing letters of credence to the King of France.

The bishop of DurhamFootnote 202 was of their number – so I heard – and Sir Thomas Percy,Footnote 203 who was happy to do his master's bidding; also Sir William Heron,Footnote 204 who knew what he was doing. These three came across to justify the crime that their new King had committed against the King of FranceFootnote 205 [fo. 72v.] who had showered him with such great honours when he was unhappily banished from England. The said ambassadors promptly sent a herald (who was wise, cunning and circumspect) to Paris to ask for their safe-conduct, for thus were they instructed by their master when they left.

The herald was made to leave Paris swiftly without a reply, a safe-conduct or a summons, for the King would not suffer them to come to negotiate with him. Rather did he send Master Pierre BlanchetFootnote 206 and Henart de KanbenartFootnote 207 to them at Calais to find out what they wanted; these two travelled together. There the English ambassadors greeted them – it seems to me – with much reverence and courtesy, saying that there had been a great revolution in their country, and that they had chosen a new King following the decree and good advice of the Commons of England, without anyone finding fault with that.

Words could not express [fo. 73r.] the great affection that this King felt towards his cousin – the King of France – so tenderly did he love him and would continue to love him throughout his life; for as long as he lived he would be greatly attached to him, as he had received him most splendidly in his country.

‘And to nurture the love, well-being, peace and health of the two kingdoms this King would like a marriage to be arranged in France – so it seemed to us – between the Queen and his son, the Prince,Footnote 208 and between him and another lady of royal blood who conquers his heart: thus great joy and many advantages could fall on the two kingdoms – certainly no Christian in this world could wish for more – and he would like a lasting peace to be announced throughout the two countries.’

But when they had delivered their message to the French, these latter replied, before [fo. 73v.] they left the place, saying:Footnote 209

‘Messeigneurs, God forbid that we give one word in reply to this matter, for it is too important an affair. We are only instructed to report your request and what you say to the King of France, our master.’

§69 Lines 3406–3494. French ambassadors are sent to Boulogne to hear the English requests and to demand the return of Queen Isabella. She arrives at Calais on 25 July 1401.

Thus without saying another word the French messengers left the English, who once more showed them prodigious honour and reverence. They returned directly to France, to Paris where the King was; he was most anxious to know the English situation, and how they had deposed King Richard and put him to death.

The messengers made their report to the King in full Council, relating accurately the conduct of the English, and how they humbly begged for a safe-conduct. Then the Council very wisely agreed together – it seems to me – to send ambassadors of equal rank to hear their proposition [fo. 74r.] and what the English wanted. They should take pains to enquire about what the English had done; and the English should hand back the Queen with all speed, as they are obliged to do by their pledged word and the seals affixed to the documents drawn up when the marriage was arranged between King Richard and his wife. None of the French should be slow to petition them time and again, otherwise their behaviour will be wicked and disloyal and great harm will ensue in the two countries. They should have only one aim, and hide nothing that is right from the English; they should go directly without delay to Boulogne to hear and know what the English propose.

Thus in February the bishop of ChartresFootnote 210 left Paris first along with Monseigneur de Hugueville,Footnote 211 stopping nowhere until they came to Boulogne; Master Pierre BlanchetFootnote 212 was there, [fo. 74v.] also Master Gontier Col.Footnote 213 They had to put up with the rough and the smooth before they could win back the Queen, for in truth the English would make them no concessions, considering that the negotiations lasted twenty months before they repatriated the young Queen; they were always delaying until she would be twelve years old, so that her deeds and words, and anything they could have had her do, could never be undone. But they were entreated and petitioned so often by the French – showing them that they were very wrong to keep her, considering the agreement that was made on her marriage – that the English ordered her passage [to France].

On Tuesday 25 July around six o'clock in the morning, the Queen of England crossed from Dover to Calais; this was in the year 1401, as I understand. She was in splendid company, for she had with her some of the greatest ladies of England. When they had set foot on shore, [fo. 75r.] Hugueville who had crossed with her did not delay. Rather did he report immediately to the ambassadors at Boulogne what had happened, and how she had crossed over, and that the English intended to hand her back, as they had him understand.

§70 Lines 3495–3509. Queen Isabella moves from Calais to Leulingham.

On the following Sunday, the last day of July, without any more obstruction, the Queen left Calais with the English who could not find any more justifiable cause for delay, so much did the French petition them; they led her straight to Leulingham.Footnote 214 Right there she was met by those who were in the picture, that is the honest count of St PolFootnote 215 – as everyone says – and with him the French ambassadors who had moved mountains to get her back.

§71 Lines 3510–3564. The handover of Isabella at Leulingham begins.

Near Leulingham the Queen entered an elegant pavilion that the English had erected in the valley. The high-born ladies of France approached, greatly wishing [fo. 75v.] to meet her. A little later – as it seems to me – they left there and everyone led the Queen to the chapel of Leulingham (which looks like everyone knows who has seen it).Footnote 216 And when she had come they made her enter, in the company of very few people: just the ambassadors of France and England, who had worked hard towards this.

When they were together in the chapel, a knight whom the English hold very dear – Sir Thomas PercyFootnote 217 – started speaking and said:

‘King Henry of England, my sovereign lord, wishing the fulfilment of his promise, has unconditionally and freely had the Queen of England brought here to hand her back to her father, the King of France; liberated, quit and free of all bonds of marriage and any other debt, [fo. 76r.] due, or commitment.’

Sir Thomas swore on the perdition of his soul that this was so, and furthermore that she was as pure and undefiled as on the day that she was taken in her litter to King Richard. And if there were anyone anywhere – king, duke, earl: Christian or non-believer: of high or low degree – who disputed this, Sir Thomas would straightway find an Englishman of equal rank to support his case; and would reveal the Queen's bodyFootnote 218 to the view of any appropriate judges, to show that she was as he said.

§72 Lines 3565–3601. The handover is completed and Isabella is back on French soil.

When he had had his say, the count of St Pol very smartly told him that – Jesus Christ be praised – they all firmly believed him without harbouring any doubts.

Then Sir Thomas Percy, weeping bitterly,Footnote 219 took the young Queen by the arms and handed her to the ambassadors there. And also they were given [fo. 76v.] certain letters of quittance which the French had promised; you should know that before the two sides left there, they shed most piteous tears. But when it came for her to leave the chapel, the Queen – whose heart shines with goodness – led out all the English ladies and gentlemen who were expressing their great sorrow in the French pavilions. They agreed to dine together; and so they did, as it seems to me. After the dinner the Queen called for a great quantity of very fine jewels and had them given to the noble English ladies and gentlemen who were weeping in great grief.

But the Queen comforted them and bade them farewell; then their lamentations broke out again when she had to take her leave.

§73 Lines 3602–3712. Isabella returns to Paris. Creton finishes by cursing the English; he wrote the Prinse et mort so that the truth of Richard's capture might be known.

The English and the French then parted, but I know it to be true that before the Queen of England was one league further on, [fo. 77r.] she came across my lord of BurgundyFootnote 220 who had come from Boulogne to lay a secret ambush. The count of Nevers,Footnote 221 his elder son was there – you can all be sure of that – Monseigneur AntoineFootnote 222 was there too; there was also another great lord, the duke of Bourbon.Footnote 223

They were accompanied by 500 lancers on foot, drawn up armed in the fields, so that if the English had changed their plans, or if they had thought to take the Queen away again – because of some dispute between the two sides – everyone would have done his duty to rescue her: and they would have charged the English through hills, plains and valleys until, despite them, the French would have taken the Queen forcibly back to her father, the King of France.

But I want you to see that they did not need to do this, for the English intended to restore [fo. 77v.] her out of England into her own country, with all the jewels she had in her possession when she left France after her marriage. She journeyed through France to Paris, where there were many tears shed and much joy on her arrival.

Now let us pray to God – who meekly let his naked body hang on the Cross to redeem sinners out of the hands of their false enemies in Hell – that He may take speedy revenge on the great evils, ingratitude, outrage and injustice committed by the foul English against their King and Queen; but let this be soon, for I swear in truth to you that I have a great desire to see it done, on account of the evil I have seen amongst them. If everyone knew what they want and how they hate the French, I think that within three months one would see many ships filled with provisions and supplies carrying battle to them, [fo. 78r.] for these are very wicked people, slow to do good; anyone can clearly see that.

If I have spoken too much about them in any way that causes offence, I humbly beg without bitterness to be pardoned. I swear by God and on my soul that to the best of my ability I have not laid at their door any wrongs that they have not committed, considering that I saw their actions for sevenFootnote 224 whole months and rode with them in diverse countries and places, in Ireland and England. And the good earl of Salisbury earnestly asked and begged me, when he was captured with King Richard, to spread abroad their crimes and disloyal treachery if I were able to return to France.

I gave him my faithful promise of my own free will, and for this reason I have taken pains to honour the vow I made him in the great distress and danger in which I left him; and also because I know [fo. 78v.] for sure that no one could have known the truth about the King's capture, and how he was falsely lured from his fine, strong Welsh castles through concord and negotiation with the earl of Northumberland, as I said before. And so I sincerely beg all who read to the end of this account which I wrote about the English and what they did, to pardon me if I made mistakes in versification, in rhyme or in my prose, for I am not skilled in them.

Amen.

LA PRINSE ET MORT DU ROY RICHART D'ANGLETERRE

[fo. 2r.] Figure I: Creton makes obeisance to Jean de Montaigu, the first owner of H.

§1 Lines 1–68. Creton arrives in England and accompanies King Richard to Ireland.

Au departir de la froide saison,
Que printemps a fait reparacïon
De verdure,Footnote 1* et qu'auFootnote 2 champs maint buisson
Voit on flourir  4
Et les oyseaulx doulcement resjoïr,
Le roussignol peut onFootnote 3 chanter oïr,
Qui maint amant fait souvent devenir
Joyeux et gay.*  8
Cinq jours devantFootnote 4 le premier jour de may –
Que chascun doit laissier dueil et esmay –
Un chevalier, que de bon cuer amay,
Moult doulcement  12
Me dit: ‘Amy, je vous pri* chierement
‘Qu'en Albïon vueilliez joyeusement
‘Avecques moy venir; prochainnementFootnote 5
‘YFootnote 6 vueil aler.’  16
[fo. 2v.] Je respondi: ‘Monseigneur, commander
‘Povez sur moy, je sui prest d'encliner
‘Ma voulenté a vostre bon penser,Footnote 7
‘N'en doubtez ja.’  20
Le chevalier cent foiz me mercia,
Disant: ‘Frere, certes il convendraFootnote 8
‘Bien brief Footnote 9 partir, carFootnote 10 haster nous fauldra,
‘Soiez certains.’  24
Ce fu en l'an mil quatre cens un mains
Que de Paris, chascun de joie plains,*
Nous partismes, chevauchant soirs et mains
Sans atargier  28
Jusqu'aFootnote 11 Londres. La nous convintFootnote 12 logier
Un mercredi a heureFootnote 13 de mengier.
La povoit on vëoir maint chevalier
Faire depart  32
De la ville, car le bon roy Richart
Estoit partiz avecques l'estuuart.
De chevauchier au matin et au tart
Fu moult songneux,  36
Car il estoit de passer envïeux
La mer salee, pour les despiz et deulx
Qu'en YmbernieFootnote 14 ses enemis morteulx*
Li orent faiz.  40
Grant quantité* de ses amis parfaiz
Avoient fait mourir, sique jamaiz
Ne vouloit estre a repoz në a paix,
Jusques a tant  44
[fo. 3r.] Qu'il eüst prinsFootnote 15 vengence souffisant
De Maquemore, qui se dit excellant
Roy et seigneur d'Ymbernie la grant
Et dë IllandeFootnote 16  48
(Ou gueres n'a de plainne ne de lande.)
Pour ce le roy souventesfoizFootnote 17 commande
De s'avancier et que tantost on mande
Qu'il vient au port  52
De Milleforde, ou il a bel apport.Footnote 18
La feumes nousFootnote 19 en joie et en depport
Dix jours entiers atendant le vent nort
Pour nous partir.  56
Mainte trompette y povoitFootnote 20 on oïr
De jour, de nuit menestrelzFootnote 21 retentir,
De toutes parts gendarmes survenirFootnote 22
Chargier vaisseaulx  60
De pain, de vin, de vaches etFootnote 23 de veaulx,
De char salee et d'eaue mains tonneaulx,
Chevaulx guinderFootnote 24* qui furent bons et beaulx;
Chascun pour soy  64
N'oublia pas d'apprester son arroy.
La print congié auxFootnote 25 dames le bon roy
Et se parti en gracïeux conroy
L'onziesme jour.  68

§2 Lines 69–120. Richard arrives in Waterford and moves on to Kilkenny.

Lors maronniersFootnote 26 sans plus faire sejour
Leverent hault leurs voiles, par tel tour
Qu'avant deux jours on apperceut la tour*
De Watreforde  72
[fo. 3v.] En Irlande, ou gens viFootnote 27 laide et orde,
L'un desciré, l'autreFootnote 28 ceint d'une corde;
L'un ot un trou, l'autre avoitFootnote 29* une borde
Pour demourer.  76
La leur fist on de grans fardeaulx porter,
Et dedans l'eaue jusques aux rains entrer
Pour deschargier les barges de la mer
Hastivement,  80
Car ja le royFootnote 30 avecquesFootnote 31 de sa gent
Dedens la ville estoit, ou doulcement
Fu recuillizFootnote 32 de la menue gent
Et des marchans.  84
SixFootnote 33 jours aprés se mist le roy auxFootnote 34 champs
AvecFootnote 35 Angloiz, qui furent chevauchans
Serreement,Footnote 36 non pas comme meschans
Në esbahiz,  88
A Kilkigny, bien avant ou païs
Quatrevins mile, et pres des ennemis.
La fu le roy avecques ses amis
Quatorze jours,  92
En atendant du conte le secours
De Rotelant, qui depuis tout son cours
En malfaisant et en estranges toursFootnote 37
A demené.  96
Au departirFootnote 38 chascun fu ordonné
Au mieulx qu'il pot de pain, de vin, de blé.
La veille droit de Saint Jehan d'Esté
Tresbien matin  100
[fo. 4r.] Parti le roy, tenant le droit chemin
Vers Maquemore, qui ne voult estre enclin
N'obeïssant a lui a quelque fin,
Ains se disoit  104
D'Ibernië estre roy et parFootnote 39 droit,
Et que de guerre jamaiz ne lui fauldroit;
Jusqu'aFootnote 40 la mort sonFootnote 41 païs deffendroit
AvecFootnote 42* sa terre,  108
Disant que a tort la lui vouloit conquerre.
Et lors le roy fist aprester son erre
Es haulx deserts pour le trouver et querre,
Car sa maison  112
Estoit es bois. C'est sa convercïonFootnote 43
D'y demourer en quelconque saison,
Et la dedens avoit – ce disoit on –
Avecques lui  116
Trois mil hommes qui furent moult hardi
Et si apers, c'onques telz gens ne vy;
D'Angloiz trop pou estoient esbahi,*
Ce me sembla.  120

§3 Lines 121–184. Henry of Monmouth is knighted. TheIrish refuse to join battle; Richard attempts to burn them out.

A l'entree des haulx bois s'assembla
Tout l'ost du roy, et chascun s'ordonna
Tresbien et bel, car pour l'eure on cuida
Bataille avoir,  124
Maiz les Yrlois ne se firent pointFootnote 44 veoir
A ceste foiz, je le sçay bien de voir.
Lors commanda le roy de tout ardoir
La environ,  128
[fo. 4v.] De feuxFootnote 45 bouter fu la conclusïon
Pour amendrir la dominacïon
Des Irlandoiz; maint village et maison
La furent ars.  132
En ce faisant le roy – qui les liepars
Porte en blason – fist rens de toutes pars
Faire, et tantost panons et estandars
En hault lever.  136
Aprés fist il de vray cuer sans amer
Le filz au duc de Lanclastre mander,
Qui estoit bel et jeune bacheler
Et avenant,  140
Et puis le fist chevalier, en disant:
‘Mon beau cousin, soiez preu et vaillant
‘Desoremaiz, car pou avez vaillant
‘Sans conquerir.’  144

[fo. 5r.] Figure II: King Richard knights Henry of Monmouth.

Et pour le plus honnorer et cherir
En accroissant son bienFootnote 46 et son plaisir,
Affin telle qu'il en eust souvenir
Plus longuement,  148
En fist d'autres .viii. ou dix. Maiz comment
Leurs nons feurent, pas ne sçay vrayement,
Car de leur fait ne m'enFootnote 47 chaloit granment*
Ne d'eulx aussi,  152
Veu qu'en mon cuer Dueil, Ennuy et SoussiFootnote 48
Avoient fait, et de tous poins choisi,
Leur mensïon, et Desir* dessaisi
M'avoit de Joie;  156
Pour quoy c'estoit jamaiz ne le diroie.Footnote 49
En celFootnote 50 estat avecFootnote 51 eulx chevauchoie,
Et tous leurs faiz assez je regardoie,Footnote 52
A la finFootnote 53 tele  160
[fo. 5v.] Qu'en aucun temps j'en sceüsseFootnote 54 nouvelle
Dire, et comment la traïson mortele
Bien tost aprés s'ensuÿFootnote 55 moult cruele,
Com vous orrez.  164
Maiz la conqueste avant dire m'orrez
Que le roy fist, qui estoit demourez
Devant les boiz, aux tentes et aux trez,Footnote 56
AvecFootnote 57 ses gens.  168
De deslogier fu chascun diligens
Quant les bons homs, bien .ii.m et cinq cens,
Qui ou païs estoient residens,
Furent venus  172
Pour abatre des boiz grans et menus,Footnote 58
Car deFootnote 59 chemins adonc n'y avoit nulz;
N'oncques maizFootnote 60 homs,* tant feustFootnote 61 de gens pourveuz,Footnote 62
Hardiz ne preux,  176
N'y pot passer, tant sont boizFootnote 63 pereilleux.*
Et savez vous comment en pluseurs lieux
Fait si parfont, queFootnote 64 qui n'est bien songneux
De regarder  180
Ou l'enFootnote 65 marche, il y fault enfondrerFootnote 66
Jusques auxFootnote 67 rains, ou tout dedens entrer?
Et pour ce nulz ne les puet atrapper,
C'est leur retrait.  184

§4 Lines 185–320. The Irish harass the English troops who endure starvation. McMurrough's uncle pleads for mercy and the earl of Gloucester is sent to parley with McMurrough.

Ainsi les bois passames tout a trait,
Car les Irloiz doubtoient moult le trait.
La menoientFootnote 68 tel crierieFootnote 69 et tel brait,
Qu'a mon advisFootnote 70  188
[fo. 6r.] On les eust bienFootnote 71 d'une grant lieue oÿs.
A pou de dueil n'esragoientFootnote 72* tousFootnote 73 vifs
Pour les archiers, qui souvent viz a viz
D'entr’eulxFootnote 74 estoient.  192
L'avangarde moult souvent assailloient,
Et de dardes si grans cops ilzFootnote 75 gettoient
Que haubergonsFootnote 76 et les plates perçoient
De part en part.  196
D'Angloiz firent beaucop morirFootnote 77 a part
Quant en fourrage aloient quelque part
Sans atendre l'eure deFootnote 78 l'estendart,
CarFootnote 79 mons et vaulx  200
Courent plus tost du païs les chevaulx
Que cerf ne fait quant il a fait grans saulx.Footnote 80
C'est ce par quoy ilzFootnote 81 firent foison maulx
Et grantFootnote 82 dommage  204
AuxFootnote 83 gens du roy, qui otFootnote 84 fier le courage,
Veu que telz gens, qui sont presque sauvage,
Vot soubzmettre du tout enFootnote 85 son servage
Et conquerir.  208
Et de fait vint pour mercy requerir
L'oncle propre Maquemore cheïr
Aux piez du roy, car paour ot de mourir,
Une journee  212
La hart auFootnote 86 col,* tenant nue l'espee;
D'autres y vy foisonFootnote 87 de sa livree,
NuzFootnote 88 et deschaulx comme gent diffamee
PresteFootnote 89 de mort.  216
[fo. 6v.] Lors quant le roy les vit, il ot remort
De pacïence, disant: ‘Amis,Footnote 90 au fort
‘Les maulx qu'avez vers moy faiz et le tort
‘JeFootnote 91 vous pardonne,  220
‘Maiz que sa foy chascunFootnote 92 me jure et donne,
‘Que desoremaiz* serez vraie gent bonne.’
De tresbon cuer chascun lui abandonne
LaFootnote 93 sa demande.  224
Quant ce fu fait, a Maquemore mande –
Qui se disoit seigneur et roy d'Irlande
(OuFootnote 94 maint boiz a et pou y a de lande) –
Que s'il vouloit  228
Vers lui venir, la hart ouFootnote 95 col tout droit
Comme son oncle, a mercy le prendroit,
Et qu'assez terre et chasteaulx lui donroit
Ailleurs que la.  232
Aux gens du roy Maquemore dit a
Que pourFootnote 96 tout l'or dela mer neFootnote 97 deça
Ne le feroit, ains guerre lui fera
Et encombrier.  236
TropFootnote 98 bien savoit que gueres a mengier
N'orent Engloiz, car qui deust enragier,Footnote 99
Trouvé n'eust pas quiFootnote 100 vaulsist un denier
A achetter,  240
S'ilFootnote 101 ne l'avoit o lui fait apporter.
En cest estat faillu l'ost sejourner
Bien .xi. jours, sans nulle riens* trouver
Fors seulement  244
[fo. 7r.] Avoines vers unFootnote 102 pou, non pas granment,
Pour les chevaulx, qui estoient souvent
Logiez aux champs, a la pluie et au vent,
Tous morfonduz;  248
De famine en yFootnote 103 ot maintsFootnote 104 perdus,
D'ommes aussi, grans, petis et menus.
La grant paine croire ne pourroit nulz
Ne le meschief  252
Qu'orent Angloiz, qui ne porent a chief
De Maquemore venir; ains de rechief
Leur faisoit moult de painezFootnote 105* et de grief
Avoir de fain.  256
Tel jour y vy – jeFootnote 106 le sçay bienFootnote 107 certain –
Que quatre ou six n'avoient q'un seul pain;
De telz y ot qui n'en mengerent grain
Cinq jours entiers.  260
Voire, quelzFootnote 108 gens? Chevaliers, escuiers.Footnote 109
Quant est de moy, j'eusse bienFootnote 110 voulentiers
Voulu estre sans argent a Poitiers
Ou a Paris,  264
Car la n'avoit EsbatementFootnote 111 ne Ris,
Maiz en ce lieuFootnote 112 Travail, Painne et Perilz;
Dueil pour Joie y estoit bien serviz
Et honnourez.  268
PourFootnote 113 riens ne feust la l'ost plus demourez,
Maiz cependent par la mer vint .iii. nefsFootnote 114
De Duveline, ou il y ot assez
Biens et vitaille.  272

[fo. 7v.] Figure III: Three ships arrive from Dublin.

Pour en avoir y ot souventFootnote 115 bataille,
Dedens la mer entroient comme en paille.
Chascun pour soy y emploia sa maille
Ou son denier,  276
Les uns en boire, les autres en mengier,
Tout fu rifflé sans gueres attargier.
D'ivresFootnote 116 y ot – je croy – plus d'un millier
Celle journee,  280
Veu que d'Osoie siFootnote 117 estoit la vinee*
Et d'Espaigne, qui est bonne contree;
Par eulx fu la mainte buffe donnee
Et maint tatin.  284
Non obstant ce, l'andemain aFootnote 118 matin
Le roy parti,Footnote 119 tenant le droit chemin
A Duveline maugré tout le hutin
Des ennemis,  288
[fo. 8r.] Quant Maquemoire vers le roy a tramis
Un mendiant, disant que ses amis*
VouloitFootnote 120 estre et lui crier mercis
A jointes mains;  292
Ou que vers lui vueille envoierFootnote 121 au mains
Aucun seigneur, qui soitFootnote 122* vraiz et certains,Footnote 123
Pour traittier paix, sique tout soit estains
Le courroux d'eulx,  296
Qui longuement avoit esté crueulx.
Ces nouvelles en firent mainsFootnote 124 joieux
En l'ost du roy, car chascun envïeux
Fu de repos.  300
A son conseil demanda leur propos
Et qu'i* seroit bon de faire. A briefzFootnote 125 mos
Furent d'accort, pourFootnote 126 le bon nom et los
Qu'avoit le conteFootnote 127  304
De Glocestre – qui oncques n'ama honte –
Quë il iroit, maiz que bien lui raconte
Le grant oultrage et a combien ce monte
Ce qu'il a fait.  308
Present le roy,* se parti et de fait
L'arriere garde, de quoy il estoit fait
Cappitaine, enmenaFootnote 128 tout a fait
Avecques lui.  312
Deux cens lances furent – bien vous affi –
Et mile archiers, oncques meilleurs ne vy.
Avecques eulx alay, comme celui
Qui vouloit voir  316
[fo. 8v.] L'onneur, l'estat, la force etFootnote 129 le povoir
De Maquemore, et comentFootnote 130 son devoir
Vouloit faire pour bonne paix avoir
Et confermer.  320

§5 Lines 321–388. The meeting between Gloucester and McMurrough.

Entre deux bois assez loing de la mer
Maquemore la montaigne avaler
Vy, et d'Irloiz – que pas ne sçay nommbrerFootnote 131
Y ot foison.  324
Un cheval ot sans sele në arçon
Qui luiFootnote 132 avoit cousté – ce disoit on –
Quatre cens vaches, tant estoit bel et bon,
Car pou d'argent  328
A ou païs; pourFootnote 133 ce communementFootnote 134
Marchandent eulx a bestes seulement.
En descendant couroit si asprement
Qu'a mon advis,  332
Oncques maiz jour de ma vie ne vis
Courre si tost lievre, cerf ne brebis
N'autreFootnote 135* beste – pour certain le vous dis –
Comme il faisoit.  336
En sa main dextre une darde portoit
GrantFootnote 136 et longue, de quoy molt bien gettoit,
Sa semblance, ainsi comme il estoit,Footnote 137
Vëez* pourtraite*  340

[fo. 9r.] Figure IV: McMurrough gallops downhill out of the woods.

Ycy endroit. Maiz sa gent fu retraite
DevantFootnote 138 le boiz commëFootnote 139 une escharguete,
Et d'eulx deux la fu l'assemblee faiteFootnote 140*
Pres d'un ruissel.  344
La se maintint Maquemore assezFootnote 141 bel,
Grans homsFootnote 142 estoit, a merveillez ysnel;
A veue d'ueil sembloit fort, fierFootnote 143 et fel
Et homs de fait.  348
Lui et le conte parlerent de leur fait,
En racontant* le mal et le mesfait
Que Maquemoire avoit vers le roy faitFootnote 144
Par pluseurs foiz,  352
Et comment tous parjurerent leurs foyz
Quant le conte de la Marche courtoiz
Firent mourir, sans jugement ne loiz
A grant meschief.  356
[fo. 9v.] Puis parlerent assez et de rechief,
Maiz d'accorder ne vindrent pas a chief;
Le congié fu d'eulxFootnote 145 assez prompt et brief
Et le depart.  360
Chascun se mist enFootnote 146 son chemin a part
Et le conte devers le roy Richart
S'enFootnote 147 retourna, car moult lui estoit tart*
De raconter  364
Trestout son fait et son subtilFootnote 148 penser:
Et comment riens ne peutFootnote 149 en lui trouver
Fors seulement qu'il veult mercy crier,
Voire comment  368
Qu'il soit certainFootnote 150 d'avoir paix ligementFootnote 151
Sans autre grief në emprisonnement,
Ou ja accort n'en fera autrement
Jour de sa vie;  372
Et qu'i cuidra avoir bon, si l'envie.*
Ceste parole ne fu pas au roy lie;
La face en ot de mautalent palie,
Ce me sembla.  376
Par grant couroux Saint Edouart jura
Que jamaiz jour ne se departira
D'Imbernie, jusqu'aFootnote 152 tant qu'il l'avraFootnote 153
Ou vif ou mort.  380
Las! Le grant mal ne le mortel effort
Ne savoit pas qu'i lui sourdoit a fort
Par ceulx de qui il atendoit confort
Trestous les jours.  384
[fo. 10r.] Et Fortune, qui fait tout au rebours,
Ne volt souffrir qu'il eust plus guere cours,
Ains lui tourna ses joies en doulours
En bien pou d'eure.  388

§6 Lines 389–624. Richard advances on Dublin. The earl of Rutland arrives. Six weeks of bad weather ensue, then news of Henry Lancaster's invasion is received. Salisbury is sent to Conway, Creton goes too.

L’ost desloga sans plus faire demeure,
Car de mengier qui vaulsist une meure*
N'eüst on pas trouvé la a celle heure.
Pour ce tout droit  392
A Duveline alasmes,Footnote 154 qui estoit
Bonne ville, carFootnote 155 sur la mer sëoit.
De marchandise et de biens y avoit
Si grant foison,  396
Que parFootnote 156 tout l'ost du roy – ce disoit on –
Oncques plus chier n'en fuFootnote 157 char ne poisson,
Pain, blé ne vinFootnote 158 në autre garnison.
SiFootnote 159 sçay je assez,  400
Que trente mile estoient ilzFootnote 160 passez
Qui furent la et entour sejournez;
Trestous leurs maulx furent tost oubliez
Et leur grief painne.  404
Nous y fusmez assez plus de quinzaine
AisesFootnote 161 duFootnote 162 corps comme poisson en Saine;*
D'Illande estoit la ville souveraine
Pour marchander.  408
Le roy ne pot Maquemore oublier.
De ses gens fist bien et belFootnote 163 ordonner
Trois parties pour le querre et trouver
Et leur pria  412
[fo. 10v.] De bien faire, disant: qui l'amenra,
Cent mars d'or fin de bon cuer lui donra –
Chascun pour soy ce mot pasFootnote 164 n'oublia,
Car tresbien sonne –  416
Et s'on ne peut atrapperFootnote 165 sa personne,
Maiz que Jhesus bonne santé lui donne,
Et que le temps siFootnote 166 soit passé d'autonneFootnote 167*
Que desvestus  420
Seront arbres etFootnote 168 de leurs fueilles nuz,
Ardre fera les boiz grans et menuz;
Sique – je croy – qu'ainsiFootnote 169 sera tenuz
Non autrement.  424
Ce jour mesmesFootnote 170 arriva proprement
De Roteland le faulxFootnote 171 conte et sa gent,
A cent barges garnies grandement
Tout pour la guerre.  428
Connestable estoitFootnote 172 lors d'Angleterre
Et duc d'Aumarle (ou il aFootnote 173 belle terre).
Tout ce qu'il vot au roy pot bienFootnote 174 requerre,
CarFootnote 175 – seFootnote 176 m'ait* Dieux –  432
Ou monde n'ot homme qu'il amast mieulx,
Frere ne oncle, cousin jeune ne vieulx;
De sa venue ot le cuer moult joieux
Et asseuré.  436
ParFootnote 177 pluseurs foiz lui a il demandé:
‘Connestable, ou avez demouré
‘Si longuement? Que n'estes arrivé
‘Plus tost a nous?’  440
[fo. 11r.] Il s'excusa haultementFootnote 178 devant tous.
Content en fu le roy, car humbleFootnote 179 et doulx
Estoit vers lui, non obstant qu'a rebousFootnote 180*
De ce qu'otFootnote 181 dit  444
Avoit fait, dont pluseursFootnote 182 foiz fu maudit.
Ainsi fusmes en joie et en delitFootnote 183
A Duveline, ou tresgracïeux fit,
Bien six sepmaines  448
Sans point oïr deFootnote 184 nouvelles certainesFootnote 185
D'Angleterre, car pour perilz neFootnote 186 paines
C'on entreprinstFootnote 187 n'yFootnote 188 porent venir saines
Barges ne nefs.  452
Tant fu le vent contraire de tous lezFootnote 189
Et en la mer tempeste si oultrez
Qu'a mon cuider sur le roy fu yrez
Nostre Seigneur,  456
Car entandizFootnote 190 la partie greigneur
D'Engleterre prist le duc par faveur
Si estrange, oncquesFootnote 191 ne vyFootnote 192 pïeur
Jour de ma vie;  460
Et vous l'orrez, maiz que je ne devie.
Un pou aprés la mer fu apaisie.
Quant au roy pleutFootnote 193, quiFootnote 194* tout ça jus maistrie,
Vint arriver  464
Une barge qui mains yeulx fistFootnote 195 plourer.
Ceulx deFootnote 196 dedens vouldrent au roy compter
CommentFootnote 197 le duc avoit fait decoler
Son tresorier,  468
[fo. 11v.] Et comment, quant il arriva premier
En son païs, il fist aux gensFootnote 198 preschier
L'arcevesque de Cantorbie fierFootnote 199
Disant ainsi:  472
‘Mes bonnes gens, entendez tous ici.
‘Vous savez bien coment le roy banny
‘A a grantFootnote 200 tort vostre seigneur Henry
‘Et sans raison.  476
‘Et pour ce j'ay fait impetracïon
‘Au Saint Pere, qui est nostre patron:
‘Que trestous ceulx avrontFootnote 201 remissïon
‘De leurs pechiez,  480
‘De quoy oncques ilz furent entachiezFootnote 202
‘Depuis l'eure qu'ilz furent baptisiez,
‘Qui lui aideront* – tous certains en soiez –
‘Celle journee.  484
‘Et ves en ciFootnote 203 la bulle sëelleeFootnote 204
‘Que le Pappe de Romme la louee
‘M'a envoieeFootnote 205* et pourFootnote 206 vous tous donnee,
‘Mes bons amis.  488

[fo. 12r.] Figure V: The Archbishop of Canterbury, holding the papal bull, preaches from the pulpit.

‘VuelliezFootnote 207 lui donc aidier ses ennemis
‘A conquerre,Footnote 208 et vous en serez mis
‘Avecques ceulx qui sont en Paradis
‘Aprés la mort.’  492
‘Lors veïssiez* jeune, viel, feble et fort
‘Murmure faire et par commun accort,
‘Sans regarder ne le droit ne le tort,
‘Eulx esmouvoir,  496
‘Cuidant que ce c'on leur fist assavoir
‘Feust verité. Tous le crurentFootnote 209 deFootnote 210 voir,
‘Car de sens n'ont gueres ne de savoir,
‘De telz y a.  500
‘L'arcevesque ce conseil cy trouva
‘Pour ce que nulz esmouvoir ne s'oza,
‘Car un chascun le courroulx redoubta
‘De vous, chier Sire.Footnote 211  504
[fo. 12v.] ‘Ce sermon fait, commencerent a fuire
‘Devers le duc pour vous confondre et nuire,
‘Vostre païs en conquerant destruire
‘De plusieurs biens:  508
‘Villes, chasteaulx prenant comme pour siens,
‘A lui soubzmet jeunes et ancïens;
‘Aux povres gens certes ne laissentFootnote 212 riens
‘C'onFootnote 213 puist porter.  512
‘Pour Dieu, Sire, pensez de vous haster,
‘Affin que tost luiFootnote 214 puissiez destourner
‘Son emprise, qui trop fait a blasmer,
‘Ce m'est advis.’  516
Le roy en ot de maltalent le viz
Descoulouré, disant: ‘Vien ça, amis.
‘Me veult cest homme oster de mon païs,
‘Biau* SireFootnote 215 Dieux?’  520
Assembler fist les jeunes et les vieulx
De son conseil pour regarder le mieulx
De cest affaire. Or fu leur accort tieulx
Un samedi,  524
D'entrer en mer le plus prouchain lundi
Sans atendre plus long jour ne demy.
Et quant le duc d'Ammarlë entendi
Le partement,  528
D'unFootnote 216 malice s'advisa, coyement
Pensant: s'il peut, il feraFootnote 217 autrement.
Au roy s'en vintFootnote 218 assez secretement
Pour tout desfaireFootnote 219  532
[fo. 13r.] Ce que trestous avoientFootnote 220 peü faire,
Disant: ‘Sire, ne vous vueille desplaire,
‘Car oncques maiz n'oÿFootnote 221 de tel affaire
‘Si bien mentir.  536
‘Ne vous hastez ja si de vous partir,Footnote 222
‘Il vault trop mieulx c'on face avant venir
‘Du navire trestout parFootnote 223 bon loysir,
‘Car nous n'avons  540
‘Pas cent barges. Comment nous en yrons,
‘Veu qu'en la mer lesFootnote 224 roches par grans mons
‘Sont cy endroit, s'estFootnote 225 perilleux liFootnote 226 fons?*
‘Maiz venez sa,Footnote 227  544
‘Il vault trop mieulx envoier par dela
‘De Salsebery le conte, qui tenra
‘Contre le duc les champs et lui fera
‘Assez de guerre;  548
‘Tous les Galoiz avra pour le conquerre.
‘Et entendizFootnote 228 nous en yrons par terre
‘A Watreforde. La envoierez querre
‘Par tous les pors  552
‘Du navire, sique febles et fors
‘Puissent passer et tout vostre ost alors.
‘Voz ennemis verrez tostFootnote 229 prins etFootnote 230 mors
‘Ou desconfiz;  556
‘De tout cecy soiezFootnote 231 certains et fiz.’
Le roy le crut plus que tous ses amis,
L'autre conseil fu desfait et desmis
Tout parFootnote 232 le sien.  560
[fo. 13v.] Il en despleutFootnote 233 a aucun ancïen
Qui de vray cuer amoient le roy bien,
Disant: ‘L'atendreFootnote 234 en tel cas ne vault rien
‘Certes, chierFootnote 235 Sire.’  564
Riens neFootnote 236 valu chose qu'onFootnote 237 lui peust dire,
Ses bons amis s'enFootnote 238 tindrent bien de rire
Et en orent au cuer grant dueil et ire.
Sans plus parler  568
De Salsebery fist le conte mander,
Disant: ‘Cousin, il vous en fault aler
‘En Engleterre et auFootnote 239 duc resister
‘Sa folle emprinse,  572
‘Et que sa gent soit mise a mort ou prinse.*
‘Et si sachiez comment neFootnote 240 par quelFootnote 241 guise
‘Il aFootnote 242 ma terre ainsi troubleeFootnote 243 et miseFootnote 244
‘Encontre moy.’  576
Le conte dist: ‘Monseigneur, par ma foy
‘Je le feray, telement que – je croy –
‘En pou de temps vous en orrez l'effroy
‘Ou je mourray  580
‘En la paine.’ ‘Beau cousin, bien le sçay,’Footnote 245
Ce dit le roy: ‘Et je m'avanceray
‘D'oultre passer au plus tost que pourray,
‘Car jamaiz jour  584
‘De ma vie n'avray bien ne sejour,
‘Jusques a tant que le faulx traïtour,
‘Qui maintenant m'a joué d'un tel tour,
‘Sera en vie.  588
[fo. 14r.] ‘Se je le puis tenir en ma baillie,
‘Par teleFootnote 246 mort lui feray perdre vie,Footnote 247
‘Qu'on en parlera* jusques en la Turquie
Bien longuement.’  592
Le conte fist appareillier sa gent
Et ses vaisseaulx pour partir promptement.Footnote 248
Au roy congié prist bien et sagement
Et lui pria  596
De s'avancier au plus tost qu'il pourra.
Le roy surFootnote 249 sains lui enconvenença:Footnote 250
Ainçoiz six jours en la mer entrera
Coment qu'il soit.  600
Lors le conte, qui grant desir avoit
De seFootnote 251 partir pour deffendre le droit
Du roy Richart, assez prié m'avoit
D'oultre passer  604
Avecques lui, pour rire et pour chanter,Footnote 252
Et je m'y volz de bon cuer accorder;
Mon compaignon et moy dela la mer
Avecques lui  608
En alasmes. Or advintFootnote 253 il ainsi
Qu'a Cornüay le conte descendi
En uneFootnote 254 ville qui est – je vous affi –
Moult forte etFootnote 255 belle;  612

[fo. 14v.] Figure VI: Salisbury's ships arrive at Conway.

En Gales fu. La oÿmes nouvelle
De l'emprise du duc, qui fu cruelle,
Oncques – je croy – on ne parlaFootnote 256 de telle
En nul païs.  616
Car on nous dist qu'il avoit ja conquis
D'Angleterre la plus grant part et pris
Villes, chasteaulx, officïersFootnote 257 desmis,
Et en son nom  620
FaisoitFootnote 258 par tout autre institucïon;
Tous ceulx qu'il ot enFootnote 259 indignacïon
Faisoit mourir sans leur fere pardon
Comme seigneur.  624

§7 Lines 625–676. Salisbury raises 40,000 Welshmen and men of Cheshire for the King.

Quant le conte oÿ celle douleur
Ce ne fu pas merveillesFootnote 260* s'il ot peurFootnote 261
Car des nobles la partie greigneur
Dë EngleterreFootnote 262  628
[fo. 15r.] Avoit le duc desja sceu bienFootnote 263 acquerre;
Soixante mil desirans tous la guerre
EstoientFootnote 264 bien, ce nous fist onFootnote 265 acroirre.
Lors promptement  632
Le conte fist faire son mandement
Parmy Gales et par Cestre: comment
Tous gentilz homs, archiers et autre gent
Tost sur leurFootnote 266 vie  636
VinssentFootnote 267 aFootnote 268 lui pour tenir la partie
Du royFootnote 269 Richart, qui ne les haioit mie.*
De ce faire orent tresgrant envie,
Cuidant pour vray  640
Qu'arrivé feust* le roy a Cornüay.
Avant qu'il feust .iiii. jours – bien le sçay –
Quarante mil furent faisant assay
Et moustre aux champs,  644
Qui de vray cuer furent tous desiransFootnote 270
D'avoir bataille a tous les malveillans
Du roy Richart, qui fu preux et vaillans,
Tant qu'il dura.  648
Lors le conte, qui assez endura
Paine et travail, vers eulx tous s'en ala,
Jurant: Jhesus, qui pour nous se laissa
Pendre en la croix,  652
Avant qu'il soit acompli des jours trois,
Tendra le duc et ses gens si estroisFootnote 271
Que plus avantFootnote 272 n'yront a celle foiz
GastantFootnote 273 païs.  656
[fo. 15v.] Un pou aprés le conte ses amis
Trouva aux champs trestous ensemble mis.
A eulx parla, disant: ‘Par bon advis,
‘Mes bonnes gens,  660
‘SoionsFootnote 274 trestous de vengier diligens
‘Le roy Richart, qui est yci absens,
‘Afin tele qu'il soit de nous contens
‘A tousjours maiz.  664
‘Quant est de moy, je ne pense jamaiz
‘A reposer në a prendre relaiz,
‘Jusques a tant qu'aray fait mes essaiz
‘Encontre ceulx  668
‘Qui sont vers lui si felons et crueulx.
‘Partons d'ici et alons tostFootnote 275 sur eulx,
‘Dieux nous aidra se nous somez songneulx
‘D'eulx assaillir,  672
‘Car selon ceFootnote 276 nostre loy soustenir
‘Doit un chascun le droit jusqu'auFootnote 277 mourir;
‘Dieux le commande expressementFootnote 278 tenir
‘En plusieurs cas.’  676

§8 Lines 677–708. Having learned that Richard is not at Conway, the Welsh refuse to fight.

Quant les Galoiz entendirent que pas
N'estoit le roy la, ilz furent tous mas,
L'un aFootnote 279 l'autre murmurant aFootnote 280 grantFootnote 281 tas,
Plains de frëeur,  680
CuidantFootnote 282 le roy estre mort a douleur
EtFootnote 283 recraingnant l'orrible et grant rigeur
Du duc, qui fu de Lencastre seigneur,
Et de sa gent.  684
[fo. 16r.] Pas ne furent du conte bien content,
Disant:Footnote 284 ‘Sire, sachiezFootnote 285 certainnement
‘Nous n'irons plus avant quant a present,
‘Puis que le roy  688
‘N'est pas ici, et savez vousFootnote 286 pour quoy?
‘VeciFootnote 287 le duc qui soubzmet tout a soy,
‘La quele chose nous est tresgrant effroy
‘Et desconfort,  692
‘Car nous pensons bien que le roy soitFootnote 288 mort,
‘Puis qu'avecFootnote 289 vous n'est arrivé aFootnote 290 port.
‘S'il feust ici – feust a droit ou a tort –
‘Chascun de nous  696
‘Fust d'assaillir sesFootnote 291 ennemis jaloux,
‘Maiz nous n'irons pas oreFootnote 292 aveque vous.’
Le conte en ot auFootnote 293 cuer si grant courroux
Qu'a pou de dueil  700
N'issi du sens, plourant, laFootnote 294 larme a l'ueil;
Grant pitié fu de vëoir son accueil.
‘Helas!’ dist il: ‘Quel honte je recueilFootnote 295
‘Ceste journee.  704
‘Mort, vien a moy, ne fay plus demouree;
‘Fay moy mourir, je hes ma destinee.
‘Las! Or cuidra le roy qu'en ma pensee
‘Ait traïson.’  708

§9 Lines 709–752. The Welsh desert Salisbury.

Ce dueil faisant, disoit: ‘My* compaignon,Footnote 296
‘QueFootnote 297 Jhesucrist vous face vray pardon.
‘Venez oFootnote 298 moy, si serons champïon,
‘Je vous en pri,Footnote 299  712
[fo. 16v.] ‘Du roy Richart, le quel sera icy
‘Avant qu'il soit .iiii.Footnote 300 jours et demy.
‘Car il me dist, quant je me departi
‘Dë IbernieFootnote 301  716
‘Qu'il enterroit en la mer sur sa vie,
‘Avant qu'il feust la sepmaine acomplie;
‘De nous partir, Messeigneurs, je vous prie,Footnote 302
‘Soions songneux.’  720
Riens n'yFootnote 303 valu. Comme gens paoureux
Demourerent tousFootnote 304 merencolïeux.
Grant partie en y ot d'envïeux
D'eulx en fouir  724
Devers le duc, pour paour qu'ontFootnote 305 de mourir,
Maiz le conte les fist aux champs tenir
Quatorze jours, atendant le venir
Du roy Richart.  728
Par maintez foiz dist le bon conte a part:
‘D'Angleterre arrez petite part,
‘MonFootnote 306 droit Seigneur, quant demourez si tart,
‘Ce m'est advis.  732
‘Que peut ce estre, vray Dieu de Paradiz?
‘Certes je croy que vous estes traÿs,
‘Quant de vous n'oy, në en faiz në en diz,
‘Nouvelle vraie.  736
‘Helas! Je voy que ceste gent s'esmaie
‘De peur qu'ilzFootnote 307 ont que le duc ne les haie.
‘IlFootnote 308 me lairont; ce ne sont que gensFootnote 309 laie
‘Et non saichans.’*  740
[fo. 17r.] Ainsi disoit a lui mesmes aux champs
Le bon conte, qui estoit chevauchans
Avecques eulx, les quelx en pou de temps
Tous le laisserent;Footnote 310  744
Les uns au duc tout droit si s'en alerent,
Et les autres en Gales retournerent.
Le conte ainsi enmy les champs planterent
Seul fors sa gent,  748
Qui ne furent pas – ce cuide jeFootnote 311 – un cent.
Grant dueil faisoit, disant piteusement:
‘Retraions nous, car trop va malement
‘NostrëFootnote 312 emprise.’  752

§10 Lines 753–824. Salisbury withdraws on Conway. Richard arrives at Milford Haven; dressed as a priest he leaves his army and rides to Conway.

Le conte ainsi sa vie moult desprise,
Car il voit bien qu'il n'a ne mort ne prise
Les gens du duc; ce formentFootnote 313 li atise
Au cuer despit.  756
Les ennemis sans plus faire respit
S'avancerent, car on leur avoit dit
Que le conte son assambleeFootnote 314 fist
Pour encontre eulx  760
Venir a fort. Le duc en fu joyeux:
De nulle rien n'estoitFootnote 315 si desireux
Fors seulement de combatre a tous ceulx,
Qui deffendre*  764
Le royFootnote 316 Richart vouloient ou atendre.
Son chemin fist le plus droit qu'il pot prendre
Devers le conte, le quel s'enFootnote 317 ala rendre
A Cornüay,  768
[fo. 17v.] Plain de doulour, de tristresse et d'esmay.
Grant mal m'en fist certes, car je l'amay
Parfaitement, pourFootnote 318 ce que de cuer vray
Amoit Françoiz,  772
Et si estoit humble, doulz et courtoiz
En tous ses faiz, et de chascun la voiz
Avoit d'estre loyal en tous endroiz
Et bien preudoms.  776
Moult largement donnoit et de preulx dons,
Hardi estoit et fier comme lions,
Et si faisoit balades et chançons,
Rondeaulx et laiz  780
Tresbien et bel; si n'estoit il que homs lais.
Non obstant ceFootnote 319 estoient tous ses faiz
Si gracïeux que – je croy – que jamaiz
De son païs  784
N'istra homme ou Dieux ait tant biensFootnote 320 mis,
Comme en celui. Son ame en Paradis
Puist estre mise avec les sains toudiz,
Car laidement  788
L'ont fait mourir depuis a grant tourment
Comme martir, maintenant loyaulment
Raison et droit; vous orrez bien comment
Se Dieux me gart.  792
Maiz la venue avant du roy Richart
Vous vueil compter, quil* fu pour lui trop tart,
Car .xviii. jours aprésFootnote 321 nostre depart
Dë YbernieFootnote 322  796
[fo. 18r.] Demoura il; ce fu trop grant folie.
Par qui ce fu, Jhesucrist le maudie
Et confonde du corps et de la vie,
Car bien monstra  800
L'amour qu'il ot au roy, qui tant l'ama.
Par tout son ost de chargierFootnote 323 commanda
Barges et nefs, et d'entrer qui pourra
Armes porter.  804

Figure VII: King Richard's fleet leaves for Wales, one of the ships bearing his sunburst badge on her sail.

Ainsi passa le roy Richart la mer
En pou de temps, car l'air fu bel et cler
Et le vent bon, qui le fist arriver
Avant deux jours  808
A Milleforde. La ne fist pas sejours,
Veu le meschief,Footnote 324 les plaintes et les plours
Des povres gens, et les mortelz doulours
Que chascun ot.  812
[fo. 18v.] Lors s'avisa que, sans dire nul mot,
Se partiroit a minuitFootnote 325 de son ost
A pou de gent,Footnote 326 car pour rien il ne vot
Estre aperçus.  816
De robe estrange fu la endroit vestus
Comme un prestre qui a pou de menus,
Pour la doubte qu'il ot d'estre congneuz
De ses nuisans.  820
Las! Il cuidoit que le conte les champs
Tenist encores avecFootnote 327 ses combatans;
Pour ce vers lui estoit fort chevauchans,
Triste et pensis.  824

§11 Lines 825–856. Those who rode with Richard from Milford Haven to Conway are named.

Or est raison que sachiez ses amis,
Qui avecFootnote 328 lui estoient aux champs mis:
Le duc d'ExcestreFootnote 329 – son frere – je l'iFootnote 330 vis,
Et s'avisay  828
Avecques lui le bon duc de Soudray,
Qui fu loyalFootnote 331 jusqu'aFootnote 332 la mort et vray;
Et de Clocestre le conte sans esmay
Fu avecFootnote 333 eulx.  832
Trois evesques y ot, de quoy les deux
Ne firentFootnote 334 pas comme gensFootnote 335 gracïeux,
Et vous l'orrez; maiz avant les nomsFootnote 336 d'eulx
Je vous vueil dire.  836
L'un fu evesque de Saint DavidFootnote 337 et sire
De Gerlic l'autre; ce fu d'eulx le mains pire,
Car du bon roy ne s'enFootnote 338 volt oncques fuire,Footnote 339
Ne pour parole  840
[fo. 19r.] Qu'on lui enFootnote 340 dist oncques n'enFootnote 341 changa colle.
Le tiers siFootnote 342 fu evesque de Nicole,
Qui n'acontoit pas une poire mole
A tous leurs faiz,  844
Car il estoit frere germain parfaiz
Du duc, pensant que bien feroit sa paix
Tousjours a lui. La avoit deFootnote 343 gens laiz
Deux chevaliers  848
Tresgracïeux en armes, preux et fiers:
EstienneFootnote 344 Scroup fu nommé li primiers,Footnote 345
L'autre Ferbric, qui fu joins et ligiers.
Et si estoit  852
Avecques eulx Jenico,Footnote 346 q'on tenoit
Pour bon routier, car il entreprenoit
De tresgransFootnote 347 faiz, ainsi comme onFootnote 348 disoit
Comunement.  856

§12 Lines 857–944. Richard and Salisbury meet at Conway, where the King learns that he has no army in Wales.

Ainsi le roy s'en ala seulement
Lui quatorziesme celle nuit proprement.
Fort chevaucha desirant briefvementFootnote 349
Trouver le conte  860
De Salsebery, qui ne tenoit maiz conte
De sa vie pour le despit et honte
Qu'il ot du duc, qui ainsi toutFootnote 350 surmonte,
QuelFootnote 351 part qu'il voise.*  864
Tant chevaucha le roy sans faire noise
Qu'a Cornüay (ou il a mainte ardoise
SurFootnote 352 les maisons) arriva, qui qu'en poise,
Au point du jour.  868

[fo. 19v.] Figure VIII: King Richard, in black cowl, meets Salisbury and other companions at Conway.

A l'assambler du roy et du contour
En lieu de joie y ot moult grant doulour:
Pleurs, plains,Footnote 353 suspirs n'yFootnote 354 firent pas sejour,
Gemirs ne dueil.  872
Certes c'estoit grant pitié a voirFootnote 355 d'ueil
Leur contenanceFootnote 356 et leur mortel acueil.Footnote 357
Le conte avoit la face de sonmueilFootnote 358
Descoulouree.  876
Au roy conta sa dure destinee
Et commentFootnote 359 fait avoit son assemblee,
Quant descendu fu de la mer sallee
En Engleterre,  880
Et qu'il avoit tantost envoié querre
Les Cessiers, Mans et les Galoiz par terre,
Qui de vray cuer vouloient bien conquerreFootnote 360
Leurs annemis.  884
[fo. 20r.] ‘Quarante mil furent ensemble mis.
‘La leur di je souvent: “Mes bons amis,
‘ “Alons avant, le roy m'a cy tramis
‘ “Pour vous conduire.  888
‘ “Sachiez deFootnote 361 vray, jusqu'a tant que je muyre
‘ “Ne vous laray.” Maiz je ne lesFootnote 362 poz duire,
‘Qu'unFootnote 363 chascun, quant il vit sa queue luire,Footnote 364*
‘Si s'en ala:  892
‘Les uns au duc, les autres par deça,
‘Pour ce que point ne vous virent droit la,
‘PensantFootnote 365 que mort feussiez pour vrayFootnote 366 dela
‘La mer haultaine.  896
‘Ainsi tout seul demouray en la plaine,Footnote 367
‘Quant je les oz tenuz pres de quinzaine
‘Parmi les champs. Hellas! Trop pou vous aime*
‘Qui tant tenu  900
‘En Ybernie vous a.Footnote 368 Tout est perdu
‘Se Dieu n'en pense, qui en croix fu pendu;
‘Certes je croy que nous sommez vendu
‘A finsFootnote 369 deniers.’  904
Le roy en ot tel dueil qu'a quart n'a tiersFootnote 370
Ne le croiroit homme, tant soit entiers.
Son mortel mal ne fu mie ligiers
Ne son courroux,  908
Disant souvent: ‘Glorïeux Dieux et doulx –
‘Qui vous laissastes crucefïer pour nous –
‘SeFootnote 371 par pechié ay trop mesfait vers vous,
‘Merci vous crieFootnote 372  912
[fo. 20v.] ‘A jointes mains, et ne consentezFootnote 373 mie
‘Que je perdeFootnote 374 mon païs neFootnote 375 ma vie
‘Par ces felons traïtres, plainsFootnote 376 d'envie,
‘Qui hors bouter  916
‘Ainsi me vuellent et moyFootnote 377 deshireter.
‘Las! Je ne sai qu'on* me veult demander;
‘A mon povoir ay je voulu garder
‘Justice et droit.  920
‘Le souverain* roy, qui hault siet et loing voit,
‘En appelle a tesmoing cy endroit
‘Si vrayement, que mon las cuer vouldroit
‘Que trestous ceulx  924
‘Qui ont esté, sont et seront morteulx,
‘Sceüssent bien ma pensee et mesFootnote 378 veulx.
‘Se j'ay esté en droit gardant crueux,
‘NonFootnote 379 variable,  928
‘Raison le veult, car fermë et estableFootnote 380
‘Doit estre roy et tenir soyFootnote 381 notable,
‘Pugnir les maulx et estre veritable
‘En tous endroiz.  932
‘Las! Et pour ce qu'ay ensuÿFootnote 382 cesFootnote 383 droiz
‘A mon povoir passé a des ans troiz,
‘VoirFootnote 384 .viii. et .x., me tiennent si destroiz
‘Ces gens ici.  936
‘Glorïeux Dieux, d'umble cuer te depriFootnote 385
‘Si vraiement, c'onques ne consenti
‘Faire nul mal, qui ne l'ot deservi,
‘A mon povoir.  940
[fo. 21r.] ‘Vueillez de moy, povre, las roy,Footnote 386 avoir
‘Misericorde, car je sçay bien de voir
‘Que perdusFootnote 387 sui, se ne me daingniez voir
‘Prouchainement.’  944

§13 Lines 945–1028. Rutland engineers the defection of Richard's army from Milford Haven; the men plunder the King's treasure as they leave. The English are robbed in turn by the Welsh.

Or vous vueil dire la maniere comment
Le connestable, qui gouverna sa gent,
Sans l'atendre s'en ala laidement
Et enmena  948
Toutes ses gens, dont trop fort mesprins a,
Car oncques puis arme* ne le prisa.
Et ce n'est pas merveilles, car pieça
On ne vit faire  952
Homme tel fait, qui feust de noble affaire,
Com de vouloir son droit seigneur desfaire.
Lui desirant tout son vouloirFootnote 388 parfaire,
IcelleFootnote 389 nuit  956
Que le bon roy se parti a minuit
Du port de mer, la murmure et leFootnote 390 bruit
Leva en l'ost, criant: ‘Le roy s'en fuit
‘Sans dire mot.’  960
Le connestable alors grant joie en ot,
Car bonnement trouver voie ne pot
Pour s'en aler. Maiz quant il vit que l'ost
Fu esmeüz,  964
Il dit si hault que bien fu entenduz:
‘Alons nous ent, nous sommez tous perduz,
‘Quant Monseigneur s'en est ainsi fouyus*
‘Soy garentir.’  968
[fo. 21v.] Promptement fist trompetes retentir
Et commanda que chascun de partir
Fust tantost prest, puis que le revenir
Ne scet du roy.  972
La avoit il moult merveilleux desroy,
Nes estrangier et chargierFootnote 391 le charroy;
Chascun bien tost apresta son arroyFootnote 392
Pour s'en aler.  976
L'avoir du roy tout en firent mener:
Robes, joyaux, or fin et argent cler,
Maint bon cheval, qui fu d'oultre la mer,Footnote 393
Et mainte pierre  980
Precïeuse, qui fu moult richeFootnote 394 et chiere,
Maint bon mantel et mainte ermine entiere,
Maint bon drap d'or et d'estrange maniere,
Maint cramoisi.  984
De tout ce fu gouverneur sans nul si
Un qui ot nom SirFootnote 395 Thomas de Persi.
EstuuartFootnote 396 fu du roy, le quel servi
L'otFootnote 397 longuement:  988
C'est a dire en françoiz proprement
Le grant maistre d'ostel principaument.
Le connestable et lui leur parlement
Ensemble firent.  992
Un pou aprés de la se departirent*
Et leur chemin droitFootnote 398 parmi Galles prirent,Footnote 399
Maiz les Galoiz, qui leur traïson virent,
Au devant d'eulx  996
[fo. 22r.] Vindrent a fort – cy un millier cy deux –
DisantFootnote 400 souvent: ‘TraïttresFootnote 401 maleureux,
‘Par cy avant n'irés plus – seFootnote 402 m'ait Dieux –
‘Et si lairés  1000
‘Tous les joyaulx qu'en larrecin portez,
‘Car le roy pas ne les vous a donnez.’Footnote 403
Ainsi furent Engloiz tous destroussez
Par les Galoiz:  1004
Le cariage et trestout le harnoiz,
Or et argent, joyaulx, pierres, orfroiz
Retindrent eulx. Lors furent bien destroiz
Et courrouciez  1008
Englez, car mil en y ot despoulliez
Qui au duc furent en pourpoint envoiez,
Un blanc baston en leursFootnote 404 mains et nuz piez,
Car qui n'estoit  1012
Davantaige montez, la lui failloit
Dire dont vient në ou aler vouloit,
Et son truage paier – fu tort, fuFootnote 405 droit –
Ou estre mort.  1016
Et s'il sembloit a aucun que trop fort
Feüst a croire, non est, car d'un accort
Furent, aians pitié du tresgrant tort
Et de l'outrage  1020
Qu'au roy firent Engloiz.Footnote 406 Las! Quel courage!Footnote 407
Dieux une foiz leur en rendra paiage,
Car qui mal fait a autruy ne dommage
A essiant,  1024
[fo. 22v.] On voit souvent avenir que tresgrant
Pugnicïon en prent Dieux, car puissant
Est surFootnote 408 tous ceulxFootnote 409 qui ores sont vivant
Et ont esté.Footnote 410  1028

§14 Lines 1029–1172. The English are harassed by the Welsh; Rutland joins Henry Lancaster. Richard sends the dukes of Exeter and Surrey from Conway to treat with Lancaster at Chester.

VecyFootnote 411 commentFootnote 412 Engloiz furent tasté
Par les Galoiz, qui d'eulx n'orent pitié,
En chevauchantFootnote 413 comme gentFootnote 414 desrouté,
Cy dix, cy vint,  1032
Cy quarante, cy cent. La leur convint
Laissier l'avoir,Footnote 415 car des montaignesFootnote 416 vint
De ces Galoiz sans nombre, et si advint
Trop mal pour eulx,  1036
Car des cheminsFootnote 417 – ou de trois ou de deux –
Avoient pris tout le plus perilleux
Et le mains large.Footnote 418 Dieux les fist eüreux
D'aler par la,  1040
Car de roches et de pierres y a
Grant quantité, si c'on yFootnote 419 chevaucha
A mesaise, car on le meFootnote 420 contaFootnote 421
HuitFootnote 422 jours aprés.  1044
Ensi perdirent tout leur pillage Anglez,
Veu que Galoiz les suïrentFootnote 423 de pres
Comme hardiz, estourdiz,* forsFootnote 424 et frez
Et gens de fait;  1048
Certez ce fu a mon vueil trop bienFootnote 425 fait.
Je ne sçay pas ou Englez leur retraitFootnote 426
Alors firent, nëFootnote 427 ou ilz firent trait,Footnote 428
Maiz je vous di  1052
[fo. 23r.] Qu'avant un mois le connestable vi
En l'ost du duc c'onFootnote 429 appellë Henry.
Et si estoit li siresFootnote 430 de Persi,
Qui estuuartFootnote 431  1056
Avoit esté du noble roy Richart,
Portant l'ordre du duc. Et d'autre part
On me dit bien qu'au matin et au tart
Furent venus,  1060
Tout droit a lui et des autres, tous nus
Plus de cinq cens, que Galoiz desvestus
En leurs pourpoins orentFootnote 432 et bien batus,
ComFootnote 433 vous avez  1064
Devant oÿ, seFootnote 434 retenu l'avez.
Or vous diray du roy, qui demourez
A Cornüay estoit tousFootnote 435 esplourez
Et esbahiz,  1068
Disant: ‘Seigneurs, pour Dieu de Paradiz
‘Conseillez moy selon ceFootnote 436 vostre advis,
‘Car au besoing voit li homs ses amis
‘Communement.’  1072
Le duc de ExcestreFootnote 437 parla premierement,
Car frere fuFootnote 438 du roy, disant: comment
Il seroit bon d'envoier promptement
Au duc savoir  1076
Qu'il veult fere, neFootnote 439 quel estFootnote 440 son vouloir,
‘Ne a quel cause il veult prenre et avoirFootnote 441
‘Vostre royaume, vostre corps, vostre avoir,
‘Ne s'il veult estre  1080
[fo. 23v.] ‘D'EngleterreFootnote 442 roy et souverain maistre,
‘De Galles prince et droit sireFootnote 443 de Cestre.’
Ainsi disoit le noble ducFootnote 444 d'Excestre
A son beauFootnote 445 frere.*  1084
‘Et c'on lui die* que par l'accort son pere
‘Fu hors banny,Footnote 446 sique bien considere
‘CeFootnote 447 qu'il fera, car trop grant vitupere
‘A tousjours maiz  1088
‘Seroit pour lui,Footnote 448 s'il failloit que desfaiz
‘Feust son droit roy parFootnote 449 lui ne parFootnote 450 ses faiz;
‘Celle honte ne recouvroitFootnote 451 jamaiz
‘Jour de sa vie.  1092
‘Et commentFootnote 452 tous les roys qui sont en vie,
‘Toute noblesse et chevallerieFootnote 453
‘Sur lui avroient desplaisirFootnote 454 et envie
‘Et a bon droit,  1096
‘Et que par tout le monde onFootnote 455 diroit*
‘De traïson le droit mirouer seroit,
‘SeFootnote 456 son seigneur destruire ainsiFootnote 457 vouloit
‘Et toutFootnote 458 desfaire.  1100
‘Et qu'yl prendeFootnote 459 a son pere exemplaire,
‘Qui son vivant fu doulz et debonnaire,
‘Në oncques jourFootnote 460 ne volt penser ne faire
‘Fors loyauté  1104
‘Encontre vousFootnote 461 et haïrFootnote 462 faulseté.
‘Trestous ces faiz lui soient bien conté,
‘Et c'onquesFootnote 463 maiz riens ne fu reprouvé
‘A son lignage  1108
[fo. 24r.] ‘Ou il eüst traïson në oultrage –
‘Sique pourFootnote 464 lui seroit trop grant dommage,
‘S'il fourlignoit ainsi a son parage
‘Par ceste emprise –  1112
‘Et commentFootnote 465 DieuxFootnote 466 het celluiFootnote 467 et desprise
‘Qui faulceté maintient en nulle guise –
‘C'estFootnote 468 nostre loy, sicomme Sainte Eglise
‘Le nous ensengne –  1116
‘Et que sa terre ainsiFootnote 469 toute reprengne,
‘Maiz que vers vous au moins a mercy viengneFootnote 470
‘Pour vostre honneur. Et seFootnote 471 venir n'yFootnote 472 daigne,
‘Il convendra  1120
‘Autre conseil adviser qui pourra;
‘Se bon vous semble, ainsi on lui dira.
‘Et regardonsFootnote 473 qui devers lui ira,
‘Car le haster  1124
‘Nous est besoing sans plus gueres tarder,
‘Voire maiz que vous vueilliez accorder
‘Ce que j'ay dit. Ou qui pourraFootnote 474 trouver
‘Conseil meilleur,  1128
‘Si le die pour Dieu, Nostre Seigneur,
‘Car entre nous ne doit avoir faveur;
‘Nous sommes pou, et si est la rigueur
‘Du duc crueuse –  1132
‘Comme vous veezFootnote 475* – et pour nous perilleuse.’
Lors respondi le roy de voix piteuse:
‘Vous dites voir,Footnote 476 beau frere, gracïeuse
‘Voie avez quis,  1136
[fo. 24v.] ‘Car quant a moy, il ne m'est pasFootnote 477 advis
‘Que par nous feust nul meilleur conseil pris.
‘Mes beaux cousins et mes loyaulx amis,
‘Chascun en die  1140
‘Son bon semblant, pour Dieu je vous en prie,Footnote 478
‘Veu qu'il touche nostre honneur et no* vie,
‘Car ducFootnote 479 Henry – queFootnote 480 Jhesucrist maudie –
‘Nous het a mort,  1144
‘Et si a il certes vers nous grant tort.
‘Or regardons seFootnote 481 nous sommes d'accort,
‘Et seFootnote 482 chascun de vous a cest accort
‘Tenir se veult.’  1148
Lors dirent tous: ‘Oïl, car on ne peut
‘Ou monde mieulx trouver.Footnote 483 Veu qui se deult,
‘Querir lui fault remede; et s'il s'esmeut
‘Ains qu'il soit heure,  1152
‘En peril est que la mort n'en enqueure,
‘Ou que le blasme tout ne lui en demeure.’
Ainsi d'accort furent ilz aFootnote 484 celle heure –
ComFootnote 485 je vous di –  1156
Pour envoier devers le duc Henri.
Or advint il que par eulx fu choisi
Le duc d'Excestre, car on eust bien failli
La a trouverFootnote 486  1160
Homme qui sceust si sagement parler,
Footnote 487 un grant fait prononcier et conter.
Avecques lui fist le bonFootnote 488 roy aler
Son beau cousin,  1164
[fo. 25r.] Qui estoit ducFootnote 489 de Soudray. Le matin
Partirent eulxFootnote 490 du roy, le quel de fin
Cuer leur pria de abregier leFootnote 491 chemin
Et de bien faire,  1168
Et que tresbien lui comptent toutFootnote 492 l'affaire,
QueFootnote 493 cy devant avez oÿ retraire,
Affin telle que de lui puissentFootnote 494 traire
Accort ou paix.  1172

Figure IX: Exeter and Surrey ride out on their embassy to Lancaster.

§15 Lines 1173–1244. Richard remains at Conway with a small retinue. Creton discourses on Fortune and her role in men's lives.

Ainsi du roy se partirentFootnote 495 eulx, maiz
Du retourner n'orentFootnote 496 pas grant relaiz,
Car duc Henry les tint bien aux abais,
ComFootnote 497 vous orrez  1176
[fo. 25v.] Ici aprés. Or estoit demourez
A Cornüay le roy tousFootnote 498 esplourez,
Ou il n'ot maiz de ses amisFootnote 499 privez
Que deux ou trois  1180
Avecques lui, tristes, mas et destroiz.
Le conte y fu de Salseberi courtoiz,
Et de Guerlille l'evesque grans et droiz,
Et si estoitFootnote 500  1184
Avecques eulxFootnote 501 Ferbric, qui pas n'estoit
Bien asseür, car le duc le haioit;
Ne sçay pour quoy, maiz moult leFootnote 502 redoubtoit,
Ce m'est advis.  1188
Encor y ot unFootnote 503 de leursFootnote 504 bons amis,
Messire Estienne Scroup nommerFootnote 505 l'oÿs;
Par maintes foiz avecFootnote 506 le roy le viz
En ce temps la.Footnote 507  1192
Mon compaignon et moy fumesFootnote 508 droit la;
Chascun pour soy moult forment s'esmaya,
Car la raison assez s'i enclina,
Comme on peut voir.  1196
Et si vueil bien que vous sachiez de voir
Que le nombre de nous ne le povoir
Ne fu pas grant, bien le povezFootnote 509 savoir,Footnote 510
EtFootnote 511 vraiement  1200
Nous ne fumes que .xvi. seulement,
A compter tout, nobles et autre gent.Footnote 512
Or regardez quel meschief, quel tourment
Ne quel douleur,  1204
Veu la force, l'avoirFootnote 513 et la grandeur
Du roy Richart, qui fu si grant seigneur,
Lui estre ainsi demenéFootnote 514* par faveur
Et traÿson  1208
[fo. 26r.] Et par Fortune, qui en toute saison
A la puissance et dominacïon
De desfaire ceulx qu'i luiFootnote 515 semble bon
Comme crueuse  1212
Et maistresse puissant et orgueilleuse,
Et moult changable et moultFootnote 516 impetueuse;
Car d'arrester, tant est elle ennuieuse,
Nul lieu n'a cure.  1216
Et quant ouvrer veult selon sa nature,
Qui est souvent pour aucunes gens dure –
Soit bien ou mal – il convient c'on l'endure,
Car resister  1220
Ne peut nulFootnote 517 contre ce qu'elle veult donner.
Les uns fait rire, les autres fait chanter,Footnote 518
Et puis les fait en douloursFootnote 519 retourner
Et en misere.  1224
Aucunesfoiz fainttement se dist mere,Footnote 520
Maiz enFootnote 521 present est crueuseFootnote 522 et amere;
A roy n'a princeFootnote 523 enFootnote 524 riens ne considere,
Tout lui est un.  1228
Bien la monstre, car des puissans roys l'un
Des crestïens – sicomme dit chascun* –
De tousFootnote 525 ses biens reprendre q'un desjunFootnote 526
N'a elle fait.  1232
Elle fait l'un et l'autre elle desfait;
C'est un droit songe certes que de son fait.
En elle n'a nulle riens de parfait,Footnote 527
Et pour ce nulz,  1236
[fo. 26v.] S'il estoit sageFootnote 528 et d'endurer pourveuz,
De ses foles et muables vertus
Ne tenroitFootnote 529 compte, car nous vinmes tous nus
En cestuiFootnote 530 monde –  1240
Povres, chaitifs et de trestoutFootnote 531* bienFootnote 532 monde –
Et si convient qu'en la terre parfonde
Tous retournons, soit prince, royFootnote 533 ou conte,
Ou quiFootnote 534 qu'il soit.  1244

§16 Lines 1245–1292. Richard learns of Rutland's defection and the theft of his treasure.

De Fortune parler plus cy endroitFootnote 535
Quant a present ne vueil, car qui seroit
Saiges, ses biens pas ne convoiteroit
Fors par raison.  1248
Or vueil venirFootnote 536 a la conclusïon
Du roy Richart, qui par desrisïon
De Fortune avecques Traïson,
A Cornüay  1252
EstoitFootnote 537 tout seul – comme devant dit ay –
Plain de tristresse et de dueilFootnote 538 et d'esmay.
Lui et le conte dirent – car bien le say –
Que d'envoierFootnote 539  1256
Devers ses gens, qu'il laissa avant hier
Au port de mer, seroit tresgrant mestier,
Affin telle que sans plus atargier
Vinssent droit la.  1260
Maiz cependant d'aventureFootnote 540 arriva
Un chevaucheur qui l'aler destourna,
Car au bon roy trestout le fait compta
Du connestable,  1264
[fo. 27r.] Qui n'estoit pas pour lui tropFootnote 541 honnorable,
Veu qu'il disoit sans mençonge ne fable
Quë il estoitFootnote 542 par semblant variable
Par devers lui,  1268
Et qu'aussi tost que le roy fu parti
De Milleforde, et qu'il en ot oÿ
Les nouvelles, de la se departi
Pour s'en aler,  1272
Et l'estuuart ne volt pas demourer
Derriere li. ‘Ains fist l'avoir trousser
‘Qui encores estoit dedens la mer,
‘Et puis aprés  1276
‘S'en alerent.* Maiz les Galoiz de pres
‘Les suïrent,Footnote 543 qui furent fors et frez;
‘Tout vostre avoir retindrent eulx et tres
‘Grant quantité  1280
‘En tuerent. MaizFootnote 544 ceulx qui eschapé
‘Furent de la, tout droit s'en sont alé
‘Devers le duc; ainsi m'estFootnote 545 il conté
‘Pour vray,Footnote 546 chier Sire.’  1284
Et quant le roy lui ot tout laissié dire,
Sachiez de vray qu'il n'otFootnote 547 pas fain de rire,
Car de tous lez lui venoitFootnote 548 tire a tire
Meschief et paine.*  1288
‘Vierge Marie, roÿne souveraine,
‘Qui de Jhesus enfantas pure et saine,’
Ce dist le roy: ‘FortuneFootnote 549 me demaine
Trop durement.’  1292

§17 Lines 1293–1316. Richard deplores the treachery of those who have betrayed him.

[fo. 27v.] Lors dist: ‘ConteFootnote 550 de Salsebri, comment
‘Chevirons nous du duc et de sa gent,
‘Qui nous maineFootnote 551 si doloureusement
‘Par son povoir?  1296
‘Helas! IlzFootnote 552 n'ont pas bien fait leur devoir
‘Par devers nous, seFootnote 553 cest homme dit voir,
‘Veu que tousjours de force et de povoir
‘Avons bien fait  1300
‘A eulx trestous. Et s'ilzFootnote 554 ne sont parfait
‘En loyauté, Dieux verra bien leur fait,
‘Qui du pecheur scet pugnir le mesfait;
‘C'est le droit juge.  1304
‘Car je sçay bien, quant le jour du deluge
‘Sera venu et qu'il tendra son juge,*
‘Que les mauvaiz n'aront point de reffuge
‘Ne de respit,  1308
‘Ains trouveront ce qu'avrontFootnote 555 fait et dit,
‘Et lors seront de sa bouche maudit
‘En l'infernal paine, sicomme onFootnote 556 dit;
‘C'est nostre loy.  1312
‘Pour ce du tout nous atendons a soy,
‘Et si dist on souvent: “Force n'a loy.” ’*
Lors dist le conte: ‘Monseigneur, par ma foy
‘VousFootnote 557 dites vray.’  1316

§18 Lines 1317–1388. Richard moves from Conway to Beaumaris to Caernarvon.

La furent ilzFootnote 558 d'accort qu'a Cornüay
Ne feroientFootnote 559 plus sejourFootnote 560 ne delay,
Car ilzFootnote 561 orentFootnote 562 grant peur et grant esmay
Et a bon droit.  1320
[fo. 28r.] A Beaumarey s'en alerent tout droit,
Qui aFootnote 563 dix mille de Cornüay estoit –
C'est un chastel que prendre on ne pourroit
Pas en deuxFootnote 564 ans,  1324
Maiz qu'ilzFootnote 565 eussent vitaille pour ce temps,
Et qu'il yFootnote 566 eust aucuns bons deffendans –
L'un des costez si est assis aux champs,
L'autre en la mer;  1328
Saint Edouart le fist faire et fonder,
Ainsi l'oÿ aFootnote 567 Engloiz recorder.
Le roy cyFootnote 568 fu qui n'yFootnote 569 volt demourer
Pas longuement,  1332
Ains lui sembla que plus seürement
A Karnarvan seroit lui et sa gent –
Ville et chastel y a tresbel et gent
Et forte place –  1336
A l'un des lezFootnote 570 foisonFootnote 571 bois pour la chace,
Et d'autre part la haulte mer y passe.
La fu le roy qui ot souvent la face
Descoulouree,  1340
En regretant sa dure destinee,
EtFootnote 572 maudissant et l'eure et la journee
C'oncques avoit passé la mer sallee
En Ybernie,  1344
Disant souvent: ‘DoulceFootnote 573 Vierge Marie,
‘Secourez moy, Dame, mercy vous crie
‘Si vraiement, c'oncques jour de ma vie
‘Ne deservy  1348
[fo. 28v.] ‘Envers le duc de meFootnote 574 chacier ainsi
‘Në a mes gens, les quelx m'ont enhaÿ
‘Sans desserte et faulcement traÿ,
‘Comme on peut voir;  1352
‘Chascun le scet et peut apercevoir.
‘Elas! Et quant onFootnote 575 en sara le voir
‘En doulce France, certainement j'espoir*
‘Que mon beau pere  1356
‘Si en avra au cuer douleur amere,
‘Car ceFootnote 576 sera pour lui grant vitupere –
‘Voire et pourFootnote 577 tous les roizFootnote 578 qui nez de mere
‘Sont au jour d'uy –  1360
‘Veu l'oultrage et le tresgrant ennuy,Footnote 579
‘La povreté et le point ou je suy;
‘Et que par ceulxFootnote 580 ainsi je me deffuy
‘Qui ont esté  1364
‘TousjoursFootnote 581 a moy. Or sont ilzFootnote 582 retourné;
‘Ne say pour quoy. Helas! Quel faulseté
‘A tousjours maiz leur sera reprouvé,
‘Tant que le monde  1368
‘Sera durant, et que la mer parfonde
‘Pourra getterFootnote 583 neFootnote 584 mareeFootnote 585 në onde;
‘Car ce fait cy a trop grant mal redonde
‘Pour eulx trestous.  1372
‘Glorïeux Dieux, qui morustes pour nous
‘Pendant en croix, de voz yeulx beaulx et doulx
‘Vueilliez meFootnote 586 voir, car nul autre que vous
‘Si ne me peut  1376
[fo. 29r.] ‘A ce besoing aidier. Et si m'estuetFootnote 587
‘Perdre ma terre ouFootnote 588 ma vie, il estuet
‘Tout prendre en gré seFootnote 589 Fortune le veult,
‘Car autrement  1380
‘Ne peut estre qu'a son commandement.’
Ainsi disoit le roy Richart souvent
En souppirant duFootnote 590 cuer piteusement,
Tant que par m'ame*  1384
Plus de cent foiz en gettay mainte larme;
N'ilFootnote 591 n'est vivantFootnote 592 si dur cuer ne si ferme
Qui n'en eüst plouré, veu le diffame
C'onFootnote 593 lui faisoit.  1388

§19 Lines 1389–1436. Richard returns from Caernarvon to Conway; his regrets for Queen Isabella.

EncoreFootnote 594* y a trop pis, car il n'avoit
En sesFootnote 595 chasteaulx, la ou retrait s'estoit,Footnote 596
Garnison nulle, ne couchier ne savoit
Fors qu'enFootnote 597 la paille.  1392
Quatre ou six nuis y coucha il sans faille,
Car vrayement qui vaulsist une maille
Ne eüstFootnote 598 on pas la trouvéFootnote 599 de vitaille
Ne d'autre chose.  1396
Le grant meschief Footnote 600 certes dire je n'ose
Que le roy ot, qui ne fuFootnote 601 pasFootnote 602 grant pose
A Karnavan, carFootnote 603 petit y repose,
Consideré  1400
Le mal qu'il ot et la grant povreté.
A Cornüay s'en est ilFootnote 604 retourné,
OuFootnote 605 il a moult sa femme regreté,
Disant: ‘M'amie  1404
[fo. 29v.] ‘Et ma compaigne, Jhesucrist le maudie
‘Qui de nous deux fait telle departie
‘Et si honteuse; il ne nous aime mie.
‘J'en muirFootnote 606 de dueil,Footnote 607  1408
‘Ma belle suer, ma dame et toutFootnote 608 mon vueil,Footnote 609
‘Quant voir ne puis vostre plaisant accueil.
‘Dedens mon cuer tant de doulour recueil
‘Et de grevance  1412
‘Que souvent sui pres de desesperance.Footnote 610
‘Las! Ysabel, droite fille de France,
‘Vous souliez estre ma joie etFootnote 611 m'esperance
‘Et mon confort.  1416
‘Or voy je bien que par le grant effort
‘De Fortune, qui a maint homme mort,
‘M'estuet de vous eslongierFootnote 612 a grant tort,
‘Par quoy j'endure  1420
‘Au cuer souvent une doulour si dure,
‘Que jour et nuit je sui en aventure
‘De recevoir la mort amere et sure –
‘Et ce n'est pas  1424
‘De merveilles, consideré le cas
‘De moy, qui sui cheut de si hault si bas –
‘Et de perdre ma joie et mon soulas
‘Et ma compaigne.  1428
‘Et si voy bien qu'ilFootnote 613 n'est nul qui se faigne
‘De meFootnote 614 faire desplaisir et engaigne.
‘Elas! Chascun me mort ouFootnote 615 me dehaigne.
‘Or en soit Dieux  1432
[fo. 30r.] ‘Loé, qui est la sus en ses sainsFootnote 616 cieulx.’
Ainsi disoitFootnote 617 le roy plourant des yeulx
Piteusement, car il ne povoit mieulx
En ce temps la.  1436

§20 Lines 1437–1512. Exeter delivers Richard's message to Lancaster at Chester.

Or vous dirayFootnote 618 commentFootnote 619 le duc ouvra
Du frere au roy, qui devers lui ala
Avec le duc de Soudray, qui ama
Tresloyaument  1440
Le roy Richart, et tant que laidement
En reçut mort depuis a grant tourment,
ComFootnote 620 vous orrez assez prouchainement,
Se Dieux me gart.  1444
Tant chevaucherent les deux ducs main et tart
Qu'a Cestre vindrent, que le duc de sa part
Avoit priseFootnote 621 sans assault, parFootnote 622 son art
Et par son sens;  1448
Ilz entrerent entrë eulx deux dedens.Footnote 623
Avecques eulx y ot grant foison gens,Footnote 624
CuidantFootnote 625 qu'ilz feussent de servir le roy lens,
Et qu'a Henry,  1452
Duc de Lancastre, vinssentFootnote 626 crier mercy;
Maiz grant follieFootnote 627 lesFootnote 628 fist penser ainsi,
Car pour tout l'or d'Engleterre guerpi
Ne l'eussent pas.  1456
Au duc Henry furent menez le pas,
Droit ouFootnote 629 chastel (qui fu fait aFootnote 630 compas;)
Au cuer en ot grant joie et grant soulas,
Quant il les vit.  1460
[fo. 30v.] Tresbonne chiere par semblance leur fistFootnote 631
Et puis aprés au duc d'ExcestreFootnote 632* dit:
‘Or ça, beau frere, sans plus de contredit,
‘De voz nouvelles,  1464
‘Je vous suppli, que vous me diezFootnote 633 quelles
‘IlzFootnote 634 sont.’ ‘Beau frere, yFootnote 635 ne sont pas* trop belles
‘Pour Monseigneur; ains sont laidezFootnote 636 et felles,
‘Dont moult doulant  1468

Figure X: Exeter and Surrey make obeisance to Lancaster at Chester.

‘Sui et marry.’ Et lors lui va comptant*
Tressagement tout ce qu'icyFootnote 637 devant
Avez oÿ, quant ilz furent partant
D'avecFootnote 638 le roy:  1472
[fo. 31r.] Et queFootnote 639 pour lui sera trop grant desroy,
S'a son seigneur ainsi faulse sa foy,
EtFootnote 640* que banniz par le vueil et ottroyFootnote 641
De son bonFootnote 642 pere  1476
Fu – sique bien tout ceFootnote 643 fait considere –
Et commentFootnote 644 a tous les roiz nez de mere
Fera grant honte et tresgrantFootnote 645* vitupere,
Et que haïz  1480
Sera de ceulx qui sont ses bons amis;
Et que tous ceulx seront ses ennemis
Qui aymeront honneur, loyauté, prisFootnote 646
Et vasselaige.  1484
Et qu'il fera grant honte a son lignage
A tousjours maiz, s'il fait un tel oultrage,
Veu qu'il doit estre un grant seigneur et saige
Et attrempé:  1488
Maiz s'ainsi est que de sa voulenté
Ou de force, par luiFootnote 647 desherité
Soit son droit roy, il seraFootnote 648 comparé
A Guenelon,  1492
Qui aFootnote 649 son temps fist mainte traïson,
Par quoy moururent maint chevalier et bon;
Sique pour Dieu cesteFootnote 650 comparaisonFootnote 651
Ne vueille avoir.  1496
Et qu'il avraFootnote 652 sa terre et son avoir,
Maiz qu'il face desoremaiz son devoir,
Et que le roy de bon cuer et vouloir
Lui pardonra  1500
[fo. 31v.] Trestout l'outraige et ce que fait lui a.*
Ainsi le duc d'ExcestreFootnote 653 lui compta
Tresbien et bel son fait, et si osa
Bien hardimentFootnote 654  1504
Parler a lui, car sa suer proprementFootnote 655
Ot espousee et si fu son parent.
Encor lui dist le duc d'Excestre gent:
‘Je vous supplie,  1508
‘Mon beauFootnote 656 frere, que promptement baillie
‘Nous soit response du tout ou en partie,
‘Car Monseigneur nous attent, qui n'est mie
‘En tresbon point.’Footnote 657  1512

§21 Lines 1513–1544. Lancaster refuses to let Exeter and Surrey return to Richard.

Lors dist le duc Henry: ‘MoultFootnote 658 bien a point
‘Le m'avez dit, maiz meshuyFootnote 659 n'irez point
‘Ne de sepmaine, se Jhesucrist me doint*
‘Santé et joie.  1516
‘Raison n'est pasFootnote 660 que si tost vous renvoie.Footnote 661
‘Vous n'estes pas messagiers pour monnoie,
‘Et Monseigneur, qui icy vousFootnote 662 envoie,
‘N'est pas bien saige.  1520
‘Ne povoit il trouver autre messaige
‘Que de vous deux? C'est petit vasselage
‘De gens qui sont de si treshault parage
‘Cy envoier.’  1524
Ainsi les voltFootnote 663 le duc contralier,
Maiz son beau frere ne cessoit de prier
Qu'il leur voulsist le congié ottroyer
Pour en aler,  1528
[fo. 32r.] Disant: ‘Sire, le roy pourra penser
‘Que traïson nous fait cy demourer;
‘CelleFootnote 664 honte neFootnote 665 pourrons recouvrer
‘Jamaiz nul jour.  1532
‘Sique pour Dieu, beau frere, etFootnote 666 pour honnour,
‘Afin tele que n'ayons deshonnour,
‘Laissiez nous ent aler, parFootnote 667 vraie amour
‘Vous en prions.’  1536
Lors dist le duc (qui fu fiers comFootnote 668 lions):
‘N'en parlezFootnote 669 plus, beau frere; quant saisons
‘Il en sera, bien vous renvoieronsFootnote 670
‘Devers le roy.  1540
‘Et ne vous veez* plus ycy Footnote 671 devant moy,
‘Car je vous jureFootnote 672 et promet par ma foy
‘Que deFootnote 673 cestFootnote 674 mois premier pourFootnote 675 quelque ennoyFootnote 676
‘Ne m'eschaprez.’Footnote 677  1544

§22 Lines 1545–1764. The castle of Holt is surrendered to Lancaster. The Archbishop of Canterbury suggests a ruse to capture Richard and the earl of Northumberland is sent to Conway to carry it out; the castles of Flint and Rhuddlan surrender to him. Richard suspects that Exeter has met with trouble.

Ainsi furent les deux ducs demourez,
Qui au cuer orentFootnote 678 du desplaisir assez,
ConsiderantFootnote 679 que le duc fu yrez
A eulx pour l'eure,  1548
EtFootnote 680 regretant le roy qui seul demeure
Sans ame avoir qui l'aidëFootnote 681 ouFootnote 682 sequeure.
Ainsi chascun des deux ducs souvent pleure,
Maiz tout souffrir  1552
Leur convenoit plaisir etFootnote 683 desplaisir.
Le duc Henry les fist en deux partir:
AvecFootnote 684 lui fist son beau frere tenir,
Le duc d'Excestre,  1556
[fo. 32v.] Et le bon duc de Souldray fist ilFootnote 685 mettre
Et enfermer ens ou chastel de CestreFootnote 686
(Ou il y a mainte belleFootnote 687 fenestre
Et maint hault mur.  1560
Il me souvintFootnote 688 du chastel de Namur,
Quant je le vi, tant est il hault et dur;)
La ne fu pas le bon duc trop asseur,
Et a bon droit.  1564
A .vi. mile de la ville y avoit
Un autre fort, que HoultFootnote 689 on appelloit,
SurFootnote 690 une roche moult hault assis estoit.
En cependentFootnote 691*  1568
Ala le duc a tout son ost devant.
Ceulx deFootnote 692 dedens orent pour si tresgrantFootnote 693
Qu'ilFootnote 694 ne sorentFootnote 695 que faire, non obstant
Que pour certain  1572
Savoient bien que le duc un seul grain
Ne les povoit grever ne soir ne main,
Car le chastel est si fort et si sain
Qu'a mon advis  1576
On ne l'eust pas par force en dix ans prins*
Veu la montaigne ou il estoit assis,
Et si estoit tresgrandement garnis
De bonnes gens.  1580
Cent hommes d'armes yFootnote 696 avoit il dedens,
Voire d'eslite et garnis de grantFootnote 697 sens
De par le roy Richart, maiz diligens
Ne furent pas  1584
[fo. 33r.] De bien garder l'entree neFootnote 698 le pas,
Qui est estroite, et si faut pas pour pas
Aler a pié amont.Footnote 699 Maiz comme las
Et pouereux  1588
Le rendirent au duc, qui fu soigneux
D'entrer dedens plus c'onques maiz joyeux,
Car il y ot cent mile marsFootnote 700 et mieulx
D'esterlins d'or,  1592
Que le bon roy Richart la en tresor
Faisoit garder. Et si avoit encor
D'autres joyaulx grant foison: par Saint Mor
J'oÿ conter  1596
Qu'a deux cens mille mars d'or estimerFootnote 701
Povoit on bien, ceFootnote 702 qu'on pot la trouver;
Le duc Henry enFootnote 703 fist tout enmenerFootnote 704
Avecques lui.  1600
Ainsi fu Hoult rendusFootnote 705 – comFootnote 706 je vous di –
Et tout l'avoir du roy Richart saisi,
Si estoit il d'artillerie* garny
Et de vitaille:  1604
De pain, de vin, d'eaue doulce et d'aumaille,Footnote 707
Bien pour six ans. TelzFootnote 708 gens pas une pailleFootnote 709
Ne valent mie,Footnote 710 car sans faire bataille
Në eulx deffendre  1608
Au duc Henry tantost leFootnote 711 voldrent rendre;
Pleust oreFootnote 712 a Dieu qu'il les eust tous faizFootnote 713 pendre.
La ne volt il pas longuement atendre,Footnote 714
Ains retourna  1612
[fo. 33v.] Tout droit a Cestre, ou trestous ceulx mandaFootnote 715
De son conseil,Footnote 716 et lors ilFootnote 717 leur pria
Que chascun die ce qu'il lui semblera
Bon estre fait.  1616
L'archevesqueFootnote 718 de Cantorbie a fait
Par devant tous la response, etFootnote 719 de fait
Dist: ‘Beaux Seigneurs, le roy Richart retraitFootnote 720
‘Si estFootnote 721 en Gales,  1620
‘Ou il y a maintes montaignes males,
‘Par ou ne peut passer charroy ne males.
‘D'autre part est la mer (ouFootnote 722 maintez ales
‘Peut on peschier;)  1624
‘De lui vostre ost ne pourrezFootnote 723 aprouchier.
‘Maiz il convient devers lui envoier
‘Et li jurer et enconvenancier
‘Que bonne paix  1628
‘Voulez avoir aFootnote 724 lui a tousjours maiz,
‘Maiz qu'il vueille jurer que par lui faiz
‘Un Parlement sera, ou les mauvaiz
‘Seront pugnis –  1632
‘Par qui ses oncles furent a la mort mis –
‘Ainsi serez desoremaiz bons amis,
‘Et lui crirezFootnote 725 treshumblement mercis.Footnote 726
‘Et qu'il ordonne  1636
‘Telle journee qui lui semblera bonne
‘Et en tel lieu, que chascune personne,
‘Soit clerc ou lay, chevalier, prestreFootnote 727 ou monne,Footnote 728*
‘LeFootnote 729 puisse voir.  1640
[fo. 34r.] ‘Car autrement ne leFootnote 730 povez avoir,
‘Veu qu'il aFootnote 731 bien maugré nousFootnote 732 le povoir
‘D'entrer en mer au matin et au soirFootnote 733
‘Pour s'en aler,  1644
‘Car il a fait duFootnote 734 navire arrester
‘A Cornüay – je l'ay ouÿ compter –
‘Siqu'il vous fault sur ce fait aviser,
‘Ce m'est advis;  1648
‘Or en ditez,Footnote 735 Messeigneurs et amis.’
LorsFootnote 736 dit chascun: ‘OncquesFootnote 737 maiz je n'oÿs
‘Meilleur conseil par Dieu de Paradis
‘Comme le sien.’Footnote 738  1652
Le duc Henry dist lors: ‘Tresbel et bien
‘Fera le fait et sera bon moyen
‘Northomberlant, le contë ancïien,
‘Mon beau cousin.  1656
‘Je lo qu'il parte demain au plus matin
‘Sans retournerFootnote 739 jamaiz a quelque fin,
‘Jusques a tant queFootnote 740 par paix ou hutinFootnote 741
‘Le roy amaine.  1660
‘Et qu'avecFootnote 742* lui .iiii.c lances maineFootnote 743
‘Et mil archiers qui prenrontFootnote 744 asez paine,
‘Car jeFootnote 745 desir plus que chose mondaine
‘A le tenir.’  1664
Lors dist au conte: ‘Beau cousin, de partir
‘Soiez songneux et de bien acomplir
‘Vostre emprise, car nul plus grant plaisir
‘Ne me povez  1668
[fo. 34v.] ‘Faire ouFootnote 746 monde. Pour Dieu or vous hastez,
‘Et je seray a Cestre demourez,
‘Jusques a tant que vous retournerez,Footnote 747
‘Ou que nouvelle  1672
‘Aie de vous, qui mon cuer renouvelle
‘En plaisance.’ ‘Dieux doint qu'elle soit telle,’
Dist le conte. ‘Par sens ou par cautelle
‘Je l'amenray.’  1676
Ainsi parti le conte sans delay.
Tout au plus droit qu'il pot a Cornüay
Prist son chemin, pensant et plain d'esmay
Comment pourra  1680
Le roi avoir. Ainsi fort chevaucha
Lui et ses gens,Footnote 748 tant quë il arrivaFootnote 749
A unFootnote 750 chastel, queFootnote 751 Flint on appella,
Qui est moult fort.  1684
Dedens manda c'on lui rendist le fort
De par le duc Henry, ou tous a mort
Seront livrez sans leurFootnote 752 faire deport
Ne nul respit.  1688
Ainsi la porte par paour on lyFootnote 753 ouvrit;Footnote 754
Les gens du roy Richart hors bouterFootnote 755 fist
Et de ses gens grant partie y commistFootnote 756
Pour le garder.  1692
En ce chastel, que Flint m’öez nommer,
Fu prins le roy, comFootnote 757 vous orrez compter
Yci aprés. Or fist ses gens haster
Northomberlant,  1696
De la tout droit ala a Rothelant,
Ou il trouva chemin fort et pesant,Footnote 758
Mainte montaigne et mainte roche grant.
A entredeux  1700
[fo. 35r.] Oultre passa, le plus bel et le mieulx
Qu'il onquesFootnote 759 pot; alorsFootnote 760 fu moult joieux.
Il envoia au chastellain, qui vieulx
Chevalier fu,  1704
Dire que tost le fort lui fuFootnote 761* rendu
Ou nom du duc, ou il sera pendu –
Lui et tous ceulx qui yFootnote 762 seront tenu –
Sans en avoirFootnote 763  1708
Nulle pitié: non pas pour tout l'avoir
DuFootnote 764 royaulme n'eschapperontFootnote 765 pour voir,
Que de la mort le morsel recevoir
NeFootnote 766 leur en face,  1712
S'ilFootnote 767 ne rendent le chastel et la place.
Le conte ainsi le chastelain menace,
Le quel en ot de peur toute la face
Descoulouree,  1716
Car il avoitFootnote 768 gardé mainte journee
Ou nom de roy le chastel et l'entree,
Qui est moult fort, veu que la mer salee
Vient es fossez,  1720
Et d'autre part est il moult hault troussez
Sur une roche, et les murs fors et lez;
De grosses tours est il bien reparez.
Maiz le viellart  1724
Ot si grant paour au matin et au tart
Qu'il lui rendi les clefs comme couart;
Et si lui ot prié le roy Richart
Moult doulcement  1728
[fo. 35v.] Qu'il le gardast,Footnote 769 veu que tresgrandement
Estoit garnis de vin et de froument,
Car il y ot esté prouchainnement,
Et moy o lui.  1732
Le chastelain au conte laFootnote 770 plevy:
OuFootnote 771 nom du duc, qu'on appellë Henry,
Desoremaiz lui rendi,Footnote 772 par tel sy
Qu'il demourroit  1736
Toute sa vie chastelain la endroit;
Le conte en fu d'accort. Or n'y avoit
Que dix mile de chemin assez droit
A Cornüay,  1740
Ou le roy fu en dueil et en esmay.
De la venue au conte riens de vray
Ne savoit il, maiz souvent dist: ‘Ne sayFootnote 773
‘Que ce peutFootnote 774 estre;  1744
‘Glorïeux Dieux, qui me feïstesFootnote 775* nestre,
‘Que peut avoir mon beau frere d'Excestre?
‘.viii.Footnote 776 jours y a qu'il est aléFootnote 777 a Cestre
‘Pour accorder  1748
‘Le duc et moy; or ne scet retourner.
‘Certes je croy qu'ilzFootnote 778 ont a endurer
‘Paine ouFootnote 779 meschief. Je n'en sayFootnote 780 queFootnote 781 penser
‘Ne quë en dire.’Footnote 782*  1752
Ainsi le roy estoit a grant martire,
Veu le meschief qui sur lui tire a tire
Venoit a fort pour le plus desconfire;
Maiz non obstant  1756
[fo. 36r.] Graces rendoit a DieuFootnote 783 le tout puissant.
Or est raison que de Northomberlant
Sachiez leFootnote 784 vray, et ce qu'alaFootnote 785 pensant*
Pour mieulx avoir  1760
Le roy Richart, car il sot bien de voir
Que, së il scet sa force et son povoir,
Pour nulle rien ne se vouldraFootnote 786 mouvoir
De ses chasteaulx.  1764

§23 Lines 1765–1916. Northumberland leaves most of his men behind as an ambush to capture the King and goes forward with a small party to outline Lancaster's terms to Richard.

Soubz une roche, qui de grans mangonniaulx
EstFootnote 787 roide* et haulte, fist faire .ii. monchiaulx
De ses gens, qui furent frez et nouviaulx*
Et desirans  1768
D'avoir le roy comme felons tirans.
Hellas! Quelz gens! Qu'estoient ilz pensans,
Quant parFootnote 788 l'espasse de bien .xxii. ans
Pour droit seigneur  1772
L'orent tenu par grant joie et honneur
Et puis aprés le desfaire a douleur?
Il m'est advis que c'est si grant erreur,Footnote 789
Qu'a tousjours maiz  1776
On les devroit tenir pour tresmauvaiz,
Et que croniques nouviaulx en feussent faiz,*
Afin qu'on vist plus longuement leurs faiz
Et vasselage.  1780
Le conte alors, qui fu soubtil et saige,
Dist a ses gens: ‘Gardez bien ce passaige,
‘Et je m'en voiz par dessus le rivage
‘Moy le sisisme,Footnote 790*  1784
[fo. 36v.] ‘Et seFootnote 791 Dieu plaist, ains qu'il soit demain prime,
‘Au roy diray – ou par prose ou par rime –
‘Telles nouvelles, s'il n'est plus dur que lime
‘De fin acier,  1788
‘JeFootnote 792 le feray – ce croy je – deslogier;
‘Maiz gardez vous surFootnote 793 la mortFootnote 794 de bougier,
‘Jusques a tant queFootnote 795 verrez repairier
‘Le roy ouFootnote 796 moy.’  1792
Ainsi se mirent en gracïeux conroy,Footnote 797
Et le conte sans faire nul effroy
A Cornüay pour acquittier sa foy
Si s'en ala.  1796
Devant la ville un bras de mer y a,
Maiz quant le conte par devant arriva,
Au roy Richart un herault envoya
Pour demander  1800
S'il lui plaisoit qu'il peust oultre passer
ParFootnote 798 saufconduit pour lui dire et conter
Comment le duc veult a lui accorder.
Lors le herault  1804
L'eaue passaFootnote 799 et ou chastel en hault
Trouva le roy, qui ot maintFootnote 800 dur assault
ParFootnote 801 tristresse. LorsFootnote 802 lui dist de cuer bault:Footnote 803
‘Sire, le conte  1808
‘De Northomberlant,* qui oncques n'ama honte,
‘M'a cy tramis, afin que je vous conte
‘CommentFootnote 804 le duc Henry paix bonneFootnote 805 et prompte
‘A vous avoir  1812
[fo. 37r.] ‘Veult. S'il vous plaist, pour le vray mieulx savoir
‘Vous lui donrez saufconduit et povoir
‘DeFootnote 806 venir ça, car autrement mouvoir
‘Ne s'ozeroit.’  1816
Salsebery alors, qui la estoit,
Au roy Richart dist que tresbon seroit
De le fere venirFootnote 807 seulFootnote 808 la endroit.
Lors au messaige  1820
Dist tout enFootnote 809 hault le roy en son langage:
De tresbon cuer ottroyeFootnote 810 le passaige
Au conte de Northomberlant, (qui saige
Et soubtil fu.)  1824
Graces au roy .c. foiz en a rendu.
Du hault chastel est en basFootnote 811 descendu,
L'eaue passa, ou le conte atendu
L'ot longuement.  1828
La luiFootnote 812 conta la maniere comment
Le roy Richart tresamoureusement
Lui ottroyaFootnote 813 saufconduit bonnement,
Et lui pria  1832
De seFootnote 814 haster. Lors le conte monta
En un vaisselFootnote 815 et l'eaue oultre passa.
Le roy Richart ens ou chastel trouva,
Et avecFootnote 816 lui  1836
Trouva le conte de Salsebery
Et l'esvesque de Kerlille autresi.Footnote 817*
LaFootnote 818 dist au roy: ‘Sire, le duc Henry
‘M'a cy tramis,  1840

[fo. 37v.] Figure XI: Northumberland makes obeisance to King Richard at Conway.

‘Afin qu'acort entre vous deuxFootnote 819 soit mis,
‘Et que soiez desoremaiz bons amis.
‘S'il vous plaist, Sire, et que je soie oÿs,
‘Je vous diray  1844
‘CeFootnote 820 qu'il vous mande, etFootnote 821 riens n'enFootnote 822 mentiray:
‘Se vous voulez estre bon juge et vray
‘Et trestous ceulx, qu'icy vous nommeray,
‘Faire venir  1848
‘A certain jour pour justice acomplir
‘A WesmoustreFootnote 823 le Parlement ouïr,Footnote 824
‘Que vous ferez entre vous deux tenir
‘ParFootnote 825 loyaulté:  1852
[fo. 38r.] ‘Et que grant juge soit il restitué
‘D'Engleterre, comme l'avoit esté
‘Le duc son pere et tout son parenté
‘Plus de cent ans.  1856
‘Le nomFootnote 826 de ceulx qui seront atendans
‘Le jugement vueil dire;Footnote 827 il en est temps,
‘S'il vous plaist, Sire.’ ‘Oïl,Footnote 828 car desiransFootnote 829
‘Suy de savoir  1860
‘Les quelx ce sont.’ ‘Sire,Footnote 830 sachiez de voir
‘Que vostre frere, je vous fay assavoir,
‘EstFootnote 831 le premier. Le second son devoir
‘N'a pas bien fait,  1864
‘C'est de Soudray le duc, qui est de faitFootnote 832
‘Mis en prison et ouFootnote 833 chastelFootnote 834 retrait
‘De Cestre; pas ne sçay qu'il a mesfait
‘Au duc Henry.  1868
‘L'autre est le conte de Salsebery
‘Et l'evesque de Kerlille autresi.Footnote 835
‘Le .v.e – sicomFootnote 836 je l'entendi –
‘Oÿ nommer  1872
‘A Monseigneur Madelien. Accorder
‘Vorent ceulx cy etFootnote 837 vous conseilFootnote 838 donner
‘De vostre oncle faire mort endurer
‘Tresfaulcement.  1876
‘Et s'ilzFootnote 839 dïent que non, le jugement
‘En atendant* de vostre Parlement,
‘Ou vous serez couronnezFootnote 840 haultement
‘Roy et seigneur,  1880
[fo. 38v.] ‘Et laFootnote 841 sera comme juge greigneur
‘Le duc Henry sans penser a faveur.
‘Ceulx qui aront fait mal,Footnote 842 vice ne erreur
‘Ou traÿson  1884
‘SerontFootnote 843 pugniz;Footnote 844 c'est la conclusïon
‘De Monseigneur. AutreFootnote 845 desrisïon
‘Ne veult faire queFootnote 846 par bonne raison,
‘Certes, chier Sire.Footnote 847  1888
‘Encor vous vueil une autre chose dire:
‘Que promptement vueilliezFootnote 848 journee eslire,
‘CarFootnote 849 c'est la chose qu'ouFootnote 850 monde plus desire,
‘Je le say bien.  1892
‘Et si ne veult que sa terre et le sien,
‘Ne du vostre ne veult il avoir rien,
‘Car vous estes son droit roy sans moyen,
‘Et se remort  1896
‘En conscïence du grant mal et du tort
‘Qu'il vous a fait par le mauvaiz enort
‘De l'ennemi, qui nulle heure ne dort
‘Ne ne sommeille.  1900
‘Ains pour tenter corps humains toudizFootnote 851 veille;
‘Trestout ce fait lui a mis en l'oreille.
‘Sique pour Dieu – qui la mort nonpareille
‘Pendant en croix  1904
‘Souffry pour nous – vueilliez estre courtoiz
‘A Monseigneur, qui est mas et destroiz,
‘Et lui vueilliez pardonner une foiz
‘Vostre courroux,  1908
[fo. 39r.] ‘Et il vendra a mercy devantFootnote 852 vous
‘Treshumblement, a terre les genoulx.
‘Ce fait,* aprés comme beguinsFootnote 853 et doulx
‘Vous en yrez  1912
‘Ensemble a Londres, ou seFootnote 854 tenir voulez
‘Autre chemin que li, vous le prendrez;
‘Et lors seraFootnote 855 le Parlement criezFootnote 856
‘Par le païs.  1916

§24 Lines 1917–2004. Northumberland withdraws and Richard tells his companions that he will pretend to agree to Lancaster's terms.

‘De tout cecy soiez certainsFootnote 857 et fis.
‘J'en jurerayFootnote 858 surFootnote 859 le corps Jhesucris
‘De main de prestre sacré que tous mes dis
‘Et tout – ainsi  1920
‘Comme j'ay dit – tenraFootnote 860 le duc Henry
‘Tresloyaument, car il leFootnote 861 me plevy
‘SurFootnote 862 le corps Dieu, quant je me departiFootnote 863
‘DerreinementFootnote 864  1924
‘D'avecquesFootnote 865 lui. Or regardez comment
‘Vous voulez faire, Sire, car longuement
‘Ay demouré.’ Lors lui dit sagement
Le roy Richart:  1928
‘Northomberlant, or vous tirez a part,
‘Et vous arez, ains qu'il soit guerez tart,
‘De nous responce, afin que le depart
‘Puissiez tost faire.’  1932
LorsFootnote 866 veïssiez* les gens ensusFootnote 867 d'eulx traire.
La parlerent longuement de l'affaire,
Qu'ilFootnote 868 avoient au conte oÿ retraire,
Tant que le roy  1936
[fo. 39v.] Dist: ‘Beaux Seigneurs, nous lui ferons ottroy,
‘Car autre tour par m'ame je n'y voy.Footnote 869
‘Tout est perdu, vous le veezFootnote 870* comme moy,
‘Maiz je vous jure  1940
‘Qu'il en mourra de mort amere et sure,
‘Quelque chose que je lui asseüre,
‘Consideré l'oultragëFootnote 871 et l'injureFootnote 872
‘Qu'il nous a fait.  1944
‘Et ne doubtez que ja Parlement fait
‘A WemoustierFootnote 873 ne sera de ce fait,
‘Car je vous ainsFootnote 874* de cuer si tresparfait,
‘Que pour mourirFootnote 875  1948
‘Ne vous lairoie en Parlement venir
‘Contre le duc pour son vueil acomplir.
‘Car je sçay bienFootnote 876 qu'il vous feroit souffrir
‘Paine moult dure,  1952
‘Et si seriez en trop grant aventure
‘De recevoir la mort amere et sure,
‘Veu que plusieurs fontFootnote 877 contre vous murmure.
‘Maiz ne doubtez  1956
‘Que maugré eulx a tousjours maiz serez
‘Mes bons amis, de moy les plus privez,
‘Car je vous ay bons et loyaulx trouvez
‘Sans mal penser.  1960
‘Encor vous di que je vouldrayFootnote 878 mander
‘GensFootnote 879 parmi Galles et les faire assembler
‘Secretement, et qu'a un jour trouver
‘Nous les puissons,  1964
[fo. 40r.] ‘Maiz que parlé au duc Henry aions.
‘Lors le chemin parmi Galles prenrons,Footnote 880
‘Et s'il demande pour quoy, nous li dirons
‘Que de vitailleFootnote 881  1968
‘N'a par delaFootnote 882 valissent une maille;
‘Tout ont gasté ses gensFootnote 883 et sa bataille.
‘ “Et affin tele qu'aFootnote 884 garnison ne faille,
‘ “Alons par la,  1972
‘ “Se bon vous semble.” Ainsi on lui dira,
‘Et je croy bien qu'il s'iFootnote 885 accordera
‘De tresbon cuer; le conte le nous a
‘Dit ensement.  1976
‘Et quant trouvé ensemble aronsFootnote 886 noFootnote 887 gent,*
‘Nous desploirons noz banieres au vent,
‘Et devers lui yrons hastivement
‘Et par effort.  1980
‘Car je sçay bien de certain sur ma mort,
‘Quant ilz verront mes armes, tel remort
‘Aront au cuer – considerantFootnote 888 le tort
‘Qu'ilFootnote 889 m'arontFootnote 890 faitFootnote 891 –  1984
‘Que la moittié de ceulx, qui se sont trait
‘Avecques lui, le lairont et de fait
‘Venront a nous, car bon cuer et parfait
‘Ne peut mentir.  1988
‘Et Nature les fera souvenir
‘Qu'ilzFootnote 892 me doivent pourFootnote 893 droitFootnote 894 seigneur tenir
‘Tout mon vivant; lors lesFootnote 895 verrez venir
‘A nous tout droit.  1992
[fo. 40v.] ‘Et vous savez que nous avons bon droit;
‘Dieux nous aidra, se chascun bien le croit.
‘Se nous ne sommes autantFootnote 896 en nostre endroitFootnote 897
‘Comme ilz seront,  1996
‘Ja pour cela – se Dieu plaist – ne lairont
‘Que laFootnote 898 bataille n'aient, et se ilzFootnote 899 sont
‘Aucunement desconfiz, ilzFootnote 900 seront
‘A la mort mis;  2000
‘De telz y a ferayFootnote 901* escorchier tous vifs.
‘Je n'en prendroi toutFootnote 902 l'or de ceFootnote 903 païs,
‘S'il plaist a Dieu que je demeure vis
‘Et en santé.’  2004

§25 Lines 2005–2076. Northumberland swears on the Host that Lancaster's terms are as they have been related to Richard.

Ainsi le roy leur a dit et conté,
Et les autres s'i sont tousFootnote 904 accordé,
Disant: ‘Sire, le conte soit mandé,
‘De Northomberlant,*  2008
‘Et qu'on lui face faire tout maintenant
‘Le serement, comme il a dit devant;
‘S'ainsi le fait, nous serons accordant
‘TrestoutFootnote 905 son dit.’  2012
Lors le conte sans plus de contredit
Fu appellez,Footnote 906 et le roy lui a dit:
‘Northomberlant, le duc cy vous tramistFootnote 907
‘Pour accorder  2016
‘NousFootnote 908 deux ensemble. SeFootnote 909 vous voulez jurer
‘Sur le corps Dieu, que nous ferons sacrer,
‘Que tout le fait, qu'avez voulu compter,
‘Est veritable  2020
[fo. 41r.] ‘Sans y avoir pensee favorable
‘Nulle quelconques,Footnote 910 maiz fermë et estableFootnote 911
‘Tenir l'accort comme seigneur notable,
‘Nous le ferons.  2024
‘Car je sçay bien que vous estes preudons,
‘Ne pour avoir robes, joyaux ne dons
‘Ne vousFootnote 912 vouldriez parjurer, car li homs
‘Qui se parjure  2028
‘A escïant, que hontë et injure
‘Ne peut avoir tous leFootnote 913 temps quë il dure,
‘Et si convient au derrain qu'il en mureFootnote 914*
‘A grant douleur.’  2032
Lors respondi le conte:Footnote 915 ‘Monseigneur,
‘Faites sacrer le corps Nostre Seigneur.
‘Je jureray qu'il n'a point de faveur
‘En ce fait cy,Footnote 916  2036
‘Et que le duc le tenra,Footnote 917 tout ensi
‘Que le m'avez oÿ compter icy.’
Chascun d'eulx laFootnote 918 devotement oÿ
La messe dire.  2040
Le conte alors sans plus riens contredire
Fist le serement* sur le corps Nostre Sire.Footnote 919
Elas! Le sanc lui devoit bien defrire,
Car leFootnote 920 contraire  2044

[fo. 41v.] Figure XII: Northumberland kneels before the Host.

Savoit il bien. Non obstant volt il faireFootnote 921
Le serement – tel que m'oezFootnote 922 retraire –
Pour acomplir son vouloir et parfaire
Ce que promis  20
Avoit au duc, qui l'ot au roy tramis.
Ainsi firent entr'eulx leur compromis;
L'un pensoit mal et l'autre encores pis.
Mais quant au roy,  2052
Il ne fist pas si grant mal ne desroy,
Car on dist bien souvent: ‘Force n'a loy,’
Et si ne fist serement në ottroy
Comme le conte:  2056
[fo. 42r.] Il en mourra une foiz a grant honte,
S'a DieuFootnote 923 n'en rent par contriccïonFootnote 924 conte,
Car ce qu'il fist tous autres maulx surmonte,
Comme il me semble;Footnote 925  2060
A ce fait ciFootnote 926 nul autre ne ressemble,
Quant vous l'arez oÿ trestoutFootnote 927 ensemble,
Ce m'est advis. Et pourFootnote 928 ce, quiFootnote 929 bien amble
Droit et avant,  2064
Il regne et vitFootnote 930 en prosperité grant
Et dominë en paix,Footnote 931 jusques a tant
Que la mort vient, que chascun atendant
EstFootnote 932 a toute heure,  2068
Qui defait grans et petis toutFootnote 933 deveure.
Devant ses copsFootnote 934 nulle riens ne demeure,
C'est un morsel qui trop mauvaiz saveure.
Or vueille Dieux  2072
Qu'elle nous preigne en telFootnote 935 point, qu'esFootnote 936 sains cieulx
Puissons vëoir sa face et ses doulx yeulx,
Et queFootnote 937 versFootnote 938 nous vueille estre doulz et pieulxFootnote 939
Au jour darnier.Footnote 940  2076

§26 Lines 2077–2136. Richard leaves Conway for Rhuddlan.

Pour revenir a nostre fait primier:
Le conte au roy pria de s'avanchier,
Disant: ‘Sire, pensons de chevauchier,
‘Je vous en prie,Footnote 941  2080
‘Car je sçay bien que le duc grant envie
‘A de savoir se la paix est bastie.’
Elas! Le roy le mal ne savoit mie
Ne le vouloir  2084
[fo .42v.] Qu'avoit le conte, qui le volt decevoir
En la maniere que cyFootnote 942 poez vëoir.Footnote 943
Le roy lui dist: ‘IlFootnote 944 est temps de mouvoir,
‘Quant vous vouldrez,  2088
‘Maiz jeFootnote 945 lo bienFootnote 946 que devant en alez
‘A Rotelant, et que la aprestez
‘Soit le disner.’ ‘Ainsi que vous vouldrez,’
Lui respondi  2092
Alors le conte, et de la se parti;
Le roy Richart assez tost le sivy.Footnote 947
Fort chevaucha le conte, tantFootnote 948 qu'il vy
Toutes ses gens  2096
Soubz la montaigne, et lors fu il contens,
Car il vit bien qu'ilzFootnote 949 furent diligens
DuFootnote 950 pas garder* parFootnote 951 bon conroy et sens.
Si leur conta  2100
Trestout le fait et commentFootnote 952 exploita,
Et que le roy tantostFootnote 953 a eulx vendra.
Un chascun d'eulx grant joie en demena,
Car le desir  2104
Qu'ilzFootnote 954 avoient de leur seigneur tenir
Estoit moult grant. Aprés se volt partir
De Cornüay le roy et s'en venirFootnote 955
A Rotelant.  2108
L'eaue passa, qui fu moult largeFootnote 956 et grant,
Puis chevaucha .iiii. miles avant,
Tant qu'aFootnote 957* la roche, ou le conte au pendant
Estoit tapis,  2112
[fo. 43r.] Monta le roy, qui fu moultFootnote 958 esbahis
Quant il les vit, disant: ‘Je suy traÿs!
‘Que puet ce estre? Vray Dieu de Paradis,
‘Vueilliez me aidier.’Footnote 959  2116
Lors aux panons qu'on vëoit balloier
Furent congneuz, disant: ‘A mon cuidier
‘C'est le conte, qui nous a fait traittier
‘Sur sa fiance.’  2120
LorsFootnote 960 furent tous en amere doubtance:
J'eusse voulu bien alors estreFootnote 961 en France,
Car je les vy pres de desesperance
Et a bon droit.  2124
On ne doitFootnote 962 estre esbahis seFootnote 963 destroit
Estoient tous, car nulz d'eulx ne povoit
Pour bien fouir eschapper la endroit,
Que retenus  2128
Ne feustFootnote 964 ou prins. Mais que soie entendus,
Je vous diray commentFootnote 965 le roy venus
Fu si pres d'eulx, qu'il y avoit trop plus
A retourner  2132
Jusqu'aFootnote 966* la ville queFootnote 967 la roche avaler,
A la quelle batoit la haulte mer;
D'autre costé on ne povoit passer
Pour la rochaille.  2136

§27 Lines 2137–2204. Richard falls into Northumberland's ambush and is brought by him to Rhuddlan.

Ainsi convint passer, vaille que vaille,
Ou estre mort tout parmy la bataille
Des gens* du conte, qui fu armé de maille
A veue d'ueil.  2140
[fo. 43v.] La demenoit le roy si tresgrant dueil
Que pitié fu de vëoir son accueil,
Disant souvent: ‘Vray Dieu, que jeFootnote 968 recueil
‘Meschief et paine.*  2144
‘Or voy je bien que cest homme m'enmaine
‘Devers le duc, qui guerres ne nous aime.
‘Vierge Marie, roÿne souveraine,
‘VueilliezFootnote 969 avoir  2148
‘De moy pitié, car je sçay bien de voir
‘Que perdusFootnote 970 sui, se ne me daigniez voir.’
Ainsi disoit le roy, qui nul povoir
N'avoit droit la,  2152
Car nous ne fumesFootnote 971 que vint – ce me sembla –
Ou vint et deux.Footnote 972 Chascun siFootnote 973 devala
La haulte roche, qui au roy moultFootnote 974 greva,
Et a SalseberyFootnote 975  2156
DisoitFootnote 976 souvent, comme toutFootnote 977 esbahi:
‘Or voy je bien que mort sui sans nul si,
‘Car trop me het certes le duc Henry.
‘Elas! Pour quoy  2160
‘Avons nous cru le conte surFootnote 978 sa foy?
‘Certes pour nous a esté grant desroy.
‘Maiz c'est trop tart;Footnote 979 JhesusFootnote 980 – en qui je croy –
‘Nous vueille aidier.’  2164
Ainsi parlant,* nous convint aprochier
D'eulx sicomme au traitFootnote 981 d'un bon archier.
Lors le conte se vintFootnote 982 agenoillier
Trestout a terre,  2168

[fo. 44r.] Figure XIII: King Richard is ambushed by Northumberland.

Disant au roy: ‘Je vous aloie querre,
‘Mon droit Seigneur – ne vous vueille desplere –
‘Car le paÿs est esmeu pour la guerre –
‘ComFootnote 983 vous savez –  2172
‘Affin que mieulx soiez asseürez.’
Lors dist le roy: ‘Je feusse bien alez
‘Sans tant de gensFootnote 984 qu'icyFootnote 985 mandé avez;
‘Il m'est advis  2176
‘Que ce n'est pas ceFootnote 986 que m'avez promis.
‘Vous me deïstesFootnote 987 qu'on vous avoit tramis
‘Vous sixiesme. Par Dieu de Paradis
‘C'est tresmal fait,  2180
[fo. 44v.] ‘Consideré le serementFootnote 988 qu'avezFootnote 989 fait.
‘Il semble advis que n'estesFootnote 990 pas parfait
‘En loyaulté, qui avez tel retrait
‘Fait cy entour.  2184
‘Sachiez de vray que je feray retour
‘A Cornüay, dont sui partiFootnote 991 ce jour.’
Lors dist le conte: ‘Monseigneur, deshonnourFootnote 992*
‘Me mettez sus,  2188
‘Maiz je vous jure par le corps de Jhesus,
‘Qui pour nous tousFootnote 993 fu en la croix pendus:
‘Puis que de moy estes icy tenus,
‘Je vous menrayFootnote 994  2192
‘Au duc Henry leFootnote 995 plus droit que pourray,
‘Car je vueil bien que vous sachiez de vray
‘Qu'il a dix jours qu'ainsi promis li ay.’
Lors apporter  2196
Fist pain et vin; lui mesmes presenter
Le volt au roy, qui n'osa refuser
Ce que le conte voloitFootnote 996 la commander,Footnote 997
Consideré  2200
Sa puissance. Aprés sont remonté,
A Rotelant tout droit s'en sont alé;
Ou fort chastel furent ilzFootnote 998 bien disné
Et grandement.  2204

§28 Lines 2205–2268. Northumberland takes Richard to Flint. The King apostrophizes Queen Isabella and her father, Charles VI of France.

Aprés disner fist ordonnerFootnote 999 sa gent
Northomberlant (qui fu moult diligent)
De chevauchier a Cestre droitement,
Car la estoit  2208
[fo. 45r.] Le duc Henry, qui le conte atendoit
Avec ses gens, dont grant foison avoit.
De sa demeure moult fortFootnote 1000 s'esbaïssoit,
Car riens ne sçot  2212
De la besongne que le conte fait ot:
CommentFootnote 1001 le royFootnote 1002 amenoit enFootnote 1003 son ost
De Rotelant. Aprés disner tantost
Sans plus atendre  2216
Nous en vinmesFootnote 1004 tout droit a Flint descendre,
Qui au duc fu rendusFootnote 1005 sans le deffendre,
Ou quel chastel vintFootnote 1006 il l'endemain prendre
Le roy Richart –  2220
ComFootnote 1007 vous orrez ains qu'il soit gueres tart –
Et trestousFootnote 1008 ceulx qui furent de sa part.
Helas! Le dueil qu'il fist la nuit a part
Trop bien pourrezFootnote 1009  2224
Considerer, car il avoit assez
De quoy le faire, veu que de tous costez
Ses ennemis vëoit tous aprestez
Et desirans  2228
De le faire mourir comme tirans.
Ceste nuit la fu forment regretans
Sa compaigne – la fille au roy des Frans –
Disant ainsi:  2232
‘Mon tresdoulz cuer, ma suer, adieuFootnote 1010 vousFootnote 1011 di,
‘Pour vostre amour suy demourezFootnote 1012 ainsi,
‘Car a mes gens oncques ne deservy
‘De meFootnote 1013 destruire  2236
[fo. 45v.] ‘Si laidement. Maiz s'il plaist que jeFootnote 1014 muire
‘A Jhesucrist, m'ame vueille conduire
‘En Paradiz, car eschapper ne fuire
‘Je ne puis maiz.  2240
‘Elas! Beau pere de France, jamaiz
‘Ne vous verray. Vostre fille vous laiz
‘Entre cesFootnote 1015 gens,Footnote 1016 qui sont faulx et mauvaiz
‘Et sans fiance,  2244
‘Par quoy je sui pres de desesperance,
‘Car elle estoit ma joieuse plaisance.Footnote 1017
‘Or vueille Dieux q'une foiz la vengence
‘En vueilliez prendre,  2248
‘SceüFootnote 1018 le fait,* sans longuement atendre,
‘Afin que nulz neFootnote 1019 vous en puist reprendre.
‘Le fait vous touche; or y vueilliezFootnote 1020 entendre
‘Prouchainnement.  2252
‘Elas! Je n'ay vaisseaulx, gens në argent
‘Pour envoier devers vous en present,
‘S'a Cornüay feusse encor vrayementFootnote 1021
‘J'alaisse a vous.  2256
‘OrFootnote 1022 est trop tart. Las!Footnote 1023 Pour quoy creumes nous
‘Northomberlant, qui en la main des loups
‘Nous a livrez? Je me doubte que tous
‘Ne soions mors,  2260
‘Car ces gensFootnote 1024 cy n'ont en eulx nul remors;
‘Dieux leur confonde les ames et les corps.’Footnote 1025
Ainsi disoit le roy Richart alors
A Salsebery,  2264
[fo. 46r.] Qui faisoit dueil – onques greigneur ne vy –
Et l'evesque de Kerlille autresi.Footnote 1026*
Tous les autres chascun pas ne dormy
Celle nuit la.  2268

§29 Lines 2269–2295. Northumberland apprises Lancaster of Richard's presence at Flint. Creton informs his readers that he will now change to writing in prose.

Northomberlant au duc Henry manda
Trestoute* nuit que le roy amena;
Le chevaucheurFootnote 1027 droitFootnote 1028 a Cestre arriva
Au point du jour.  2272
Au duc Henry compta trestout le tour
Du roy Richart,Footnote 1029 qui a Flint fist sejour.
Au cuer en ot grant joie et grant baudour
Et a bon droit,  2276
CarFootnote 1030 en ce mondeFootnote 1031 plus riens ne desiroit.
Autour de CestreFootnote 1032 trestout son ost estoit
Logié auxFootnote 1033 champs qui grant païs tenoit.
Lors fist crier  2280
Q'unFootnote 1034 chascun feust tantost prest pour alerFootnote 1035
Avecques lui, ou les vouldraFootnote 1036 mener;
Mainte trompete firent Englés sonner
Et retentir.  2284
Or vous vueil dire sans plus rime querir
Du roy la prinse. Et pour mieulx acomplir
Les paroles qu'ilz dirent auFootnote 1037 venir
Eulx deux ensemble –  2288
Car retenues les ay bien, ce me sembleFootnote 1038
Si les diray en prose, car il semble
Aucunesfoiz qu'on adjouste ou assemble
Trop de langaige  2292
[fo. 46v.] A la matiere deFootnote 1039 quoy on fait ouvrage.Footnote 1040
Or vueille Dieux, qui nous fist a s'image,
Pugnir tous ceulx qui firent telFootnote 1041 oultrage.  2295

§30 Lancaster leaves Chester and descends on Flint with his army.

En ceste partie, des affliccions et douleurs esquelles le roy Richart estoit ou chastel de Flint atendant la venue du duc de Lancastre.

Le quel se parti de la ville de Cestre le mardi .xxii.e jour d'aoust en l'an de l'incarnacion NostreSeigneur mil .ccc iiiixx.xix.,Footnote 1042 a toute sa puissance, la quele j'oÿ estimerFootnote 1043 a plusieurs chevaliers et escuiers a cent mille hommesFootnote 1044 passez, ordonnez comme pour entrer en bataille,Footnote 1045 chevauchantFootnote 1046 parmi la greve de la mer a grant joie et aFootnote 1047 grant dillectacion de plaisir, etFootnote 1048 aussi desirantFootnote 1049 la prinse de leur droit et naturel seigneur, le roy Richart.

Le quel se leva le dit mardi bien matin acompaignié de douleurs, de tristresses, d'affliccions: de plains, de pleurs et de gemissemens, oÿ la messe moultFootnote 1050 devotement comme vrayFootnote 1051 catholique* avecques ses bons amis,Footnote 1052 le conte de Salsebery, l'evesque de Kerlille, Messire Estienne ScroupFootnote 1053 et unFootnote 1054 autre chevalier appellé Ferbric; les quelx, pour adversité nulle ne pourFootnote 1055 fortune quelconques que le dit roy eust, ne le vouldrent laissier ne relenquir. Encores avoit avecques eulx unFootnote 1056 qui fu filz de la contesse de Salsebery, le quel le roy Richart avoit fait nouvelFootnote 1057 chevalier en Irlande avecques le filz ainsné du duc de Lancastre et avec plusieurs autres, comme je vous ay dit es premieres parties de ceste matiere.

Et si estoitFootnote 1058 Genico, unFootnote 1059 escuier gascon, le quel monstra bien la vraie amour [fo. 47r.] qu'il avoit au roy Richart, car oncques, pourFootnote 1060 menaces de chevaliers ne escuiersFootnote 1061 ne pour priere nulle quelconques, ne volt oster la devise de son seigneur le roy – c'est assavoir le cerf – disant:

‘Ja Dieu ne plaise que pour homme mortel je oste l'ordre de mon droitFootnote 1062 seigneur, se liFootnote 1063 propre ne le commande.’Footnote 1064

Et tant que le duc de Lanclastre le sçot, le quel le fist menerFootnote 1065 honteusement et vilainement ou chastel de Cestre, atendant de jour en jour que on lui trenchast la teste, car c'estoit la commune renommee du peuple. Et toutesvoies il n'en moru pas – sicomme j'ay oÿFootnote 1066 dire depuis – maiz je vous sçayFootnote 1067 bien a dire que ilFootnote 1068 fu le derrenier portant l'ordre duFootnote 1069 roy Richart en Engleterre. Et la monstra il bien qu'il n'estoit pas favorable de legier ne de leur generacion extrait.

EtFootnote 1070 quant est de la generacion et nature d'eulx, ilz sont favorables de legier, eulx tenantFootnote 1071 tousjours au plus fortFootnote 1072 etFootnote 1073 au mieulxFootnote 1074 parantFootnote 1075 sans garder droit,Footnote 1076 loy, raison ne justice. Et ce n'est pas deFootnote 1077 maintenant, car plusieurs foiz ont ilz deffait et destruitFootnote 1078 leur roy et seigneur, comme on le peut savoir par plusieurs ystoiresFootnote 1079 et croniques.

Et affin que je ne m'alongneFootnote 1080 pas trop de la matiere que j'ay ouverte, de leur nature ne de leur condicion, ne vueil plus parler pour le present, maiz retourner au roy Richart.Footnote 1081 Le quel, la messe oïe, monta surFootnote 1082 les murs du dit chastel, qui sontFootnote 1083 grans et larges par dedens, regardant venir parmy la greve de la mer le duc de Lancastre a tout son ost qui estoit merveilleusement grant, demenant teleFootnote 1084 joie et consolacion, que jusques au dit chastel on ouoit le son et bruitFootnote 1085 de leurs instrumens: [fo. 47v.] cors, buisinesFootnote 1086 et trompetes. Et lors se recommandaFootnote 1087 en laFootnote 1088 sainte garde deFootnote 1089 Nostre Seigneur et de tous lesFootnote 1090 sains de Paradis, disant en telle maniere:

§31 Richard foresees his coming death.

‘Helas! Or voy je bien que la fin de mes jours aproche, puis qu'il fault que je soie livrezFootnote 1091 esFootnote 1092 mains de mes ennemis, les quelz me heentFootnote 1093 a mort, et sans l'avoir desservi. Certe, conte de Northomberlant, vous devez avoir grant peur et freeurFootnote 1094 au cuer que Nostre SireFootnote 1095 Dieux ne preingne vengence du pechié que vous feistes, quant vous le parjurastes ainsi villainement pour nous attraire hors de Cornüay, ou nous estions bien asseur. Or vous en vueille Dieux rendreFootnote 1096 le guerredon!’

§32 Lancaster takes Richard into his custody at Flint. He guarantees the safety of Creton and his companion.

Ainsi disoit le roy Richart au conte de Salsebery, a l'evesque de Kerlille et aux deux chevaliers – Sire Estienne ScroupFootnote 1097 et Ferbric – plourant moultFootnote 1098 tendrement et demenant grant dueil surFootnote 1099 les diz murs du chastel; et tel queFootnote 1100 certes je croy qu'en ce mortel monde n'a creature quelconqueFootnote 1101 – soit Juif ou Sarrasin – les avoirFootnote 1102 veuz eulx cinq ensemble, qui n'en eust euFootnote 1103 grant pitié et compacion au cuer.

Ce dueil faisant, virent departir de l'ost du duc Henry grant quantité de gens chevauchantFootnote 1104 a force d'esperons devers le chastel pour savoir que le roy RichartFootnote 1105 faisoit. En ceste premiere compaignie estoit l'arcevesque de Cantorbie, Messire Thomas de Persi et le conte de Rotelant, au quel le duc Henry avoit osté la possession de la connestablie d'Engleterre et la duchie d'Aumarle, qu'il tenoit par avant de par le roy Richart. Maiz je croyFootnote 1106 fermement qu'il lui osta plus par ficcion et pour aveugler le monde, afin telle c'on ne cuidast mie qu'il sceut riens du fait ne de la traÿson que autrement.Footnote 1107

Et toutesvoies ne say jeFootnote 1108 pas s'il enFootnote 1109 savoit riens, maiz [fo. 48r.] je say bienFootnote 1110 tout certainFootnote 1111 que lui et Messire Thomas de Persi, le quel avoit esté estuuart du roy – c'est a dire en françoiz grant maistre d'ostel – se partirent du port de Mileforde et enmenerentFootnote 1112 ses gens et son avoir, par quoy ilzFootnote 1113 furent destroussez en Galles, comme je vous ay ditFootnote 1114 devant. Et s'en alerent devers le ducFootnote 1115 – comme il appert – car ilzFootnote 1116 vindrent ouFootnote 1117 chastel de Flint tous desFootnote 1118 premiers, portant l'ordreFootnote 1119 du duc Henry, non pas leFootnote 1120 cerf.

L'arcevesque entra le premier etFootnote 1121 les autres aprés; ilz monterent ou donjon. Lors le roy descendi des murs, au quel ilzFootnote 1122 firent tresgrantFootnote 1123 reverence agenoilliez a terre. Le roy les fist lever et tira l'archevesque a part, et parlerent moult longuement ensemble. Qu'ilzFootnote 1124 dirent je ne sçay pas, maiz le conte de Salsebery me dist aprés qu'il l'avoitFootnote 1125 reconforté moult doulcement, disant qu'il neFootnote 1126 feust esbahisFootnote 1127 et qu'il n'aroit nul mal de son corps. Le conte de Rotelant ne parla pointFootnote 1128 a celle heure au roy, ainsFootnote 1129 s'alongnoitFootnote 1130 de luiFootnote 1131 le plus qu'il povoit, ainsi commeFootnote 1132 s'ilFootnote 1133 eust esté honteux de seFootnote 1134 voir devant lui.Footnote 1135

Ilz remonterent a cheval et s'en retournerentFootnote 1136 au devant du duc Henry, le quel aprochoit fort, car entre la ville de Cestre et le chastel n'a que dix mille petitesFootnote 1137 – qui valent cinq lieues françoises ou environ – et n'y a haie neFootnote 1138 buisson nul entredeux, fors la greve deFootnote 1139 la mer seulement et les haultes roches et montaignes d'autre costé. Et sachiez de certain qu'il les faisoit bel voir venir, car ilz estoient tresbien ordonnez et si grant quantité que – tant qu'aFootnote 1140 moy – je ne vis oncques tant de gensFootnote 1141 ensemble, ce m'est advis. De tout l'ost du duc estoit principal capitaine Messire Henry de Persi, qu'ilzFootnote 1142 [fo. 48v.] tiennent pour le meilleur chevalier d'Engleterre.

Le roy remonta surFootnote 1143 les murs et vit que l'ost estoit a deux trais d'arc presFootnote 1144 du chastel. Alors demena grant dueil de rechief Footnote 1145 – et les autres qui estoient avecques lui – faisantFootnote 1146 moult de piteux regrés de sa compaigne, Ysabel de France, et louaFootnote 1147 Nostre Seigneur Jhesucrist, disant:

‘Beau Sire Dieux,Footnote 1148je me recommande enFootnote 1149 ta sainte garde, et te crie mercy que tu me vueilles pardonner tous mesFootnote 1150 pechiez, puis qu'il te plaist que jeFootnote 1151 soie livrezFootnote 1152 esFootnote 1153 mains de mes ennemis. Et s'ilFootnote 1154 me font morir, je prendray la mort en pasience, comme tu leFootnote 1155 prins* pour nous tous.’

Ainsi disant, aproucha l'ost du chastel et l'environna tout jusques a la mer par tresbelleFootnote 1156 ordonnance. Lors ala le conte de Northomberlant devers le duc Henry, le quel estoit rengié avecques ses gens au pié des montaignes. Ilz parlerent assez longuement ensemble et conclurrent qu'ilFootnote 1157 n'entreroitFootnote 1158 point ouFootnote 1159 chastel, jusques a tant que le roy eust disné, pour la cause de ceFootnote 1160 qu'il jeunoit;Footnote 1161 ainsi le conte retourna ouFootnote 1162 dit chastel. La table mise, le roy s'assist au disner et fist asseoir l'evesque de Kerlille, le conteFootnote 1163 de Salsebery et les deux chevaliers – Sire Estienne ScroupFootnote 1164 et Ferbric – disant en telle maniere:

‘Mes bons, vrais etFootnote 1165 loyaulx* amis, estantFootnote 1166 en peril de mort pour loyaulté maintenir,Footnote 1167 sëez vous avecques moy.’

Cependent se departirent grant quantité de chevaliers, d'escuiers et d'archiersFootnote 1168 de l'ost du duc Henry et vindrent ou dit chastel, desiransFootnote 1169 aFootnote 1170 veoir leur roy,Footnote 1171 non pasFootnote 1172 pour bien qu'ilz lui voulsissent, maiz pourFootnote 1173 la grant ardeur qu'ilz avoient de le destruire et faire morir. Ilz l'alerent voir disner et publierent [fo. 49r.] par tout le chastel que, tantost que le duc seroit venus, tous ceulx qui estoient avecques luyFootnote 1174 – sans nul excepter – avroient lesFootnote 1175 testes tranchees; et encores disoient ilz que on ne savoitFootnote 1176 mie seFootnote 1177 le roy eschaperoitFootnote 1178 ou non.

Ces nouvelles oÿes, un chascun pour soy ot grant paour et grant freeur au cuer, car Nature ensengne a toute creature craindre et redoubterFootnote 1179 la mort plus que nule autre chose. EtFootnote 1180 tant qu'a moy, jeFootnote 1181 ne cuide mie que jamaiz j'aieFootnote 1182 si grant paour comme j'euz pour l'eure, consideré la grant desrision d'eulx et le non voloirFootnote 1183 entendre droit, raison ne loyaulté.Footnote 1184 Et pour ce que Nature me contraingnoit d'avoir freeur de la mort, mon compaignon et moy advisames Lancastre le herault, le quel avecFootnote 1185 grant quantité de gens estoit venuFootnote 1186 ouFootnote 1187 dit chastel devers le roy. Si lui priay que pour l'amour de Nostre Seigneur il nous aidast a sauver la vie, et qu'il lui pleust deFootnote 1188 nous mener devers le duc Henry, son maistre; lors nous respondi qu'il le feroit tresvolentiers.

Le roy fu a table moult longuement, non mieFootnote 1189 pour chose qu'il mengast gueres, maiz pour ce qu'il savoit bien que, tantost qu'il avroit disné, le ducFootnote 1190 le venroitFootnote 1191 querre pour l'enmenerFootnote 1192 ou pour le faire mourir; et aussiFootnote 1193 ilzFootnote 1194 le laisserent longuement a table, pour la cause de ce qu'ilFootnote 1195 jeunoit les marseces.Footnote 1196 Aprés ce qu'il ot disné, l'archevesque de Cantorbie et le conte de Northomberlant alerent querreFootnote 1197 le duc de Lancastre, le quel se parti d'avecques ses gens, qui estoient rengez par tresbelle ordonnance devant le chastel, et s'en vint, lui .x.e ou lui .xii.eFootnote 1198 des plus grans seigneurs qui estoient avecques lui, devers le roy.

[fo. 49v.] A l'entreeFootnote 1199 du chastel nous mena Lancastre le herault devant le duc.Footnote 1200 Agenoilliez a terre lui distFootnote 1201* le dit herault en langage englesch que nous estions de France, et que le roy nous avoit envoiéFootnote 1202 avecques le roy Richart en Irlande pour esbatre et pour veoir le païs, et que pour Dieu il nous voulsist sauver la vie. Et lors nous respondi le duc en françoiz:

‘Mes enfans, n'aiez paour ne freeur de chose que vous voiez, et vous tenez pres de moy, et je vous garantiray la vie.’

Ceste response nous fuFootnote 1203 moult joieuse a oÿr.Footnote 1204

Aprés entra le duc ou chastel, armé de toutes pieces excepté de bacinet, commeFootnote 1205 vous povez veoir en ceste ystoire.Footnote 1206 Lors fist on descendre le roy, qui avoitFootnote 1207 disné ou dongon, et venir a l'encontre du duc Henry le quel, de si loing qu'il l'avisa,Footnote 1208 s'enclina assez bas a tere;Footnote 1209 et en aprouchant l'un de l'autre, il s'enclina la seconde foiz, son chapel en saFootnote 1210 main. Et lors le roy osta son chapperon et parla premier,Footnote 1211 disant en telle maniere:

[fo. 50r.] Figure XIV: Lancaster makes obeisance to King Richard at Flint.

§33 Lancaster meets the King at Flint; their exact words are reported.

‘Beau cousin de Lancastre, vous soiez le tresbienvenu.’Footnote 1212 Lors respondi le duc Henry, encliné assés bas a terre:Footnote 1213 ‘Monseigneur, je sui venuFootnote 1214 plus tost que vousFootnote 1215 ne m'avez mandé; la raison pour quoy, je le vous diray. La commune renommee de vostre peuple si est telle: que vousFootnote 1216 les avez par l'espace de .xx. ou .xxii.Footnote 1217 ans tresmauvaisement et tresrigoreusement gouvernez, et tant qu'ilz n'en sont pas bien content.Footnote 1218 Maiz s'il plaist a Nostre Seigneur, je leFootnote 1219 vous aideray a gouverner mieulxFootnote 1220 qu'il n'aFootnote 1221 esté gouvernéFootnote 1222 leFootnote 1223 temps passé.’

Le roy Richart lui respondi alors:

‘Beau cousin de Lancastre, puis qu'il vous plaist, il nous plaist bien.’Footnote 1224

Et sachiez de certainFootnote 1225 [fo. 50v.] que ce sont les propres paroles qu'ilz dirent eulx deux ensemble, sans y riens prendre ne adjouster, car je les oÿ et entendi assez bien. Et si le mesFootnote 1226* recorda le conte de Salsebery en françoiz et un autre ancien chevalier,Footnote 1227 qui estoit des conseilliers du duc Henry, le quel me dist en chevauchant a Cestre que la prise du roy et la destruccion avoientFootnote 1228 Merlin et Bede propheciséFootnote 1229 des leur vivant; et que se j'estoie en son chastel, il leFootnote 1230 me monsterroit en la forme et maniereFootnote 1231 comme je l'avoie veu advenir, disant ainsi:

§34 The prophecy of Merlin and Bede.

‘Il aura un roy en Albie,* le quel regnera l'espace deFootnote 1232 .xx. aFootnote 1233 .xxii. ans en grant honneur et en grant puissance. Et sera alié et adjointFootnote 1234 avecques ceulx de Gaule; le quel roy sera desfait es parties du nort en une place triangle.’

Ainsi meFootnote 1235 dist le chevalier qu'il estoit escriptFootnote 1236 en un sienFootnote 1237 livre.

La place triangle, il l'aproprioitFootnote 1238 a la ville de Cornüay, et de ce avoit ilFootnote 1239 tresbonne raison, car je vous sayFootnote 1240 bien a dire qu'elle est en triangle, commeFootnote 1241 seFootnote 1242 elle eust estéFootnote 1243 ainsiFootnote 1244 compassee par vraie etFootnote 1245 juste mesure. En la dicte ville de Cornüay fu le roy assez desfait, car le conte de Northomberlant le tira horsFootnote 1246 – comme vous avez oÿ devant – par le traittié qu'il fist a lui; et depuis n'ot nulle puissance.

Ainsi tenoit le dit chevalier ceste prophecie vraie et y adjoustoit grant foy,Footnote 1247 car ilFootnote 1248 sont* de telle nature en leur pays que en prophecies,Footnote 1249 en fanthomesFootnote 1250 etFootnote 1251 sorceries croient tresparfaitement et en usent tresvolentiers.Footnote 1252 Maiz il m'est advis que ce n'est pas bien fait, ains estFootnote 1253 grant faulte de creance.

§35 Richard leaves Flint in Lancaster's custody.

[fo. 51r.] Ainsi comme vous avez oÿ, vint le duc Henry ou chastel et parla au roy, a l'evesque de Kerlille et aux deuxFootnote 1254 chevaliers – Sire Estienne ScroupFootnote 1255 et Ferbric – maiz au conte de Salsebery ne parla il point. Ains lui fist dire parFootnote 1256 un chevalier en telle maniere:

‘Conte de Salsebery, sachiez de certain que, nyent plus que vous neFootnote 1257 daignastes parler a Monseigneur le ducFootnote 1258 de Lancastre, quant lui et vousFootnote 1259 estiez a Paris au Noël derreinerement passé, il ne parlera a vous.’

Lors fu le conte moultFootnote 1260 esbahi et otFootnote 1261 grant paour etFootnote 1262 freeur au cuer, car il veoit bien que le duc le haioit mortelement.

Le quel duc Henry dist moult hault d'uneFootnote 1263 voix fiere et crueuse:

‘Amenez les chevaulx du roy.’

Et lors on lui admena deux petis chevaulx, quiFootnote 1264 ne valoient mie .xl. frans. Le roy monta sur l'un, et le conte de SalseberyFootnote 1265 sur l'autre. Chascun monta a cheval, et partismes du dit chastel de Flint environ deux heures aprésFootnote 1266 midi.

§36 Richard is taken to Chester by Lancaster. From now on Creton is forbidden to speak to him.

En la forme et maniere que vous avez oÿ, prist le duc Henry le roy Richart – son seigneurFootnote 1267 – et l'enmenaFootnote 1268 a Cestre, dont il estoit partisFootnote 1269 le matin, a grant joie et a grant consolacion. Et sachiez que a grant paine eust onFootnote 1270 oÿ Dieu tonnant,Footnote 1271 pour le grant bruit et son de leurs instrumens – cors, buisines et trompetes – et tant qu'ilzFootnote 1272 en faisoient retentir toute la greve de la mer.

Ainsi entra le duc dedens la ville de Cestre, au quel le commun peupleFootnote 1273 fist tresgrant reverence, enFootnote 1274 loant Nostre SeigneurFootnote 1275 et criant aprés leur roy ainsi commeFootnote 1276 par mocquerie. Le duc l'enmena tout droit ou chastel, le quel est moult bel et moult fort, et le fist logier ou dongon. Et lors le bailla en garde au filz duFootnote 1277 duc de Clocestre et au [fo. 51v.] filz auFootnote 1278 conte d'Arondel, les quelx le haioientFootnote 1279 plus que tous les hommes du monde, car le roy Richart avoit fait morir leurs peres. La vit il son frere, le duc d'Excestre, maiz il n'osa ne ne pot parler a lui.

Tantost aprés s'assist le duc au disner etFootnote 1280 fist asseoir au dessusFootnote 1281 de lui l'archevesque de Cantorbie et au dessoubz assez loingFootnote 1282 le duc d'Excestre – frere du roy Richart – le conte de Westmerland,Footnote 1283 le conte de Rotelant, le conte de Northomberland et Messire Thomas de Persi. Tous ceulx furent assiz a la table du duc Henry, et le roy demoura en la tour avecques ses bons amis, le conte de Salsebery, l'evesque de Kerlille et les deux chevaliers. Et de la en avant nous ne le poions voir, se ceFootnote 1284 n'estoit aux champs en chevauchant. Et nous fist onFootnote 1285 deffendre que nous ne parlissons plusFootnote 1286 a lui ne a nulzFootnote 1287 des autres.

§37 Lancaster sets off from Chester to take Richard to London. At Lichfield Richard attempts unsuccessfully to escape.

Le duc Henry demoura .iii. jours a Cestre et tint moultFootnote 1288 grant conseil. IlzFootnote 1289 conclurentFootnote 1290 qu'ilFootnote 1291 avoit trop grant quantité de gens, puis que le roy estoit pris, et que ce seroit assez de trente a quarante mille hommes pour mener le dit royFootnote 1292 a Londres, et que autrementFootnote 1293 le païs seroit trop grevé, veu queFootnote 1294 tresgrandement avoit esté gasté au venir. Ainsi fistFootnote 1295 le duc retraire la plus grant partie de ses gens,Footnote 1296 et parti de la ville de Cestre le .iiii.e jour aprés la prise, et prist le droit chemin a Londres.

Il arriva a LiceflitFootnote 1297 – une tresbelle petite villeFootnote 1298 – et la leur cuida le povre roy RichartFootnote 1299 eschaper par nuit, et se laissa couler en un jardinageFootnote 1300 parmy une fenestre d'une grosse tour, ou ilz l'avoient logié. Maiz je croy qu'il ne plaisoit pas [fo. 52r.] a Nostre Seigneur qu'il eschapast, car il fu aperceuzFootnote 1301 et fu moult vilainement reboutezFootnote 1302 dedens la tour. Et de la en avant – a toutes les heures de la nuit – il avoit .x. ou .xii. hommes armez, qui le gardoient sans point dormir.

§38 A deputation from London demands that Richard be summarily executed. He and Lancaster continue via Coventry and St Albans. Near London, Lancaster hands the King over to the mayor and a large number of liverymen.

Or advint il ainsi que ceulx de Londres oÿrent les nouvelles de la prinse de leur droit seigneur – le roy Richart – les quelx se partirent a tresbelle compaignie: c'est assavoir .v. ou .vi.Footnote 1303 des plus grans bourgois – gouverneursFootnote 1304 de la dicte ville – vindrentFootnote 1305 a force d'esperon a l'encontre du ducFootnote 1306 Henry. Et sachiez que j'oÿ recorder a plusieurs chevaliers et escuiers que, tantost qu'ilz furent arrivés devers le duc, ilz lui requirent de par la communeFootnote 1307 de Londres que a leur droit seigneur – le roy Richart – on tranchast la teste, et aFootnote 1308 tous ceulx qui estoient pris avecques lui, sans leFootnote 1309 mener plus avant. La quelle requeste le ducFootnote 1310 Henry ne vost faire ne accorder, et s'excusa le plus sagement qu'il pot, disant:Footnote 1311 ‘Beaux Seigneurs, ce seroit trop grant vitupere a tousjours maizFootnote 1312 pour nous, seFootnote 1313 nous le faisions ainsi mourir. Maiz nous le menrons a Londres, et la sera jugié par leFootnote 1314 Parlement.’

Le duc se parti de LiceflitFootnote 1315 et chevaucha tant aFootnote 1316 tout son ost qu'il arriva a Covimtry, qui est tresbonne ville. Maiz ains qu'ilzFootnote 1317 yFootnote 1318 peussentFootnote 1319 venir, luiFootnote 1320 firent les Galoiz moult de dommaiges et de despit,Footnote 1321 et tuerentFootnote 1322 grant quantité de sa gentFootnote 1323 et destrousserent. Aucunesfoiz venoient ilz bouterFootnote 1324 le feu ou les Anglois estoient logiez, et certes j'en avoie tresgrantFootnote 1325 joie. Et siFootnote 1326 n'estoit pas en la puissance des Engloiz d'en prendre nulzFootnote 1327 seFootnote 1328 d'aventure non. Et quant ilz en povoient aucuns [fo. 52v.] atraper, ilz les lioientFootnote 1329 de cordes a la queueFootnote 1330 de leurs chevaulx et les traynoient parmy les chemins plains de pierres;Footnote 1331 ainsi les faisoient mourir mauvaisement et a grant paine.

Le duc passa leurs montaignes au plus tost et au de mieulx qu'il pot, et arriva enFootnote 1332 la dicteFootnote 1333 ville Covimtry, et yFootnote 1334 sejourna deux jours. Aprés s'en ala a Saint Alban, ou il a tresbonne ville et belle abbaie, etFootnote 1335 de laFootnote 1336 tout droit a Londres. Quant il aproucha a .v. ou aFootnote 1337 .vi. mile pres de la dicte ville, le maire acompaignié de tresgrant quantité de communes – ordonnezFootnote 1338 et vestus chascun mestierFootnote 1339 parFootnote 1340 soy de divers draps royez, et armez – vindrent a l'encontre du ducFootnote 1341 Henry, a grant quantité d'instrumens et de trompetes, demenantFootnote 1342 grant joie et grantFootnote 1343 consolacion; et la portoit on l'espee devant le dit maire comme devant le roy.

A l'assambler le saluerent et le duc Henry aprés, au quel ilz firent trop plus grant reverence qu'ilz n'avoient fait au roy,Footnote 1344 criantFootnote 1345 en leur langaige d'une haulte voix et espoventable: ‘Vive le bon duc de Lancastre!’

Et disoientFootnote 1346 l'un a l'autre que Dieux leur avoit monstréFootnote 1347 beau miracle,Footnote 1348 quant ilFootnote 1349 leur avoit envoié le dit duc,Footnote 1350 et commentFootnote 1351 il avoit conquis tout le royaume d'Engleterre enFootnote 1352 moins d'un moys; et que bien devoit estre roy, qui ainsi savoit conquerir. Et en looient et gracioientFootnote 1353 Nostre Seigneur moult devotement, disant que c'estoit sa voulenté, et que autrement ne l'eust il peu avoir fait.Footnote 1354 Encores disoient les foles et incredulesFootnote 1355 gens qu'il conquerroit une des gransFootnote 1356 parties du [fo. 53r.] monde, et leFootnote 1357 comparoient desja a Alixandre le Grant.

Ainsi disant et monopolant, aproucherent de la ville sicomme a deux mile,Footnote 1358 et la s'arrestaFootnote 1359 tout l'ost d'une partie et d'autre. Lors dist le duc Henry moult hault aux communesFootnote 1360 de la dicteFootnote 1361 ville:

‘Beaux Seigneurs, vecy vostre roy. Regardez que vous en volez faire.’Footnote 1362

EtFootnote 1363 ilz respondirent a haute voix:

‘Nous voulonsFootnote 1364 qu'il soit mené a Wemoustre.’Footnote 1365

Et ainsi ilFootnote 1366 [le] leur delivra. A celle heure me souvint ilFootnote 1367 de Pilate, le quel fist batre Nostre SeigneurFootnote 1368 Jhesucrist a l'estache, et aprés le fist mener devant le turbeFootnote 1369 des Juifs, disant: ‘Beaux Seigneurs, vecy vostre roy.’

Les quelx respondirent:

‘Nous voulons qu'il soit crucifié.’

Alors Pilate en lava ses mains, disant:

‘Je sui innocent du sanc juste.’

Et ainsi leur delivraFootnote 1370 Nostre Seigneur. Assez semblablement fist le duc Henry, quant son droit seigneur livra au turbeFootnote 1371 de Londres, afin telle que, s'ilzFootnote 1372 le faisoient mourir, qu'il peustFootnote 1373 dire:

‘Je sui innocent de ce fait icy.’Footnote 1374

[fo. 53v.] Figure XV: Lancaster hands King Richard over to the liverymen of London.

§39 King Richard is taken to Westminster. Lancaster goes to St Paul's and then to St John's Priory, Clerkenwell.

Ainsi enmenerent les comunes et le turbe de Londres leur roy a Wemoustre.Footnote 1375 Et le ducFootnote 1376 tournaFootnote 1377* autour deFootnote 1378 la ville pour entrer par la maistre porte de Londres, affin telle qu'il passast par la grant rue qu'ilz appellent la Chipstrate.Footnote 1379 Il entra dedens la ville a heure de vespres et s'en vint tout droit a Saint Pol. La crioit le peuple aprés lui par les rues:

‘Vive le bon duc de Lencastre!’Footnote 1380 Et le benissoient en leur langaige, demenantFootnote 1381 grant joie et consolacion, et telle que je croy que se Nostre SireFootnote 1382 Dieux feust descenduzFootnote 1383 entre eulx,Footnote 1384 ilz ne l'eussentFootnote 1385 pas fait plus grant.

Il descendi a Saint Pol et ala tout arméFootnote 1386 devant le maistre autel faire ses oroisons. Aprés retourna par le tumbel de son pere, qui estFootnote 1387 assez pres du dit autel; et sachiez que c'est une tresriche sepulture.Footnote 1388 La ploura il moult fort, car il ne l'avoit veueFootnote 1389 depuis que [fo. 54r.] son pere y avoit esté mis.

Il demoura a Saint Pol .v. ou .vi. jours. Aprés se partiFootnote 1390 et s'en ala a Saint Jehan de Jherusalem – hospital de Templiers – qui est hors de la villeFootnote 1391 de Londres.

§40 Creton and his companion return to France.

Ces choses veues et considerees, les quelles me faisoient moult de mal et de douleur au cuer, et aussi moy desirant estre hors de leur païs, alasmes devers le dit duc HenryFootnote 1392 mon compaignon et moy, en lui suppliant qu'il nous voulsist ottroier saufconduit pour revenir en France, le quel leFootnote 1393 nous ottroya voulentiers.

Ainsi partismes nous du duc Henry et chevauchasmes tant que nous vinmes a Douvre. Nous passasmes la mer et arrivasmes a Calais, en la quelle ville nous n'arrestames gueres, car quant a moy, j'avoye grant desir d'estre en France.Footnote 1394*

Et lorsFootnote 1395 un pou aprés,Footnote 1396 consideré les rebellions, les maulx, les traÿsons et derisionsFootnote 1397 qu'ilz avoient fait a leur droit seigneur – le roy Richart – j'en fiz uneFootnote 1398 balade, la quelle se commence en tele maniere:

§41 Lines 2296–2334. Imprecatory ballade, cursing Lancaster.*

O tu, Henry, qui as en gouvernance  2296
Pour le present la terre et le païs
Du roy Richart, qui tant otFootnote 1399 de puissance,
Le quel tu as hors boutéFootnote 1400 et demis
Et tous ses biens apropriez et misFootnote 1401*  2300
A toy, qui esFootnote 1402 mirouer deFootnote 1403 traïsons.
Or scet chascun c'onques maiz trahisFootnote 1404 homs
Si faulcement ne fu, comme tu as
Trahi ton roy; celer ne le peus pas.  2304
Jugier l'asFootnote 1405 fait par jugement infame;
Tu en perdras en la fin corps et ame.
Car faulcement, sans mander deffiance,
En larrecin, toy estant fourbanis,  2308
[fo. 54v.] Luy as emblé sa terre. Grant vaillance
N'est pas a toy – certes ce m'est advis –
Veu qu'il estoit hors sur ses ennemis
En Irlande, ou mains durs horïons  2312
Receut d'Irlois,Footnote 1406 qui sont fiersFootnote 1407 com lions.
Ton filz ainsné y fistFootnote 1408 chevalier. Las!
Le guerredon a lui rendre oublias.Footnote 1409
C'est grant pechié, tout le monde t'en blasme;  2316
Tu en perdras enFootnote 1410 la fin corps et ame.
Car a ly n'as tenu foy n'aliance,
Comme juré l'avoiesFootnote 1411 et promis,
Quant faintement etFootnote 1412 en nom d'asseurance  2320
Northomberlant par toy lui fu tramis,
En promettant sur leFootnote 1413 corps Dieu qu'amisFootnote 1414
Tu lui seroies, et que c'estoit raisons.
Ainsi le roy, ains qu'il en feust saisons,  2324
De ses chasteaulx wida, et hault et bas
Vers toy s'en vint treshumblement. Helas!
Honteusement l'enmenasFootnote 1415 a diffame;
Tu en perdras en la fin corps et ame.  2328
Princes et roys, chevaliers et barons,
Françoiz, Flamencs, Alemans et Bretons
Deveroient* courre surFootnote 1416 toy plus que le pas,
Car tu as fait le plus orrible cas  2332
C'onques fist homs: c'est pour toy laide fame;
Tu en perdras en la fin corps et ame.

§42 Lines 2235–2361. Creton rails against the English.

[fo. 55r.] Quant j'ozFootnote 1417 achevé ma balade,
Je ne fui maizFootnote 1418 si tresmalade  2336
Que j'avoie esté par devant
De courroux, et pourFootnote 1419 le mal grant
Que je leur avoie veu faire:
De leur seigneur ainsi defaire  2340
Comme traïtres et tirans;
Plust a Dieu que chascun tirans
Fust brief a leur destrucïon.
Ce seroit la salvacïon –  2344
Ce cuide jeFootnote 1420 – pourFootnote 1421 trestous ceulx,
Qui de bon cuer courir surFootnote 1422 eulx
Yroient et de voulenté.
Car ilz sont en mal si enté,  2348
En faulceté et en oultrage –
En fait, en dit et en langage –
Que certes je croy fermement
Qu'il n'a desoubz le fiermamentFootnote 1423  2352
Generacïon qui resemble
A la leur – sicomme il me semble –
Voire consideré leur fais,
Qui ne sont loyaulx ne parfais  2356
Selon droit, raison et justice,
CeFootnote 1424 m'est advis. Maiz se je visceFootnote 1425*
A leFootnote 1426 dire, pardonnez leFootnote 1427 moy,
Car j'ay veuFootnote 1428 en eulx le desroy,  2360
Qui m'enFootnote 1429 fait si avant parler.

§43 Lines 2362–2376. Back in France, Creton expresses a wish to know how events concluded.

[fo. 55v] Ainsi qu'avez oÿ compter,Footnote 1430
FuiFootnote 1431 de leur païs revenus,Footnote 1432
D'argent et de robe assez nus,Footnote 1433  2364
Et pensayFootnote 1434 souvent en mon cuer
Qu'il me failloit – a quelque fuer –
Savoir la fin de leur afaire,
Et comment ilFootnote 1435 vorentFootnote 1436 parfaire  2368
Ce qu'ilFootnote 1437 avoient entrepris
De leur roy, qu'ilz tenoient pris
A WemoustreFootnote 1438 commë imfame;
Ce fu pour eulx moult laide fame  2372
Et sera, tant qu'ilz viveront.Footnote 1439
Certes jamaiz honneur n'aront,
Au moins entre les gens loyaulx,
Consideré leurs tresgrans maulx.  2376

§44 Lines 2377–2412. Creton meets a clerk returned from England, who takes up Richard's story.

Ainsi demouray longuement
A Paris, sans savoir comment
Ilz firent du roy, leur seigneur,
Qu'ilz tindrent a honte et douleur  2380
Moult longuement en leur prison –
Dont ilz firent grant mesprison –
Tant q'un clerc, que le duc Henry
En avoit mené avec ly,  2384
Quant il se parti de Paris,
Retourna tristes et maris
Pour le grant mal qu'il y ot veu.
Le quel assez bien retenu  2388
L'avoit, car il leFootnote 1440 me compta,Footnote 1441
Quant retournez fu par deça,
[fo. 56r.] Disant qu'il ne voroitFootnote 1442 avoir
D'Engleterre pasFootnote 1443 tout l'avoir,  2392
Et qu'il y dust user sa vie,
Tant ont ilz sur Françoiz envie.
Aprés me dist commentFootnote 1444 le roy
Avoient mis par grant desroy  2396
A WemoustreFootnote 1445 et enfermé,
Quant le duc Henry arivé
Fu a Londres nouvellement.
A Saint Pol ala droitement  2400
Et puis a Saint Jehan aprés,
Qui est hors des murs assez pres:
UnFootnote 1446 hospital des Templiers.
La fu le duc moult voulentiers  2404
Quinze jours tous plains sans partir;
Aprés s'en volt il departir
Et s'en ala enFootnote 1447 sa conté
De Harford. Tout ainsi conté  2408
Le m'a le clerc qui y estoit,
Et qui asez bien regardoit
Trestous leurs faiz et leur covine,
Qui n'estoient pas en plevine.Footnote 1448  2412

§45 Lines 2413–2424. The date is to be set for the Deposition Parliament.

EnFootnote 1449 la ditte conté se tint
Trois sepmaines et puis revint
A Londres, car le commun mandé
L'avoit.Footnote 1450 La ly fu commandéFootnote 1451  2416
Que la journee fust eslitte
Du Parlement. Ce moult delitte
[fo. 56v.] Le duc Henry, et sans atendre
Il y vot de bon cuer entendre,  2420
Car c'estoit son plus grant plaisir,
Pour ce qu'il sçot bien sans mentir
Que le roy y seroit desfait,
Et quë ilFootnote 1452 y seroit roy fait.  2424

§46 Lines 2425–2444. The Deposition Parliament meets.

Ainsi fist asambler ses gens,
Qui furent asez diligens
A son mandement et conseil.
Certes trop fort je me merveilFootnote 1453  2428
CommentFootnote 1454 Dieux souffrir leur povoit
Le mal que chascun la pensoit.
Ce fu le premier mercredi
D'ottobre – sicomme l'entendiFootnote 1455 –  2432
Qu'ilzFootnote 1456 furent tous ensemble mis.
Las!Footnote 1457 Le roy Richart pou d'amis
Avoit en celle compaignie,
Car ilz avoient tous envie  2436
De le desfaire* assezFootnote 1458 briefment.
Si firent il,Footnote 1459 maiz vraiement
Je croy qu'ilz le comparront chier,
Car le justeFootnote 1460 et vray justichier,  2440
Qui est la sus en Paradis
Connoisant leurs faiz et leurs dis,*
Une foiz les en pugnira,
S'autre pugnissïon n'y a.  2444

[fo. 57r.] Figure XVI: The Deposition Parliament. The empty throne, with Lords Spiritual on the left and Lords Temporal on the right.

§47 Lines 2445–2478. Those present at the Deposition Parliament.

Ainsi firent leur asamblee,
Qui estoitFootnote 1461 de malFootnote 1462 enpensee,
A Wemoustre,Footnote 1463 hors deFootnote 1464 la ville
De Londres – ce ne fuFootnote 1465 pas guille* –  2448
Premierement tous lesFootnote 1466 prelas:
Archevesques, evesques. Las!
QuelleFootnote 1467 pensee? Quel courage?
Bien avoient au cuer la rage  2452
De consentir tel Parlement.
Aprés les ducs premierement
Marquis, contes et chevaliers:
Escuiers, varlés et archiers  2456
Et plusieurs manieres de gens,
Qui n'estoient nobles ne gens
[fo. 57v.] Mais traïtres faulx et felons;
La estoient par si grans mons  2460
Qu'a paine l'oseroie dire.Footnote 1468
En la sale sans contredire
Entrerent les maieurs devant,
Les quelx avoientFootnote 1469 par avant  2464
Fait – sicomme j'ouÿ compter –
Le siege royal aprester
Par tresgracïeuse ordonnance,
Car ilzFootnote 1470 avoient esperance  2468
D'eslire la un autre roy;
Si firent ilz par grant desroy,
Comme vous orrez cy aprés.
Entour le dit siege asez pres  2472
Estoient les prelas assis,
De quoy il y avoit plus de sis.
D'autre costé tous les seigneurs –
Grans, moyens, petiz et meneursFootnote 1471 –  2476
Assiz par ordonnance belle;
Oncques n'oÿ parler de telle.

§48 Lines 2479–2528. Creton names the peers present at the Deposition Parliament.

Premiers sëoit le duc Henry,
Et puis tout au plus pres de ly  2480
Le duc dë IorcFootnote 1472 – son beau cousin –
Qui n'avoit pas le cuer trop fin
Vers son nepveu, le roy Richart.Footnote 1473
Aprés de ceste mesme part  2484
Le duc d'Aumarle se sëoit,
Qui filz au duc dë IorcFootnote 1474 estoit,
[fo. 58r.] Et puis le bon duc de Souldray,
Qui fu tousjours loyal et vray.  2488
Aprés sëoit le duc d'Excestre,
Qui ne devoit pas joyeux estre,
Car il vëoitFootnote 1475 devant ly faire
L'apareil pour le roy desfaire,  2492
Qui estoit son frere germain;
De ce faire au soir et au main
Avoient tous grant voulenté.
Aprés estoit de ce costé  2496
Un autre qui ot non le Marquis –
Seigneur estoit de grant païs –
Et puis le conte d'Arondel,
Qui estFootnote 1476 asez jeune et ysnel.  2500
Aprés de NorevicFootnote 1477* le conte
Ne fu pas oublié ouFootnote 1478 compte,
Aussi ne fu cilFootnote 1479 de la Marche.
Aprés y ot d'une autre marche  2504
Un qui fuFootnote 1480 conte de Stanforde,Footnote 1481
Le quel n'aimoitFootnote 1482 pas la concorde
De son seigneur, le roy Richart.
EncorFootnote 1483 sëoit de ceste part  2508
Un que j'ouÿ asés nommer
Conte de Panebroc et ber,
Et tout au plus pres de celyFootnote 1484
Sist le conte de SalseberyFootnote 1485  2512
Qui fu loyal jusqu'aFootnote 1486 la fin,*
Tant ama le roy de cuer fin;
[fo. 58v.] Le conte d'Umestat y fu,
Sicomme je l'ay entendu.  2516
TousFootnote 1487 autres contes et seigneurs,
Et du royaume les greigneurs,
Estoient a celle assamblee,
Aians voulenté et pensee  2520
D'eslire la un autre roy:
La estoientFootnote 1488 par bel aroy
Le conte de Northomberlant
Et le conte de Westmerland  2524
Toute jour* en estant sans soir,
Et pour mieulx faire leur devoir
S'agenoilloient moult souvent;
Je ne say pour quoy ne comment.  2528

§49 Lines 2529–2549. The Archbishop of Canterbury's sermon.

L’archevesque aprés se leva
De Cantorbie et sermonnaFootnote 1489
Devant tout le peuple en latin,
Et pourposa jusqu'enFootnote 1490 la fin  2532
Habuit Jacob benedictionem a patre suo: Footnote 1491
CommentFootnote 1492 Jacob avoit eü
Benison en lieu d'Esaü,
Non obstant qu'il estoit l'aisné
Filz dë Isaac;Footnote 1493* c'estFootnote 1494 verité.  2536
Elas! Quel tiexste de sermon!
Pour monstrer en conclusïon
Le faisoit que le roy Richart
Ne devoit avoir nulle part  2540
[fo. 59r.] A la couronne* d'Engleterre,
Et que le royaume et la terre
Deüst le prince avoir eüue.
Ceste gentFootnote 1495 bien desconneüue  2544
Estoit, quant parFootnote 1496 vint et deux ans
L'avoient tous – petiz et grans –
Tenu pour droit roy et seigneur;
Et puis aprésFootnote 1497 par grant erreur  2548
L'ont par commun accort desfait.

§50 Lines 2550–2578. A document is read out which claims that Richard has resigned the throne.

Quant l'archevesque ot parfait
Son sermon en latin langaige,
Un juriste, qui fu moult saige  2552
Docteur et si estoit notaire,
Se leva et fist les gens taire.
Car il commencha haultement
A lire la un instrument,  2556
Qui contenoit commentFootnote 1498 Richart –
Jadiz roy d'Engleterre – a part
Avoit coneu et confessé
Sans force, deFootnote 1499 sa voulenté  2560
Qu'il n'estoit ydoine ne digne:
Saige neFootnote 1500 prudent ne benigne
Pour la couronne gouverner,
Et qu'il la vouloit resiner  2564
En la main d'un autre preudomme,
Qui fust noble et plus sage homme
Qu'il n'estoit. Ainsi par accort
Firent dire – fust droit ouFootnote 1501 tort –  2568
[fo. 59v.] Au roy Richart en la prison
De Londres par grant mesprison.
Et puis en ceFootnote 1502 dit Parlement
Lurent devant tous l'instrument,  2572
De quoy les tesmoings siFootnote 1503* estoientFootnote 1504
Evesques, abbés,Footnote 1505 qui disoient
Et tesmoingnoient – bien le say –
Que l'instrument estoit tout vray.  2576
Or regardez! Quel tesmongnage!
Oncques n'ouÿ homs tel oultrage.

§51 Lines 2579–2642. Lancaster is elected as the new King.

Aprés la lecture parfaitte
De l'instrument, sillence faitte  2580
Fu par tout. Et puis se leva
L'archevesque et repris a
Son sermon, prenant fondement
Sur le devant dit instrument,  2584
Disant si hault que bien l'ouÿ
Le peuple: ‘Puis qu'il est ensi,
‘Et que le roy Richart – jadiz
‘Roy d'Engleterre – par ses diz  2588
‘Et de sa bonne voulenté
‘A reconnu et confessé
‘Qu'il n'est pas asés souffisant,
‘Convenable ne bien saichant  2592
‘Pour le royaume gouverner,
‘Il seroit tresbon d'aviser
‘Et d'eslire un autre roy.’
Elas! Beaux Seigneurs, quel desroy!  2596
[fo. 60r.] Ilz furent la juge et partie.
Ce n'estoitFootnote 1506 pas chose partie
Justement ne de loyalFootnote 1507 droit,
Car il n'y avoit la endroit  2600
Homme pourFootnote 1508 le roy ansïen
Que trois ou quatre, quiFootnote 1509 pour rien
N'eüssent osé contredire
Tout ce qu'ilzFootnote 1510 vouldrent faire et dire.  2604
Ce fu moult grant desrisïon,Footnote 1511
Car ilzFootnote 1512 firent conclusïon
Tous ensemble – grans et petiz,
Sans estre en deux n'enFootnote 1513 trois partiz –  2608
Qu'ilzFootnote 1514 vouloientFootnote 1515 un roy avoir,
Qui seut mieulx faire son devoirFootnote 1516
Que le roy Richart n'avoit fait.
Et quant l'archevesque ot parfait  2612
Et pardit en englés langaige
Sa voulenté et son couraige,
Et le peuple ot respondu
Selon ce qu'orent entendu,  2616
Il commencha imterrogerFootnote 1517*
Et chascun par soy demander:
‘Voulez vous queFootnote 1518 soit vostre roy
‘Le duc dë IorcFootnote 1519 par bon aroy?’  2620
IlzFootnote 1520 respondirent tous: ‘Nenil!’
‘Voulez vous donc avoir son fil
‘Ainsné, qui est duc dë Aumarle?’Footnote 1521
‘De celyFootnote 1522 plus nulz ne nous parle,’  2624
Respondirent a haute voix.
EncorFootnote 1523 demanda une fois:
[fo. 60v.] ‘Voulez vousFootnote 1524 donc son filz avoir
‘Maisné?’ Ilz dirent:Footnote 1525 ‘Nenil, voir!’  2628
D'autres asez leur demanda,
Maiz le peuple ne s'ajectaFootnote 1526
A nul de ceulx qu'il ot nommés.
Et lors l'archevesque arestés  2632
EstFootnote 1527 sans parler moultFootnote 1528 longuement.
Aprés demanda haultement:
‘Voulez vousFootnote 1529 le duc de Lencastre?’
‘Ouïl! Nous ne voulons nul autre,’  2636
Respondirent eulxFootnote 1530 tous ensemble
De si haulte voix qu'il me semble –
Selon ce que j'ouÿ compter –
Grant merveilles a recorder.Footnote 1531  2640
Aprés louerentFootnote 1532 Jhesucrist,
Sicomme contient leur escript.

§52 Lines 2643–2660. The election of the new King is confirmed.

Quant les evesques et prelas,
Qui de bien fere furent las,  2644
Avecques desFootnote 1533 plus grans seigneurs –
Les quelx perdirent moult d'onneurs
Le jour de ceste elexïon –
Orent l'interrogasïon*  2648
Accordee sans contredire,
Comme felons faulx et plains d'ire,
Et tous les autres: chevaliers,
Escuiers, villains et archiers,  2652
Et toute la communauté,
Ilz dirent tous par cruauté
[fo. 61r.] Qu'il estoit bien digne de mort
Cellui qui n'yertFootnote 1534* de cest accort.  2656
Et ensi par trois foiz fu faite
L'interrogasion contrefaite,
Faulce et plaine de malice;
A tousjours leur sera lait vice.*  2660

§53 Lines 2661–2682. Lancaster accepts the crown.

Aprés en firent instrumens:
Lettres, chartres, burlles, presens
Tous ceulx* qui furent en laFootnote 1535 salle,
Qui n'estoit villaine ne salle,  2664
Ains fu moult richement paree
Par maniere bien ordonnee.
Se leverent tous deux ensemble
Les archevesques – ce me semble –  2668
Et alerent au duc tout droit,
Qui ja royFootnote 1536 esleü estoit
De par tout le peuple commun.
A genoulx se mirent chascun  2672
AmbedeulxFootnote 1537 en disantFootnote 1538 ainsi:*
‘Les souvrains prinches qui sont cy
‘Et les prelas par bel aroy
‘T'eslisent et t'appellent roy;  2676
‘Regarde se tu t'y consens.’
Lors le duc Henry par grant sens,
Qui estoit pour l'eureFootnote 1539 a genoulx,
Se leva et dist devant tous  2680
Qu'il aceptoit la royauté,*
Puis que Dieux l'avoit ordonné.

§54 Lines 2683–2748. Ceremonial of making Lancaster King. He ascends the throne.

[fo. 61v.] Aprés tous les interroga
Ly mesmes et leur demanda  2684
Se c'estoit ainsiFootnote 1540 leur vouloir.
Ilz respondirent: ‘Ouïl, voir!’
Si hault que ce fu grant merveille.
Ce ly mist la pusse en l'oreille,*  2688
Telement que sans plus atendre
Il volt acepter et entendreFootnote 1541
A la couronne d'Engleterre.
Les archevesques, qui a terre  2692
Furent agenoilliez tous deux,
De lireFootnote 1542 estoientFootnote 1543* moult soigneux
Le mistere et tout ce a quoy
Estoit tenu le nouvel roy.  2696
Et par maintes serymonies,
Ofices et ydolatries
Ly metoient croix sur laFootnote 1544 teste
Et sur tout le corps par grant feste,  2700
Comme ilzFootnote 1545 ontFootnote 1546 acoustumé la.Footnote 1547
Lors les archevesques baisa*
Tous deux, et puis prindrent l'anel
Du royaume,Footnote 1548 qui est bon et bel,  2704
De quoy ilz ont acoustumé
Que leurs roysFootnote 1549 soientFootnote 1550 espousé,
Qui est – ce dïent – propre droit.
Entr'eulx le porterent toutFootnote 1551 droit  2708
A cellui qui fu connestable,
Qu'ilzFootnote 1552 tiennent chevalier notable –
[fo. 62r.] Ce fu le sire de Persi –
Et quant de l'anel fu saisi,  2712
Il le monstra generaument
A ceulxFootnote 1553 qui furent la present;
Et puis aprés s'agenoilla
Et ou doit du roy imposaFootnote 1554  2716
Le dit anel par espousaille.
Maiz je n'en donrroie une maille,
Puis que sans droit et sans justice
Est fait et formé tel office;  2720
Je ne dyFootnote 1555 pas que ce ne soitFootnote 1556
Digne chose, qui leFootnote 1557 feroit
Ainsi c'onFootnote 1558 doit tel chose faire.
Et pourFootnote 1559 leur euvre mieulx parfaire  2724
Le roy baisa parmi laFootnote 1560 bouche
Le connestable;* aFootnote 1561 quoy toucheFootnote 1562
Ce mistere je ne sayFootnote 1563 pas.
Les deux archevesques le pas  2728
Revindrent par devers le roy,
Qui estoit en tresbel aroy,
Et l'ontFootnote 1564 droit par lesFootnote 1565 bras menéFootnote 1566
Au siege royal qui paré  2732
Estoit richement pres de la.
Le roy devant s'agenoilla
Et fist dedens ses oroisons.
Aprés comme tressaiges homs  2736
Parla a tous en general,
Aux prelas par especial
[fo. 62v.] Et aux plus grans seigneurs aprés
En latin langage et englés.  2740
Maiz quant il ot finé son dit
Sans ceFootnote 1567 que nulz ly contredit,
Ou royal siege s'est assis.Footnote 1568
Las! Le roy Richart desaisis  2744
En fu la pour toute sa vie,
Tant avoient sur ly envie;
Maiz seFootnote 1569 Dieu plaist, ainsi feront
De cellui qu'inposéFootnote 1570 yFootnote 1571 ont.  2748

§55 Lines 2749–2772. The new Constable is confirmed in office.

Ou dit siege moult longuement
Fu assis sans nul parlement
Faire et sans noise nesune,
Car entandisFootnote 1572 estoit chascune  2752
Personne la en oroyson,
Priant par grant devosïon
Pour la bonne prosperité,
Gouvernement, paix et santé  2756
Du roy nouvel qu'iFootnote 1573 orent fait.
Et quant chascun la ot parfait
Ses oroisons, le connestable,
Qui n'estoit pas encore estable  2760
Ne ferme ou devant dit office –
AuFootnote 1574 quel ne doit avoir nul vice –
Fu appellé generaument;
A genoulx se mist humblement  2764
Devant Henry et les seigneurs.
La fu esleü des greigneursFootnote 1575
[fo. 63r.] Connestable sans contredit,
Et lors Henry au devant dit  2768
Connestable bailla en saFootnote 1576 main
Le baston d'or,Footnote 1577 qui soir et main
Le doit a prouesce esmouvoir,
S'il veult bien faire son devoir.  2772

§56 Lines 2773–2794. High officers of state are elected.

Aprés trestous en general
EslurentFootnote 1578 nouvel mareschal,
Et puis par tresbelle ordonnance
Jurerent ferme foy, fianceFootnote 1579  2776
A Henry en faisant hommage.
Et lors esleurentFootnote 1580 un tressage
Homme, qui chancelier fu fait,
Et quant ilzFootnote 1581 orent ce parfait,  2780
Encor ont ilz instituéFootnote 1582
La garde du sëelFootnote 1583 privé;
D'autres offices grant foisson
Firent eulx en conclusïon.  2784
L'archevesque aprés se leva
Et a tous haultement dit a
Plusieurs misteres en latin,
Eulx esmouvantFootnote 1584 queFootnote 1585 deFootnote 1586 cuer fin*  2788
Prient pour la prosperité
Du roy et de sa royaulté;*
En englés aprésFootnote 1587 leur a dit.
Et quant il ot parfaitFootnote 1588 son dit,  2792
Tous en general sont assis,
Uns et autres, grans et petiz.

§57 Lines 2795–2832. Lancaster's eldest son is made Prince of Wales. 13 October is set for the coronation of the new King.

[fo. 63v.] Lors se leva le duc Henry.
Son filz aisné par devant ly  2796
Se mist humblement a genoulx;
Prince de Galles devant tous
Le fist et ly donna la terre.
Maiz je cuide bien que conquerre  2800
LyFootnote 1589 fauldra, s'il leFootnote 1590 veult avoir,
Car les GalloizFootnote 1591 pour nul avoir
Ne le tenroient a seigneur –
Ce cuide je – pour la douleur,  2804
Le mal et leFootnote 1592 grant vittupere,
Que les Englois avecFootnote 1593 son pere
Avoient fait au roy Richart.
La jurerent chascun a part  2808
Au dit prince foy, loyauté,
Aide, confort etFootnote 1594 fëaulté,*
Comme ilz avoient au duc fait.
Son second filz fist il de fait  2812
Duc de Lencastre ligement;Footnote 1595
Chascun en fu asés content.
Aprés tous les prelas ensemble,
Ducs, princes, contesFootnote 1596 – ceFootnote 1597 me semble –  2816
Et tout le communFootnote 1598 en la fin
SaluerentFootnote 1599 de chief enclin
Le duc par tresgrant reverence,
MonstrantFootnote 1600 signe d'obedïence.Footnote 1601  2820
Et puis tous par commun accort
EslurentFootnote 1602 sans point de discort
Pour le duc Henry couronner –
Sicomme j'ay oÿ compterFootnote 1603 –  2824
[fo. 64r.] Le propre jour Saint Edouuart,
.xiii.e d'octobre;Footnote 1604 moult tart
Leur estoit de si longFootnote 1605 sejour.*
Autre rien ne firent ce jour,  2828
Fors tant qu'enFootnote 1606 la conclusïon
Dirent: quiFootnote 1607 de l'elexsïonFootnote 1608*
AuFootnote 1609 fort ne se resjouira,
Espoir decapitez sera.  2832

§58 Lines 2833–2932. Lancaster creates forty-five new knights. He is crowned and a feast follows.

Ainsi comFootnote 1610* vous avez ouÿ –
Et queFootnote 1611 cellui, qui toutFootnote 1612 ouÿ
Le fait et le Parlement faire,
M'a voulu compter* et retraire –  2836
Fu desfait le roy ancïen
Sans droit, sans loy et sans moyen,
Sans raison, sansFootnote 1613 vraie justice;
A tousjours leur sera lait vice.  2840
Et quant ilzFootnote 1614 orent ce parfait
Et le bon roy Richart desfait
Et enfermé en leur prison –
Dont ilz firent grant mesprison –  2844
Le dimenche aprés plus prouchain
Du couronnement asés main,
A la court de Londres mander
Fist Henry et la assembler  2848
Les plus grans seigneurs d'Engleterre.
Et pour los et honneur aquerre
Fist devant tousFootnote 1615 grant quantité
De chevaliers. Ainsi compté  2852
Le m'a cellui qui y estoit,
Et qui pour le nombre afermoit
[fo. 64v.] Quarente et cinq, ne plus ne mains;
Son filz maisné – soiez certains  2856
Sicomme il dist – fu le premier.
Aprés s'en volt il chevauchier
Parmi Londres ce propre jour
Sans faire a la court plus sejour,  2860
Et estoit en sa compaignie
La nouvelle chevalerie
Tout ensamble, bien ordonnee.
Ainsi passa ceste journee,  2864
Tant que ce vint le mercredi –
Qu'isiFootnote 1616 devant pieça vous di –
Qu'ilFootnote 1617 devoit couronne porter.
Si fist il, et pour deporter  2868
Et honnourer plus haultement
Le devant dit couronnement
Li porterent dessus sa teste
Quatre ducs par mistere et feste  2872
Un riche paille a or batu.
Le duc dë IorcFootnote 1618 le premier fu
Et puis le bon duc deFootnote 1619 Souldray,Footnote 1620
Qui ne le fist pas de cuer vray,  2876
Car il amoit le roy Richart
Et si fu tousjours de sa part,
Quelque chose c'on li fist faire.
EtFootnote 1621 pour leur masacre parfaire  2880
Le duc d'Aumarle fu le tiers,
Qui l'euvre faisoit voulentiers,
Car il n'estoit pas bien loyal,Footnote 1622
Comme vous orrez cy aval;  2884
[fo. 65r.] Le quatriesme sot bien son estre
Et fu nommé duc de Clocestre.
Ces quatre ducs – fust droit ou tort –
Porterent par commun accort  2888
Le paille par dessus leurFootnote 1623 roy,
Qui estoit en tresbel aroy.
Et quant il fu roy couronné
A la court s'en sont retourné,  2892
Ou le disner moult richement
Fu apresté; vecyFootnote 1624 comment.
L'archevesque de Cantorbie
Fu le premier – n'en doubtez mie –  2896
A la table royale assis
Aprés le duc Henry. SaisisFootnote 1625
Fu droit duFootnote 1626 milieu de la table,
Qui estoit par feste* notable  2900
Plus haulte deux piez et demi
Que les deux bous – comme celi
Le me dit qui present estoit;
La longueur – sicommeFootnote 1627 il disoit –  2904
Estoit de deux braces ou plus.
Encor me dist il duFootnote 1628 surplus
Que pluseurs evesques nouviaulx,
Qui n'estoient vrais ne loyaulx,  2908
Maiz faiz sans droit et sans raison,
Estoient en conclusïon
Assis a la table du roy.
Son filz aisné parFootnote 1629 bel aroy,  2912
Qui prince de Galles fu fait,
Tenoit la en sa main de fait
[fo. 65v.] Une espee pour le tournoy;
Maiz a nul hommeFootnote 1630 dire n'oy  2916
Que senefie ce mistere.
A la destre estoit de son pere,
Et tout au plus pres de celi
Un chevallier y avoit qui  2920
Tenoit le ceptre de la croix.
A senestre – commeFootnote 1631 je leFootnote 1632 croix –
Estoit le nouvel connestable,
Et tenoit la devant laFootnote 1633 table  2924
L'espee de connestablie,Footnote 1634
Qui fu pour justice establie.
Maiz pour lors nëFootnote 1635 ouvrerent pas,
CarFootnote 1636 sans mesure et sans compas  2928
Comme gens plains d'iniquité,
De mal et de desloyaulté
Persevererent en leur euvre,
Comme la l'euvreFootnote 1637 leFootnote 1638 descuevre.  2932

§59 Lines 2933–2984. The feast continues and homage is paid to Henry. The King's Champion enters.

La fu le nouvel mareschal,
Qui tenoit le ceptre royal
Par devant Henry en estant;
Contë estoit de Westmerlant.  2936
Aprés de WerewicFootnote 1639* le conte,
De quoy ilz tiennent moult grant compte,
Fu ce propre jour panetier.
Et si estoit grant bouteillier  2940
Un qui fu conte d'Arondel,
(Qui estFootnote 1640 assez jeune et ysnel.)
Le Marquis tranchaFootnote 1641 auFootnote 1642 disner;
Ainsi le voldrent ordonner.  2944
[fo. 66r.] Le duc d'Aumarle le servi
De vin, maiz ainsFootnote 1643 que deservi
Fust le duc, vindrent a cheval
En la sale le seneschal,  2948
Le mareschal, le connestable;
La se tindrent devant la table,
Jusqu'aFootnote 1644 tant c'on volt deservir.
Et pour le mieulx a gré servirFootnote 1645  2952
Un chevalier, qui fu nommé
Thommas de Noth,Footnote 1646 tresbien armé
Comme pour combatre en bataille,
Sur un cheval, armé de maille,  2956
Entra en la sale disant:
S'il estoit nul – petit ne grant –
Qui voulsist maintenir ne dire
Que le royFootnote 1647 Henry ne fust sire  2960
Et droit roy de toute Engleterre,
Qu'il le vouloit d'armes requerre;
Voire quelles? Tout a oultrance.
La n'otFootnote 1648 nul homme qui a ce*  2964
Respondist ne mot ne demy.
Ainsi chevaucha tout parmy
La sale bienFootnote 1649 trois tours ou quatre
Desirant seFootnote 1650 vouloir combatre,  2968
Comme il demonstroit par son dit.
Aprés disner sans contredit
Les plus grans seigneurs tous ensemble
D'Engleterre – comme il me semble –  2972
Firent au duc Henry hommaige.
Maiz les aucuns de bon courage
[fo. 66v.] Ne leFootnote 1651 firent pas vrayement,
Ains avoient secretement  2976
Ja pieça maciné sa mort,
Pour ce queFootnote 1652 parFootnote 1653 force et a tortFootnote 1654
S'estoit fait ce jour couronner.
La voldrent ensemble ordonner  2980
Q'une grantFootnote 1655 feste se feroit
Au Noël prouchain qui venoit
A Windesore le chastel
(Qui est molt fort et si est bel.)  2984

§60 Lines 2985–3050. The plot to kill Henry.

Ainsi fu la feste ordonnee,
Mais ceulx, qui avoient pensee
D'achever leur euvre et parfaire,
VorentFootnote 1656 la une emprise faire  2988
De jouster contre tous venans,
Uns et autres, petiz et grans:
Ce fu le bon duc de Souldray,
Qui fu tousjours loyal et vray  2992
A son seigneur, le roy Richart;
SalseberyFootnote 1657 fu de sa part.
Ces deux firentFootnote 1658 de jousteFootnote 1659 enprise
Contre tous – dont moult je les prise –  2996
Afin telle que desoubz l'ombre
De la festeFootnote 1660 peüssent nombre
De gens d'armes la amenerFootnote 1661
Pour mieulx leur vouloirFootnote 1662 achever:  3000
Car c'estoit leur plus grant desir
Du duc Henry* faire mourir,
Comme ilz avoient entrepris.Footnote 1663
Maiz ilz en furent depuis pris  3004
[fo. 67r.] Et mis a mort villainement,
Car ducFootnote 1664 d'Aumarlle faulcement
Les trahi, dont il ot grant tort:
Si estoit ilFootnote 1665 de leur accort  3008
Et avoit juré avecqueFootnote 1666* eulx
Foy, loyaulté et qu'enFootnote 1667 tous lieux
Aideroit ceste euvre parfaire.Footnote 1668
EncorFootnote 1669 savoit tout cest affaire  3012
Et estoit de leur aliance
Le duc d'Excestre, qui a ce
Faire avoitFootnote 1670 cause soir et main,
Car il estoit frere germain  3016
Du bon roy Richart ancïien,
Qu'ilFootnote 1671 avoientFootnote 1672* sans nul moyen
Desfait et osté la couronne
D'Engleterre, qui est moult bonne.  3020
Et pour ce nulz ne doit avoir
Merveilles, se iceulxFootnote 1673 leur devoir
Vouloient faire de remettre
Le roy Richart – qui devoit estre  3024
Tout son vivant roy d'Engleterre –
En son royaume et en sa terre.
Maiz pour faire secretement
Mieulx leur fait,Footnote 1674 vous orrezFootnote 1675 comment  3028
Le ducFootnote 1676 de Souldray et le conte
De SalseberyFootnote 1677* firent leur conte
D'achever cesteFootnote 1678 euvre et parfaire.
Ilz firent grans charrettes faire  3032
Et pourpenserent que dedens
Mettroient grant foison de gens
[fo. 67v.] Bien abilliés et bien armés,
Qui seroient couvers menésFootnote 1679  3036
En lieu de harnoiz a jouster,
Afin qu'ilz peusent mieulxFootnote 1680 entrer
Ens ou chastel de Windesore,
Ou le duc devoit estre encore.  3040
Leur estoit commandé et dit
Que tantost, sans nul contredit,
Qu'ilzFootnote 1681 pourroient aperchevoir
Leurs seigneurs, chascun sonFootnote 1682 devoir  3044
Feïst de tuer les portiers,
Qui les fors gardoientFootnote 1683 entiers;Footnote 1684
Et ainsi celle euvre faisant,
Yroient leurs seigneurs courant  3048
AuFootnote 1685 duc Henry pour mettre a mort
Sans li faire plus longFootnote 1686 deport.

§61 Lines 3051–3100. Rutland betrays the plot.

En ce point leur fait s'arresta,
Tant que leFootnote 1687 Noël aproucha,  3052
Que le duc s'en ala logier
A Windesore pour jugier
DeFootnote 1688 la feste qui devoitFootnote 1689 estre.
Et lors escriprent une lettre  3056
Le duc de Souldray et le conte
De Salsebery, qui ne tintFootnote 1690 compte
De riens fors deFootnote 1691 l'euvre achever.
A Londres lesFootnote 1692 firent porter  3060
Par un homme qui fu saichant,
Droit au conte de Rotellant,
(Qui estoit duc d'Aumarlle lors):
En ly suppliant que ses corps*  3064
[fo. 68r.] Fust tout prest de venir vers eulx
Pour acomplir l'euvre et lesFootnote 1693 veulx
Qu'ilz avoient promis ensemble;
Et que toutes ses gens ensemble  3068
Face venir avecques lui,
Afin que, s'il y a nulluyFootnote 1694
Qui se vueille contre eulx deffendre,
Qu'ilzFootnote 1695 les puissentFootnote 1696 tuer ou prendre  3072
Et mettre a mort sans nul respit.
Maiz quant le duc d'Aumarle vit
Le mandement et contenu
Des lettres, ou il fu tenu  3076
Par sa prommesse et foy baillie,Footnote 1697
Faintement monstra grant envie
De partir bien hastivement
Pour obeir au mandement,  3080
Que les seigneurs ly orent fait.
Elas! Il n'estoit pas parfait:
Jamaiz neFootnote 1698 sera, qu'iFootnote 1699 n'y pere,*
Car au viel duc dë IorcFootnote 1700 – son pere –  3084
Les lettres des seigneurs porta,
Ne de riens ne les deporta.
Si savoit il bien pourFootnote 1701 certain
Que le duc – son pere – un seul grain  3088
N'amoit eulx ne le roy Richart;
Ains estoit de l'accort et part
Du duc Henry par lige hommage.
Et quant il ot veu le langage  3092
Des lettres et toute la maniere,
Par mautalent fronsa laFootnote 1702 chiere
[fo. 68v.] Et fist asambler foison gens,
Disant: ‘Soiez tostFootnote 1703 diligens  3096
‘De mener mon filz versFootnote 1704 le roy
‘Pour ly compter le grant desroy,
‘Qui est contre ly pourpensé;
‘Mal orent le fait enpensé!’Footnote 1705  3100

§62 Lines 3101–3130. Henry escapes.

De son pere se desparti
Le duc d'Aumarle, en tel parti
Quë hastivement sans atendre
A Windesore ala descendre;  3104
Sa lettre au duc Henry bailla
Et tout le fait ly aferma.
Maiz le duc ne le crëoitFootnote 1706 pas,
Quant de Londres plus que le pas  3108
Vint le maire ce propre jour
Sans gueres faireFootnote 1707 de sejour,
Qui lui aferma de rechiefFootnote 1708
Trestout le fait de chief en chief.  3112
Et quant Henry l'a entendu,Footnote 1709
Pour riens n'eustFootnote 1710 plus laFootnote 1711 atendu.Footnote 1712
A cheval bien tost est monté,
De peur qu'il ne fust surmonté  3116
Ce jour la de ses ennemis.
OuFootnote 1713 chemin de Londres s'est mis,
Lui et le maire avec ses gens.
D'eulx haster furent deligens,  3120
Maiz ains qu'ilzFootnote 1714 peüssent venir
A Londres, ceulx qui grant desir
Avoient de leFootnote 1715 mettre a mort,
Estoient ja dedens le fort  3124
[fo. 69r.] DeFootnote 1716 Windesore bien avant
Pour acomplir leur fait. Maiz quant
Ilz sorentFootnote 1717 que le duc estoit
Partiz, ilz furent moult destroit,  3128
Quant ne l'avoient atrapé,
Et qu'ensi estoit eschappé.

§63 Lines 3131–3158. The rebel lords move to Cirencester. They put it about that King Richard is free; his chaplain Maudelyn is to impersonate him.

De Windesore sont retrais
Et a Surestre se sont trais –  3132
Une ville quiFootnote 1718 est asés pres
De la – ou ilz avoient tres
Grant quantité de leurFootnote 1719 gens d'armes:
DesirantFootnote 1720 tous de corps et d'armes  3136
A remettre en possesïon
Le roy Richart, qui par raison
Devoit estreFootnote 1721 son vivant roy.
LeurFootnote 1722 gens firent mettre en conroy  3140
TresbienFootnote 1723 et bel pour chevauchier;
Avec eulx avoit maint archier,
DisantFootnote 1724 que le bon roy Richart
Avoit fait de prison depart,  3144
Et qu'il estoit la avec eulx.
Et pour le faire acroire mieulx
Avoient pris un chappellain,
Qui resembloit si de certain  3148
Au bon roy Richart de visage,
DeFootnote 1725 corps, de fait et de langage,
Qu'il n'est homme qui le veïst,Footnote 1726
Qui ne certifiast et dist  3152
Que ce fust le roy ancïien;
Appellé estoit Madelien.
[fo. 69v.] Maintesfoiz le vy en Irllande
Chevauchier par bois et par lande  3156
Avec le roy Richart, son maistre;
Pieça jeFootnote 1727 ne vy plusFootnote 1728 bel prestre.

§64 Lines 3159–3222. The rebel lords attempt to rally the country for King Richard but are defeated in battle. Exeter, Surrey and Salisbury are executed.

Le dessus dit firent armer
Comme roy, et puis couronner  3160
Son hëaulme moult richement,
Afin c'on cuidast vraiement
Que le roy fust hors de prison.
La avoient entensïon  3164
De chevauchier par le païs
Pour assembler tous les amis
Et aliez du roy Richart.
Elas! Ilz le firent trop tart,  3168
Car le duc Henry sans atendre,
Qui vouloit a leur mort entendre,
Hastivement yFootnote 1729 envoia
Tant de gens, c'oncquez n'eschapa  3172
NulzFootnote 1730 de ceulx qu'ilFootnote 1731 voldrent avoir.
SiFootnote 1732 firent ilzFootnote 1733 bienFootnote 1734 leur devoir
D'eulx deffendre moult longuement,
Maiz contre dix estoient cent  3176
Ou plus,Footnote 1735 sicomme j'ouÿ dire.
Comme felons faulxFootnote 1736 et plains d'ire
Firent, tant qu'ilz orent la force
Et qu'ilFootnote 1737 les prindrent tous a force,  3180
Dont ce fu pitié et dommage,
Car la leur convint le passage
De la mort amere endurer,
Comme vous orrez cy compter.  3184
[fo. 70r.] Au duc d'Excestre tout premier
Firent eulxFootnote 1738 la teste trancher,
Aprés au bon duc de Souldray,
Qui fu tousjours loyal et vray,  3188
Et puis de Salsebery le conte
N'oublierentFootnote 1739 pas en ce compte;
CesFootnote 1740 trois firent eulxFootnote 1741 mettre a mort
Villainement et a grant tort.Footnote 1742  3192
Aprés firent porter les testes
A Londres, ou onFootnote 1743 en fist grans festes.
La furent mises surFootnote 1744 le pont
AFootnote 1745 lances clouueesFootnote 1746 amont,  3196
Si hault c'on lesFootnote 1747 puetFootnote 1748* assez voir.
Maiz pour vous en dire le voir,
Celle qui fu du duc d'Excestre
N'y laisserentFootnote 1749 pas longtemps estre;  3200
Pour ce qu'il avoit espousee
La suer duFootnote 1750 duc, q'uneFootnote 1751 journeeFootnote 1752
Et une nuit n'y demoura.
Or vueilleFootnote 1753 Dieux, qui endura  3204
La mort pour pecheurs rachetter
Des infernaulx paines d'enfer,
Avoir leursFootnote 1754 ames es sains chieulx.
Car ilz estoient en tous lieux  3208
Loyaulx preudommes et hardis,
En fait, en pensee et en dis;Footnote 1755
Et tant qu'en trestouteFootnote 1756 Engleterre
On ne saroit trouver ne querre  3212
Au jour d'uy telz trois chevalliers,
Car ilz demourerent entiers
[fo. 70v.] Et loyaulx jusques a la mort.
Maiz s'ilFootnote 1757 orent de Dieu remortFootnote 1758  3216
Et de saFootnote 1759 sainte passïon,
Je croy selon m'entenssïonFootnote 1760
Qu'ilz sont en Paradis la sus,
Car comme martirs espandus  3220
Fu leur sancFootnote 1761 pour maintenir droit
Et loyaulté en tout endroit.

§65 Lines 3223–3234. Richard is told the bad news.

Un pou aprés firent savoir
Au bon roy Richart tout le voir  3224
De la besoingne douloureuse,
Qui ly fu a ouïrFootnote 1762 piteuse,
Dont ce ne fu pas grantFootnote 1763 merveille.
En plourant dit lors: ‘Appereille  3228
‘Toy, Mort, et me viens sus courir;Footnote 1764
‘NulzFootnote 1765 ne me puet plus secourir,
‘Puis que j'ay perdu mes amis.
‘Tresdoulx Dieux, qui en croix fu mis,  3232
‘Vueillez avoir de moy merchi,
‘Car vivre ne puis plus ainsi.’

§66 Lines 3235–3266. Richard refuses to eat and dies.

Aprés le roy de ces nouvelles,
Qui ne furent bonnesFootnote 1766 neFootnote 1767 belles,  3236
En son cuer print deFootnote 1768 courroux tant
Que depuis celleFootnote 1769 heure en avant
Oncques ne menga ne neFootnote 1770 but,
Ains convint que la mort reçut,  3240
Comme ilzFootnote 1771 dïent.Footnote 1772 Maiz vrayement
Je ne le croy pas ensement,
Car aucuns dïent pour certain
Qu'il est encoreFootnote 1773 vif et sain,  3244
[fo. 71r.] Enfermé dedens leur prison –
C'est pour eulx grandeFootnote 1774 mesprison –
Non obstant que tout en apert
Firent eulx porter descouvert  3248
Un homme mort parmi la ville
De Londres – ce ne fuFootnote 1775* pas guille –
A telle honneur etFootnote 1776 a tel feste
Que pour roy mort doit estre faite,  3252
EnFootnote 1777 disant que c'estoit le corps
Du roy Richart, qui estoit mors.
La faisoit dueil le duc HenryFootnote 1778
Par semblance, droit devant ly  3256
Tenant le paille duFootnote 1779 sarceulx.
Aprés ly aloient tous ceulx
De son sanc par belle ordonnance,
Sans avoir de ly connoissance  3260
Ne des maulx qu'ilz lyFootnote 1780 orent faiz.
Devant Dieu leurFootnote 1781 sera grantFootnote 1782 faiz,
QuantFootnote 1783 ce vendraFootnote 1784 au jour derrenier,*
Qu'il vouldra les mauvaiz jugier  3264
En la flame perpetuelle
D'enfer, qui sera inmortelle.

§67 Lines 3267–3312. Richard's funeral.

Ainsi comFootnote 1785 vous ouez compter,
Voldrent le corps mort enporter  3268
A Saint Pol de Londres tout droit,
Honnorablement et a droit,
Comme il appertenoit aFootnote 1786 roy.
Maiz certainement pas ne croy  3272
Que ceFootnote 1787 fust le roy ancïien,
Ains croy que c'estoitFootnote 1788 Madelien,
Son chappellain, qui de visage,
De grandeur, de long, de corsageFootnote 1789  3276
[fo. 71v.] Le resembloit* si justement,
Que chascun cuidoit fermement
Que ce fust le bon roy Richart.
Et seFootnote 1790 c'estoit il,Footnote 1791 main et tart  3280
Prie je de vray cuer a Dieu –
Qui est misericors et pieu –
Qu'il vueille es sains chieulx avoir l'ame
De ly, car il haioit tout blasme  3284
Et tout vice, parFootnote 1792 mon advis.
N'oncques en li riens je ne vis
Fors foyFootnote 1793 cathollique et justice;
Si lyFootnote 1794 fi je septFootnote 1795 mois service  3288
De ce queFootnote 1796 jeFootnote 1797 povoyFootnote 1798 servir,
Pour aucunement deservir
Les biens quë ilFootnote 1799 m'avoit promis.
Et certes ilFootnote 1800 ne fu demis  3292
Ne trahy, fors tant seulement
Pour ce qu'il amoit loyaument
Le roy de France – son beau pere –
De vraie amour et singuliere,Footnote 1801  3296
Autant qu'omme qui futFootnote 1802 en vie.
Ce fu la rachine deFootnote 1803 l'envie,*
Non obstant qu'ilz lyFootnote 1804 mirent sus
Qu'il avoit fait mourirFootnote 1805 les ducs –  3300
Ses oncles – par son fol oultrage,
Et qu'il n'estoit prudent ne sage
Pour le royaume gouverner.
D'autres choses asez compter  3304
Vous pourroie que chascun dit,
Maiz certes je vousFootnote 1806 cuide avoir dit
[fo. 72r.] Le vray, comme je puis entendre.
Et se devoieFootnote 1807 l'ame rendre,  3308
SiFootnote 1808 demourroyFootnote 1809 jeFootnote 1810 en ceste colle,
Car comme gent mauvaise et folle
Hëent Françoiz mortellement,Footnote 1811
S'ilzFootnote 1812 osoient monstrer comment.  3312

§68 Lines 3313–3405. Henry sends ambassadors to Charles VI: amongst other things he wants a marriage between Queen Isabella and the Prince of Wales.

Aprés ce que le duc Henry
Ot achevé et acompli
De son vouloir la plus grant part
Et desfait le bon roy Richart,  3316
Le fist le commun couronner.
Et puis aprés volt ordonner
Ses embassadeurs et messages
Sollempnes, (qui furent moult sages),  3320
Et les envoia a Callais:
Gens d'eglise avecquesFootnote 1813 gens lais,
Pour venir versFootnote 1814 le roy de France,
ApportantFootnote 1815 lettres de creance.Footnote 1816  3324
L'evesque de Dureme y fu –
Ainsi que je l'ay entendu –
Et de Persi SireFootnote 1817* Thommas,
Qui n'estoit travailliésFootnote 1818 ne masFootnote 1819  3328
De faire le vouloir son maistre;
AvecqueFootnote 1820 un, qui sot bien son estre,
C'on appelle par son droit non
MonseigneurFootnote 1821 Guillaume Heron.  3332
Ces trois firent lors le passage
Pour venir excuser l'oultrage,
Que leurFootnote 1822 roy nouvel avoit fait
Au roy de France, qui de faitFootnote 1823  3336
[fo. 72v.] Ly avoit fait si grant honneur,
Lui estant banisFootnote 1824 a douleur
Hors du royaume d'Engleterre.
Aprés envoierent bonneFootnote 1825 erre  3340
Les diz messages un herault,
Qui fu sage, soutifFootnote 1826 et caut,
A Paris pourFootnote 1827 leur saufconduit,
Car ainsi furent introduit  3344
De leur maistre au departir.
Maiz on fist le herault partir
Bien brief de Paris sans reponse
Et sans saufconduit ou semonse,Footnote 1828  3348
Car le roy ne volt pas souffrir
Qu'a ly seFootnote 1829 venisentFootnote 1830 pourFootnote 1831 offrir.
Ains envoia par devers eulx
A Callais pour savoir leursFootnote 1832 veulx  3352
Maistre Pierre Blanchet, Henart
Qu'aucunsFootnote 1833 dïent de Kanbenart;Footnote 1834*
Ces deux y alerent ensemble.
La leur firent – comme il me semble –  3356
Reverence etFootnote 1835 honneur moult grant
Les messages anglés, disant
Que tresgrande mutasïon
AvoitFootnote 1836 euFootnote 1837 en leur regïon,  3360
Et qu'ilFootnote 1838 avoient fait un roy
Tout nouvelFootnote 1839 parFootnote 1840 le bon arroy
Et conseil du peuple commun
D'Engleterre, sans ce qu'aucun  3364
D'eulx y eust trouvé que redire.Footnote 1841
Du quel roy ne savoientFootnote 1842 dire
[fo. 73r.] Le desir neFootnote 1843 laFootnote 1844 grant ardeur
D'amour, qu'il avoit sans faveur  3368
Au roy de France – son cousin –
Tant l'amoit de loyal cuer fin
Et aimeroit toute sa vie;
Et que, tant qu'ilFootnote 1845 seroit en vie  3372
Se tendroit grandement tenu
A ly, car il l'avoitFootnote 1846 receu
En son païs moult grandement.
‘Et pour connourirFootnote 1847* fermement  3376
‘L'amour etFootnote 1848 la transquilité,
‘Bien, paix, aliance et santé
‘Des deuxFootnote 1849 royaumes tout ensemble
‘Desire – selon ceFootnote 1850 qu'il nous semble –  3380
‘Que mariage se feïst
‘En France – comme il nous a dit –
‘De la roÿne et de son filz,
‘Le prince – soiez ent tous fizFootnote 1851 –  3384
‘Et de ly a une autre dame
‘Du sanc royal, qui son cuer dame:
‘Et parFootnote 1852 ainsi pourroit venir
‘Es deux royaumes grant plaisir  3388
‘Et grant abondance de biens –
‘Voire trestous les crestïiens
‘De ce monde neFootnote 1853 voulroientFootnote 1854 mieulx –
‘Et que ferme paix en tous lieux  3392
‘Des deux royaumes fust criee.’
Maiz quantFootnote 1855 ilz orent bien contee
Leur raison devant les Franchois,
Ilz lesFootnote 1856 respondirent,* ainchois  3396
[fo. 73v.] Qu'ilz se partissent de la place,
Disant:Footnote 1857 ‘Seigneurs, ja Dieu ne place
‘Que de ceste matiere yciFootnote 1858
‘Respondons ne mot ne demi,  3400
‘Car c'est une chose trop grant.
‘Chargiez neFootnote 1859 sommez plus avant
‘Fors seulement de rapporter
‘Toute voFootnote 1860* requeste et parler  3404
‘Au roy de France, nostre sire.’

§69 Lines 3406–3494. French ambassadors are sent to Boulogne to hear the English requests and to demand the return of Queen Isabella. She arrives at Calais on 25 July 1401.

Ainsi sans plusFootnote 1861 parler ne dire
Se partirent eulxFootnote 1862 des Englés,Footnote 1863
Qui de rechief leur firent tres  3408
Grant honneur et grant reverence.
Tout droit retournerent en France
A Paris, ou le roy estoit,
Qui assez grant desir avoit  3412
De savoir des Angloiz le fait,
Et commentFootnote 1864 ilz orent desfait
Le roy Richart et mis a mort.
En plain conseil firent rapport  3416
Les messages devant le roy,
Racomptant par tresbel aroy
Des Englés toute la maniere
Et commentFootnote 1865 par humble priere  3420
Desiroient unFootnote 1866 saufconduit.
Lors le conseil, comme bien duit
Et sage, fu d'accort ensemble
C'on envoieroit – ce me semble –  3424
Messages d'estat tout pareil
A eulx, pour ouÿr leur conseilFootnote 1867
[fo. 74r.] EtFootnote 1868 ce qu'ilzFootnote 1869 vouldroient requerre.
Et qu'ilFootnote 1870 mettent paine d'enquerre  3428
De leur fait et de leur convine;Footnote 1871
Et qu'ilz rendent brief la roÿne,
CommeFootnote 1872 ilz y sont tous obligiés
Par leur foy et sëaulx fichiés  3432
Aux instrumens qui furent faiz,
Quant le mariage parfaiz
Fu du roy et de sa compaigne.
Et que nesunFootnote 1873 d'eulx ne seFootnote 1874 faigne  3436
De les en sommer bien souvent,
Ou qu'ilz seroient autrement
Faulx, parjures et desloyaulx,
Et qu'il en pourroit trop de maulx  3440
Avenir es deux regïons.
Ne qu'a autres oppinïons
Nulle quelconqueFootnote 1875 fors a celle
N'entendent, et c'on neFootnote 1876 leur celle  3444
Riens a dire qui soit de droit;
Et qu'ilFootnote 1877 s'en voisent trestout droit
A Boulongne sans plus atendre
Pour ouÿr, savoir et entendre  3448
Ce qu'EnglésFootnote 1878 vouldrontFootnote 1879 proposer.
Lors partirent sans reposerFootnote 1880
De Paris ou mois de fevrier
L'evesque de Chartres premierFootnote 1881  3452
Et Monseigneur de Hugueville
Sans arrester n'aFootnote 1882 champ n'a ville,
Tant qu'a Boulongne sont venu;
Maistre Pierre Blanchet y fu,  3456
[fo. 74v.] Aussi fu Maistre Gontier Col.
Ceulx endurerent dur et mol
Asez, ains qu'ilz peussent ravoirFootnote 1883
La roÿne, car riens de voir  3460
Ne leur tenoient les Englois,
Veu que l'espace de vint mois
Dura la prosecusïon,
Ains que la restitusïon  3464
Feissent de la jeune roÿne;
AtendantFootnote 1884 tousjours le termine
Qu'elle eüst douze ans acomplis,
Afin que ses faiz et ses dis  3468
Et ce qu'ilz ly eussent fait faire,
N'eüst onFootnote 1885 peu jamaizFootnote 1886 desfaire.
Maiz requis furent si souventFootnote 1887
Et sommés par françoise gent –  3472
Eulx demonstrant qu'a tresgrant tort
La tenoient,Footnote 1888 veü l'accort
Qui en fu fait auFootnote 1889 mariage –
Qu'ilzFootnote 1890 ordonnerent son passage.  3476
Droit leFootnote 1891 mardi .xxv.me Footnote 1892
Jour de juillet environ prime
Passa de Douvres a CallaisFootnote 1893
La roÿne des Englois, mais  3480
Ce fu en l'an mil quatre cens
Et un – sicomme je l'entens –
Tresgrandement acompaignie,Footnote 1894
Car elle ot en sa compaignieFootnote 1895  3484
Des plus grans dames d'Engleterre.
Quant descendus furent a terre,
[fo. 75r.] Hugueville, qui fu passés
AvecqueFootnote 1896 elle, ne fu lassés,  3488
Ains escript tantost a Boulongne
Aux embassadeurs la besongne
Et commentFootnote 1897 elle estoit passee,
Et qu'ilz avoient tous penseeFootnote 1898  3492
De la restituer et rendre,
Comme ilz ly orentFootnote 1899 fait entendre.

§70 Lines 3495–3509. Queen Isabella moves from Calais to Leulingham.

Le dimenche aprésFootnote 1900 derrenier* jour
De juillet, sans plus de sejour,  3496
Parti de Callais la roÿne
AvecFootnote 1901 Englés, qui de termine
Ne porent plus par droit trouver,
Tant les firent Franchois sommer,  3500
Maiz l'amenerentFootnote 1902 trestout droit
A Lolinghehen.Footnote 1903 La endroit
Alerent ceulx au devant d'elle,
Qui en savoient la nouvelle.  3504
Ce fu de Saint Pol le droit conteFootnote 1904
Ainsi que chascun le raconte –
Et les embassadeurs de France
AvecFootnote 1905 lui, qui grant deligence  3508
Avoient mis pour la ravoir.

§71 Lines 3510–3564. The handover of Isabella at Leulingham begins.

Dessoubz LolinghehenFootnote 1906 pour voir
Fu la roÿne descendueFootnote 1907
En une tente, queFootnote 1908 tendue  3512
Orent Englois en la valee
Par maniere bien ordonnee.
Vindrent devers elle les dames
De France, qui de cuer et d'ames  3516
[fo. 75v.] La desiroient moult veïr.Footnote 1909
Un pou aprés vouldrent partir
De la – ainsi comme il me semble –
Et enmenerent tousFootnote 1910 ensemble  3520
La roÿne a la chappelle
De LolinghehenFootnote 1911 (qui est telle
Que chascun scet, qui l'a veüe).
Et quant elle fuFootnote 1912 descendue,  3524
Ilz la firent entrer dedens
Avecques asés pou de gens,
Fors les embassadeurs de France
Et d'Engleterre, qui a ce  3528
Faire avoient asez mis.
Quant ilz furent ensemble mis
En la chappelle, un chevallier,
Qui d'Engloiz est tenu moult chier –  3532
C'est Sire Thommas de Persi –
Prinst a parler, disant ainsi:
‘Le roy Henry, roy d'Engleterre,
‘Mon souverain seigneur en terre,  3536
‘Desirant l'acomplissement
‘De saFootnote 1913 promesse, ligementFootnote 1914
‘Et de voulenté tresaffine,
‘A cy Madame la roÿne  3540
‘D'Engleterre fait amener
‘Pour la rendre et restituer
‘A son pere – le roy de FrancheFootnote 1915* –
‘Bien deliee, quitte et franche  3544
‘De tous lïiens de mariage
‘Et de trestout autre servage,
[fo. 76r.] ‘Debte ou obligacïon.’
Et que sur la dampnacïon  3548
De son ame ainsi le prenoit,
Et oultre plus quë elleFootnote 1916 estoit
Aussi saine et aussi entiere
Qu'auFootnote 1917 jour que dedens sa litiere  3552
Fu amenee au royFootnote 1918 Richart.
Et s'il estoit nul quelque part –
Fut* roy, duc, conte: crestïien
Ou d'autre estat: grant ou moien –  3556
Qui voulsist a ce contredire,
Il trouveroit sans plus riens dire,
Ne sansFootnote 1919 querir plus longFootnote 1920 conseil,
Un homme d'estatFootnote 1921 tout pareil  3560
En Engleterre, soustenant
Ceste querelle; et par devant
Tout bon juge exposeroit
Son corps,* que tout ainsi estoit.  3564

§72 Lines 3565–3601. The handover is completed and Isabella is back on French soil.

Et quant il otFootnote 1922 dit son vouloir,
Tressagement – sachiezFootnote 1923 de voir –
Le conte de Saint Pol lui dist
Que loué en fut Jhesucrist,  3568
Et qu'ainsiFootnote 1924 le creoientFootnote 1925 eulx
Fermement sans estre doubteulx.
Lors Sire Thommas de Persi
La jeune roÿne saisi  3572
Par les bras en plourant moult fort
Et la livraFootnote 1926 par bon accort
AuxFootnote 1927 messages qui furent la.
Et aussi on leur delivra  3576
[fo. 76v.] Certaines lettres de quittance,
Qu'avoient promis ceulx de France;
Et sachiez que les deux parties,
Ains que de la fussentFootnote 1928 parties,  3580
Plourerent moult piteusement.
Maiz quant ce vintFootnote 1929 au partement
De la chappelle, la roÿne –
Qui son cuer deFootnote 1930 bien enlumine –  3584
En admena tous les Englés
Et les dames, qui firentFootnote 1931 tres
Grant douleurFootnote 1932* aux franchoises tentes.
Et si estoient leurFootnote 1933 ententes  3588
De disner la trestous ensemble;
Si firent ilz,Footnote 1934 commeFootnote 1935 il me semble.
Maiz quant ce vint aprés disner,
La roÿne fist ordonner  3592
De tresbeaux joiaux grant foison,
Et les fist presenter par don
Aux grans dames et aux seigneurs
D'Engleterre, qui de douleurs  3596
Et de dueil plouroientFootnote 1936 moult fort.
Maiz la roÿne reconfort
Leur donna et prinst congié d'eulx;
Et lors renouvela leurs deulx,Footnote 1937  3600
Quant d'avecqueFootnote 1938 eulx se dustFootnote 1939 partir.

§73 Lines 3602–3712. Isabella returns to Paris. Creton finishes by cursing the English; he wrote the Prinse et mort so that the truth of Richard's capture might be known.

Ainsi se voldrent departir
A celle heure Angloiz et Franchois,
Maiz je sçay bienFootnote 1940 de vray, ainchoisFootnote 1941  3604
Que la roÿne d'Engleterre
Fust loings une lieue de terre,
[fo. 77r.] Trouva Monseigneur de Bourgongne
Qui estoit venu de BoulongneFootnote 1942  3608
En enbuche secretement.
Avec ly estoientFootnote 1943 present
De Nevers le conte, son filz
Aisné – de ce soiez tousFootnote 1944 fiz –  3612
Si fu Anthoine Monseigneur;
Encor y ot un grant seigneur,
C'on appelleFootnote 1945 parFootnote 1946 son droit non
Monseigneur le duc de Bourbon.  3616
Ceulx estoient acompaignié
DeFootnote 1947 .v.c lances toutFootnote 1948 a pié
Rengiés sur les champs et armés,
Afin que, seFootnote 1949 laFootnote 1950 voulentés  3620
Des Engloiz fust* malFootnote 1951 retournee,
Ou qu'ilzFootnote 1952 eüssent euFootnote 1953 pensee
De la roÿne remener –
Pour aucun estrif Footnote 1954 ou parler  3624
Qu'ilz eussent peu entreFootnote 1955 eulx avoir –
Que chascun de ceulxFootnote 1956 leur devoir
Eüssent fait de la rescoure:
Et qu'ilz eüssent laisié coure  3628
Sur Engloiz a fort leurs chevaulx
Parmi montaignes, plains et vaux,
Tant que par force et maugré eulx
L'eüssent ramenee entr'eulx  3632
Au roy de France, son beau pere.*
Maiz je vueil bienFootnote 1957 qu'il vous apere
Qu'ilz n'orent mestier de ce faire,
Car les Engloiz voldrent parfaire  3636
[fo. 77v.] D'elle la restitucïon
D'Engleterre enFootnote 1958 sa regïon
Et de tous ses joyaulx aussi
Qu'elle avoit, quant elle parti  3640
De France aprés son mariage.
Et depuis fist elle passage
Parmi France jusqu'aFootnote 1959 Paris,
OuFootnote 1960 maintes larmes et maintFootnote 1961 ris  3644
Furent geteezFootnote 1962* pour sa venue.
Or prions Dieu – qui sa char nue
Leissa humblement en croixFootnote 1963 pendre
Pour pecheurs rachetter et rendre  3648
Hors des mains des faulx ennemis
D'enfer, qui ne sont noz amis –
Qu'il vueille brief prendre venganceFootnote 1964
Des grans maulx et desconnoissance,  3652
De l'oultrage et injuste fait,
Que les mauvaiz Engloiz ont fait
A leur roy et a leur roÿne;
Maiz que ce soit en brief termine,  3656
Car je vous jure a dire voir
Que je leFootnote 1965 desire moult voir
Pour le mal que j'ay veu entre eulx.
Et se chascun savoit leurFootnote 1966 veulx  3660
Et commentFootnote 1967 ilz hëent Franchoiz,
Je cuide fermement ainchoizFootnote 1968
Que trois mois fussent acomply,
C'on verroit maint vaisselFootnote 1969 empliFootnote 1970  3664
De garnison et de vitaille
Pour eulx aler faire bataille,
[fo. 78r.] Car ce sont tresmauvaises gens
Et de bien faire negligens;  3668
Chascun le puet veoirFootnote 1971 clerement.
Et se parlé trop largement
Ay d'eulx, en aucune maniere
Qui desplaise, d'umbleFootnote 1972 priere  3672
Requier, et de cuer sans amer,
C'on le me vueille pardonner.
Car je prens surFootnote 1973 Dieu et surFootnote 1974 m'ame
Qu'a mon povoir, mal ne diffame  3676
Je n'ay dit d'eulx, qu'ilz n'aient fait,
Veu que sept mois entiersFootnote 1975 leur fait
Vy, et chevauchayFootnote 1976 avecqueFootnote 1977 eulx
Par plusieurs contrees et lieux,  3680
En YrlandeFootnote 1978 et enFootnote 1979 Engleterre.
Et si me voult moult fort requerre
Et prier de bon cuer aussi
Le bonFootnote 1980 conte de Salsebery,  3684
Quant il fu pris avec le roy
Richart, que de tout le desroy
Et desloyale traïson
Voulsisse faire mensïon,  3688
Se retourner povoie en Franche.
Et certes de voulenté franche
Et de cuer loyal lyFootnote 1981 promis,
Et pour ceste cause j'ay mis  3692
Paine d'acomplir la promesse,
Que ly fis en la grant tristesse
Et peril, ou je le laissay;
Et aussi pour ce que je sçay  3696
[fo. 78v.] De certain c'onFootnote 1982 n'eustFootnote 1983 peu savoir
De la prise du roy le voir,
EtFootnote 1984 commentFootnote 1985 il fu faulsementFootnote 1986
Par traittié et parFootnote 1987 parlement  3700
AtraizFootnote 1988 hors de sesFootnote 1989 fortsFootnote 1990 chastiaulx,
Qui sont en Galles bons et biaulx,
Du conte de Northomberlant,
Comme j'ay dit ycy devant.  3704
Si prie a tous ceulxFootnote 1991 de cuer fin,
Qui verront jusques a la fin
Ce traittié, que j'ay voulu faire
Des Engloiz et de leur affaire,  3708
Que se j'ay mespris en rimer,
En prose ou en leonimer,
C'on m'enFootnote 1992 tiengne pour excusé,
Car je n'en sui pas bien rusé.  3712
Amen.Footnote 1993  3714

Footnotes

1 Line 1. Au departir de la froide saison. Placing the action of a poem in a rustic setting, in springtime, is a commonplace of OF literature. Supra, Introduction, pp. 33–34.

2 Lines 9, 25. Cinq jours devant le premier jour de mayen l'an mil quatre cens un mains. 26 April 1399.

3 Line 11. Un chevalier. In fact, Creton tells us later, p. 197, ll. 13–15, that Charles VI had sent them to accompany King Richard to Ireland. There is no merit in the unsubstantiated suggestion that the knight – a completely passive figure if he even existed – was the disputatious Pierre de Craon. See M. Bennett, Richard II and the Revolution of 1399 (Stroud, Gloucestershire, 1999), p. 148 nn. 100, 101; also pp. 76, 136–137.

4 Line 34. l'estuuart. Sir Thomas Percy; see ODNB, s.v. ‘Percy, Thomas, earl of Worcester (c.1343–1403)’. Creton twice explains that he was the King's grant maistre d'ostel, ll. 989–990; p. 191, ll. 25–26. Sir Thomas was brother to Henry Percy, earl of Northumberland, l. 1655 ff.

5 Lines 37–456. il estoit de passer envïeux / la mer salee … / … sur le roy fu yrez / Nostre Seigneur. Creton's account of Richard in Ireland is plagiarized by the author of the Chronicque de la traïson et mort de Richart Deux, ed. Williams, pp. 27–33: La beissiez maint chlr partir … quil nest barge ne nef qui sur la mer peust durer. The Traïson's account is a very clumsy rendering of verse into prose.

6 Lines 41–42. Grant quantité de ses amis parfaiz / Avoient fait mourir. These friends included the fourth earl of March who was among those murdered at Kenlys, Leinster, in July 1398, infra, l. 354. This was at least one reason for Richard's second Irish expedition. See A. Steel, Richard II (Cambridge, 1941), p. 244.

7 Line 46. For Art McMurrough, king of Leinster, see ODNB, s.v. ‘Mac Murchadha, Art Caomhánach [Art Kavanagh MacMurrough]; called Art Mór Mac Murchadha] (d. 1416/17)’.

8 Line 66. aux dames. Queen Isabella was not amongst these ladies, Richard having left her at Windsor. Infra, p. 307, ll. 23–24, tu partis d'elle a Windesore pour aler en ton voyage d'Yrlande.

9 Line 72. Watreforde. Richard and his army arrived there on 1 June. See Anglo-Norman Letters and Petitions, ed. M.D. Legge (Oxford, 1941), no. 286.

10 Line 79. les barges. In the fourteenth century barges were sea-going vessels having oars as well as masts; thus they were not dependent on the wind. Creton is using the term loosely here, as supra ll. 55–56 he says they waited ten days for the wind. See Sherborne, War, Politics and Culture, pp. 33–34, 71–76.

11 Lines 85–445. This part of Creton's account, translated into English and in places much abbreviated, is borrowed by Raphael Holinshed ‘out of a French pamphlet that belongeth to master John Dee’, i.e. L. See Holinshed, Chronicles, II, pp. 850–851.

12 Line 90. Quatrevins mile. Kilkenny is thirty-two miles north of Waterford.

13 Lines 93–94. conte … / De Rotelant. Rutland was Richard's cousin and his favourite, infra, ll. 433–434. He was granted the office of Constable in 1397, in succession to the duke of Gloucester and created duke of Aumale, one of Gloucester's titles, in the same year; he was degraded in the first parliament of Henry IV. He died on the field of Agincourt in 1415. See ODNB, s.v. ‘Edward [Edward of Langley, Edward of York], second duke of York (c.1373–1415)’. Creton consistently brands him a traitor.

14 Line 99. 23 June, the vigil of St John the Baptist's Day. The Baptist was one of Richard's patron saints. See Saul, Richard II, p. 309; D. Gordon, L. Monnas, and C. Elam (eds), The Regal Image of Richard II and the Wilton Diptych (London, 1997), pp. 119–122. If this date is correct, subsequent details about the length of the campaign against McMurrough are inaccurate.

15 Lines 133–134. le roy – qui les liepars / Porte en blason. In heraldic terms leopards are lions passant guardant – walking, looking at the viewer – as in the royal arms of England. See E.E. Dorling, Leopards of England and Other Papers on Heraldry (London, 1912), pp. 1–37. In his first ballade, p. 311, l. 26, Creton refers to Richard himself as le liepart, as does Deschamps, Oeuvres complètes, ed. de Queux and Raynaud, V, no. 1059, p. 350, l. 5, and VII, no. 1390, p. 244, l. 15. Deschamps also refers to the English as le liepart, I, no. 26, p. 106, l. 9, and no, 168, p. 300 l. 20.

16 Line 138. Le filz au duc de Lanclastre. Henry of Monmouth, eldest son of Henry Lancaster and the future Henry V. See ODNB, s.v. ‘Henry V (1386–1422)’.

17 Figure II. It can be seen under magnification that the King's face is not a portrait; he is unbearded. Cf. Figures VIII, XI–XV.

18 Lines 149–150. comment / Leurs nons feurent, pas ne sçay vrayement. But Creton tells us infra, p. 187, ll. 20–22, and note, that one of the new knights was the son of the countess of Salisbury. It seems likely that Humphrey, son of the late duke of Gloucester, and Thomas Mowbray, earl of Nottingham, son of the duke of Norfolk, whom Richard had taken to Ireland along with Henry of Monmouth, were also knighted with him. See G.E.C. Cockayne (ed.), Complete Peerage, 12 vols (London, 1910–1959), s.v. ‘Humphrey of Buckingham’; ODNB, s.v. ‘Mowbray, Thomas, second earl of Nottingham (1385–1405)’.

19 Line 164. Com vous orrez, ‘as you will hear’. This is the first reference to listeners, rather than readers of this work, which is peppered with similar expressions, e.g. l. 1066, or vous diray du roy; p. 201, l. 5–6, comme vous avez oÿ devant; l. 3184, comme vous orrez cy compter. Unlike Froissart, who wrote for readers also, Creton's work seems to have been primarily intended to be read aloud. See Bratu, ‘«Or vous dirai»’, p. 343. Also, supra, Introduction, pp. 26–27.

20 Line 199. l'eure de l'estendart = ‘the raising of the standard’ (literally = ‘the time of the standard’).

21 Lines 213–215. La hart au col, tenant nue l'espee / … Nuz et deschaulx. Having a halter around their necks, barefoot and stripped to their linens were symbols of defeat and submission; soldiers would also hand over their weapons. Froissart describes the capitulation of the town of Calais to Edward III in similar terms. See Jean Froissart, Chroniquespremier livre, ed. G.T. Diller (Geneva, 1972), pp. 841–844. In ll. 1009–1011, infra, Creton describes in this way the deserters from Richard's army arriving in Lancaster's camp.

22 Lines 304–305. le conte / De Glocestre. Thomas Despenser, earl of Gloucester. He initially deserted Richard and threw in his lot with Lancaster, however, he was executed for his part in the Epiphany Rising of January 1400. See ODNB, s.v. ‘Despenser, Thomas, second Lord Despenser (1373–1400)’.

23 Lines 315–316. Comme celui / Qui vouloit voir = ‘for I wanted to see’. See Chrestomathie de la langue française au XVe siècle, ed. P. Rickard (Cambridge, 1976) no. 8, p. 71, l. 65 and note.

24 Lines 339–340. Sa semblance … / Veez pourtraite. A reference to Figure IV, at the head of fo. 9r. See also ll. 339–340, endnote.

25 Line 354. le conte de la Marche. Roger Mortimer, earl of March, killed in July 1398, supra, ll. 41–42, note. See ODNB, s.v. ‘Mortimer, Roger, fourth earl of March and sixth earl of Ulster (1374–1398)’.

26 Line 377. Saint Edouart. Richard had a particular veneration for Edward the Confessor. See Saul, Richard II, pp. 311–316; Gordon and others (eds), Regal Image of Richard II, pp. 115–118. During Richard's reign the Confessor rather than Edward I, came to be seen as ‘the Royal Ancestor … the dynastic counterpart of St Louis’. See Mathew, Court of Richard II, pp. 21, 36.

27 Line 393. Duveline. The army arrived there by 1 July. Johnston, ‘Richard II's departure from Ireland’, p. 789 n. 3.

28 Line 425. ce jour mesmes. This would place Rutland's arrival in mid July, which is difficult to believe, since he would certainly have had information about Lancaster's invasion by this date and could scarcely have concealed it.

29 Lines 446–744. This passage is also in Holinshed, Chronicles, II, p. 844, again much abbreviated. See supra, ll. 85–445 and note. The marginal note reads: ‘out of master Dees French booke’.

30 Line 448. Bien six sepmaines. This is impossible on any chronology. Supra, Introduction, p. 36 n. 145.

31 Line 454. tempeste si oultrez. Supra, Introduction, pp. 38; 40 n. 159, for the importance of this detail.

32 Line 458. le duc. Henry, duke of Lancaster, the future Henry IV. See ODNB, s.v. ‘Henry IV [known as Henry Bolingbroke](1367–1413)’; also Given-Wilson, Henry IV.

33 Line 468. Son tresorier. William le Scrope was executed at Bristol on 29 July, by which date, Richard had certainly left Dublin and was probably back in England. William le Scrope had been Chamberlain of the Household, but resigned the post to his younger brother Stephen (infra, l. 850, note) on becoming Treasurer of England in 1398. See C. Given-Wilson, The Royal Household and the King's Affinity: Service, Politics and Finance in England 1360–1413 (New Haven, CT, 1986), pp. 71–72; also ODNB, s.v. ‘Scrope, William, earl of Wiltshire (1351?–1399)’.

34 Line 471. l'arcevesque de Cantorbie. Thomas Arundel, Archbishop of Canterbury, was impeached of treason in 1397 and sentenced to exile. His brother Richard, earl of Arundel, was also imprisoned and executed (cf. infra, l. 1633, note). Thomas joined forces with Henry Lancaster in Paris and returned to England with him in 1399. He was definitely hostile to Richard. See ODNB, s.v. ‘Arundel [Fitzalan], Thomas (1353–1414)’, also Saul, Richard II, pp. 377–378.

35 Lines 474–475. le roy banny / Avostre seigneur Henry. On 16 September 1398 Richard stopped the trial by combat which was about to take place between Henry Lancaster and Thomas Mowbray, duke of Norfolk, each accusing the other of plotting against the King. Both were banished. See Given-Wilson, Henry IV, pp. 114–115.

36 Line 485. la bulle sëellee. No other source tells this story, which cannot be verified. John Stow copies it from Creton. See Stow, Chronicles of England, p. 532, ‘Lancaster … had caused Thomas Arundell, Archbishop of Canterbury, to preach againste King Richarde, who also shewed a Bull procured from Rome, promising remission of sinnes to all those whiche should ayde the sayde Henry, in conquering of his enimies, and after their death, to be placed in Paradise … ’.

37 Line 527. le duc d'Ammarlë. Rutland, supra, ll. 93–94, note.

38 Lines 540–541. nous n'avons / Pas cent barges. The hundred barges with which Rutland arrive six weeks earlier, ll. 425–428, had presumably been discharged.

39 Line 546. De Salsebery le conte. The earl of Salisbury was one of Richard's staunchest friends, losing his life in the Epiphany Rising. See ODNB, s.v. ‘Montagu [Montacute] John, third earl of Salisbury (c.1350–1400)’.

40 Line 586. le faulx traïtour. Henry Lancaster.

41 Line 591. Turquie was probably simply chosen for the rhyme, but might be an oblique reference to the annihilation of the crusading forces led by Philip the Bold's son – John of Nevers, later John the Fearless, see below ll. 3611–3612 and note – by the Turks at Nicopolis on 25 September 1396; see J.J.N. Palmer, England, France and Christendom (London, 1972), pp. 204–207.

42 Line 599. Ainçoiz six jours. This would be the absolute minimum, given the time necessary for the march to Waterford.

43 Line 610. Cornüay. Creton is the only source for Salisbury's activities at Conway, or indeed for his presence there.

44 Line 642. Avant qu'il feust .iiii. jours. There is no way of checking this.

45 Lines 715–718. Car il me dist … / … la sepmaine acomplie. Creton is referring back to ll. 598–600.

46 Lines 773–786. This reads like a eulogy, a funeral oration. Supra, Introduction, pp. 25, 29. For a discussion of the knightly ideal in the fourteenth century, see Mathew, Court of Richard II, pp. 114–128.

47 Lines 788–792. Salisbury's death is reported at ll. 3189–3197.

48 Line 795. .xviii. jours. This is the sort of detail that Creton might have committed to memory. Although he considered it an impossibly long time, and therefore evidence of Rutland's treachery, it is an entirely plausible period into which to fit the march to Waterford, some activity in South Wales, and the arduous journey from Milford to Conway.

49 Line 798. Par qui ce fu. Rutland is meant.

50 one of the ships bearing his sunburst badge. Figure VII. Saul, Richard II, p. 440. Also, Gordon and others (eds), Regal Image of Richard II, pp. 13, 118, 177.

51 Line 818. Comme un prestre qui a pou de menus. Creton, ‘Translation of a French Metrical History’, ed. Webb, p. 77, translates ‘like a poor priest of the Minors’. However, Webb himself says, p. 77, note w, ‘Franciscans wore grey cassocks and cowls’, while six of the miniatures show Richard wearing a red cassock and black cowl. F. Godefroy, Dictionnaire de l'ancienne langue française, 10 vols (Paris, 1881–1902), s.v. ‘menu’ = petite monnaie.

52 Line 827. Le duc d'Excestre – son frere. John Holland, duke of Exeter, was half-brother to Richard and brother-in-law to Henry Lancaster, whose sister Elizabeth was his wife. Cf. infra, ll. 3199–3202. He was executed after the Epiphany Rising. See ODNB, s.v. ‘Holland, John, first earl of Huntingdon and duke of Exeter (c.1352–1400)’.

53 Line 829. leduc de Soudray. Thomas Holland, duke of Surrey, was the son of Thomas Holland, brother of John Holland, duke of Exeter. He was nephew to Richard and to the duke of Exeter. He was executed after the Epiphany Rising. See ODNB, s.v. ‘Holland [Holand], Thomas, sixth earl of Kent and duke of Surrey (c.1374–1400)’.

54 Line 831. de Clocestre le conte. See supra, ll. 304–305 and note.

55 Line 837. evesque de Saint David et sire / De Gerlic. Guy de Mohun remained bishop of St David's until his death in 1407. See ODNB, s.v. ‘Mohun [Mone], Guy (d. 1407)’. For Thomas Merk, bishop of Carlisle, see ODNB, s.v. ‘Merk [Merke], Thomas (d. 1409/10)’. The Traïson's account of Merk's speech in defence of Richard at the Deposition Parliament has been described as ‘fanciful’. See Palmer, ‘French Chronicles’, 61:2 (1979), pp. 411–412.

56 Line 842. evesque de Nicole. Henry Beaufort, bishop of Lincoln, son of John of Gaunt and Katherine Swynford, was half-brother to Henry Lancaster. See ODNB, s.v. ‘Beaufort, Henry [called the Cardinal of England] (1375?–1447)’.

57 Line 850. Estienne Scroup. Sir Stephen le Scrope was younger brother of William, earl of Wiltshire. Cf. supra, l. 468, note. He went on to serve Henry IV after the deposition. Except at l. 1190, when they call him Steven, every time HLBC mention Estienne Scroup, AD call him Guillaume.

58 Line 851. Ferbric. William Ferriby, King's Clerk, remained loyal to Richard, and was executed for his part in the Epiphany Rising. See Given-Wilson, Royal Household, p. 225.

59 Line 853. Jenico. Janico Dartasso, a Navarrese soldier of fortune in the service of the English crown. See S. Walker, Political Culture in Later Medieval England: Essays (Manchester, 2006), pp. 115–135; also ODNB, s.v. ‘Dartasso, Janico (d. 1426)’.

60 Lines 866–868. a Cornüay … / … arriva … / Au point du jour. This of course was impossible. It reveals Creton's ignorance of the geography of Wales and helps to explain why he could not understand how it took Richard so long to reach Conway. Sherborne, War, Politics and Culture, p. 141, estimates that Richard would have ‘needed a week to reach Conway’. They could perhaps have ridden thirty miles a day. Creton insists on his own timescale, saying infra, l. 1257, that Richard had left his army avant hier, ‘the day before yesterday’.

61 Line 880. En Engleterre. At Conway, in Wales. Supra, l. 610.

62 Lines 934–935. des ans troiz / Voir .viii. et .x. Creton knew that Richard had been on the throne for twenty-two years, infra, l. 1771, l'espasse de bien .xxii. ans. An amendment has therefore been made to l. 935, changing ou to et – the numbers are a total and not alternatives – which must have been what Creton originally wrote. The numbers add up to twenty-one, which is almost twenty-two. Numbers were not Creton's strong point. Supra, Introduction, p. 31.

63 Line 946. le connestable. Rutland.

64 Line 977. L'avoir du roy. Sumptuous clothing figures largely amongst Richard's treasure. Creton uses maint(e) six times in ll. 977–984, underlining the bulk of the wealth, while he also stresses its exotic nature: d'oultre la mer, precïeuse, riche et chiere, d'estrange maniere. See Stratford (ed.), Richard II and the English Royal Treasure, pp. 111–115.

65 Line 986. Sir Thomas de Persi. Supra, l. 34, note.

66 Lines 1009–1011. despoulliez. Confirmed by Anglo-Norman Letters and Petitions, ed. Legge, no. 381. En pourpoint … / Un blanc baston en leurs mains et nuz piez. The English deserters were robbed of their clothing and made to carry a white stick (cut from the hedgerow and peeled of its bark). See G. Di Stefano, Dictionnaire des locutions en moyen français (Montreal, 1991), s.v. ‘baton’, le baston blanc, signe de reddition, d'humiliation. Cf. description supra, ll. 213–215, of McMurrough's uncle begging for mercy.

67 Lines 1043–1044. on le me conta / huit jours aprés. Presumably when the messenger arrived from Milford Haven, infra, ll. 1261–1284.

68 Line 1058. l'ordre du duc. This was likely to have been the Lancastrian collar of esses, which Richard himself had sometimes worn as a sign of affection for his uncle, John of Gaunt. See D. Fletcher, ‘The Lancastrian Collar of Esses: Its origins and transformations down the centuries’, in J.L. Gillespie (ed.), The Age of Richard II (Stroud, Gloucestershire, 1997), pp. 191–204. Also Saul, Richard II, p. 242.

69 Line 1066. Or vous diray du roy. Chapter 14 (§14) is relatively long, comprising 36 quatrains. This seems the natural place to have started a new chapter, as the scene shifts from the army to the King at Conway.

70 Lines 1085–1086. par l'accort son pere / Fu hors banny. Lancaster's banishment has already been mentioned in the archbishop's sermon, supra, ll. 474–475. Son pere = John of Gaunt.

71 Line 1117. Et que sa terretoute reprengne. When John of Gaunt died, 3 February 1399, Henry being in exile, Richard extended his term of exile from ten years to life; his Lancastrian inheritance fell forfeit to the Crown. Given-Wilson, Henry IV, pp. 121–122.

72 Line 1165. duc de Soudray. Supra, l. 829, note. The English chroniclers name only Exeter. Holinshed, Chronicles, II, p. 856, quotes ‘out of master Dee's book’, i.e. L: ‘By some writers it should seeme, not onelie the duke of Excester, but also the duke of Surrie were sent unto duke Henrie from King Richard, and that duke Henrie staied them both, and would not suffer them to returne to the King againe … .’

73 Line 1157. Henri. Supra, Introduction, p. 31.

74 Line 1179. ses amis privez. These have all been named already in Chapter 11, ll. 825–856.

75 Lines 1196–1199. These four lines are present only in AD, which do not have the miniatures. They were omitted in HLBC because l. 1196, Comme on peut voir, refers to a miniature that was not subsequently included. There are two reasons for this: the subject would have been the same as Figure VIII, and Figure IX is on the recto of this folio. Omitting l. 1196 meant leaving out the other three lines of the quatrain.

76 Line 1209 Et par Fortune. H has a heading Fortune in the left margin.

ll. 1209–1244 comprise a long interjection on the mutability of Fortune, a common theme in OF to MidF literature. For Christine de Pizan's view on the role of Fortune, see C. Taylor, ‘ “Weep thou for me in France” ’, pp. 213–214. For Deschamps, see G.M. Cropp and A. Hanham, ‘Richard II from donkey to royal martyr: Perceptions of Eustache Deschamps and contemporary French writers’, Parergon, 24 (2007), pp. 132–133. For Chartier, see J.M. Ferrier, ‘The theme of Fortune in the writings of Alain Chartier’, in F. Whitehead, A.H. Diverres, and F.E. Sutcliffe (eds), Medieval Miscellany Presented to Eugène Vinaver (Manchester, 1965), pp. 124–135.

77 Lines 1239–1240. nous vinmes tous nus / En cestui monde. Job 1:21.

78 Lines 1255–1258. Lui et le conte dirent … / Que d'envoier / Devers ses gens, qu'il laissa avant hier / Au port de mer, seroit tresgrant mestier. This report of Creton's deserves credence and seems to disprove the suggestion that Richard disbanded the army himself, or ordered it to disband after his departure.

79 Line 1257. avant hier. Supra, ll. 866–868, note.

80 Lines 1263–1264. le fait … / Du connestable. For Rutland's desertion, supra, ll. 945–1065.

81 Line 1289. Vierge Marie. Richard had a personal devotion to the Virgin Mary. See Gordon and others (eds), Regal Image of Richard II, pp. 123–124. Also infra, p. 197, l. 5 n. 137.

82 Line 1314. Force n'a loy. In the right-hand margin of H has been written in a contemporary hand Inter arma silent leges. For the source of this in Cicero's Oratio pro Milone, see C.T. Lewis and C. Short (eds), Latin Dictionary (Oxford, 1879), s.v. ‘sileo, II’. Creton quotes the proverb again, l. 2054.

83 Lines 1321–1329. A Beaumarey s'en alerent … / … Saint Edouart le fistfonder. Beaumaris on Anglesey was one of ten royal castles built over twenty years from 1277 by Edward I – not the Confessor – with a view to subduing North Wales. See Colvin (ed.), History of the King's Works, I, p. 293. All the Welsh castles mentioned by Creton, with the exception of Holt, a lordship castle, and Chester, an earlier royal castle, were part of this castle-building programme. For a photograph of Beaumaris Castle, see Biggs, Three Armies in Britain, p. 162.

84 Line 1334. Karnarvan. For Caernarvon Castle, see ibid. I, pp. 369–395, especially p. 370. The detail points to Creton having accompanied Richard. Photographs of Caernarvon, Conway, Rhuddlan, and Flint Castles may be seen in G. Dodd, ‘The road to Richard II's downfall’, in G. Dodd (ed.), The Reign of Richard II (Stroud, Gloucestershire, 2000), pp. 111–114.

85 Line 1356. Richard had married Isabella, the daughter of Charles VI of France in 1396. See Palmer, England, France and Christendom, pp. 168–175; also ODNB, s.v. ‘Isabella [Isabella of France] (1389–1409)’.

86 Lines 1404–1416. M'amie … / … Et mon confort. Queen Isabella is a little girl of not quite ten years. On her marriage to Richard in 1396, her trousseau included not only the costly jewels and plate appropriate for a queen, but also les pouppees de ladicte dame, the child-bride's dolls. See Stratford (ed.), Richard II and the English Royal Treasure, p. 396, J 27. Creton has the King address her thus again, infra ll. 2233–2234.

87 Lines 1441–1442. laidement / En reçut mort depuis. Surrey's death is reported infra, ll. 3185–3192.

88 Line 1461. par semblance. Hypocrisy is one of the charges Creton lays against Henry Lancaster. See also infra, l. 3256.

89 Line 1463. Exeter was Lancaster's brother-in-law, supra, l. 827, note.

90 Line 1492. Guenelon. Ganelon was the traitor of the Chanson de Roland, who betrayed Charlemagne's army to the Saracens, leading to the death of Roland and his companions.

91 Lines 1517–1524. Creton was not present to witness the dukes’ reception by Lancaster. These words attributed to him might well reflect the poet's own opinion.

92 Line 1561. It was only in 1421 that Namur became part of the duchy of Burgundy, when Philip the Good – grandson of Philip the Bold – purchased the county. See Vaughan, Valois Burgundy, p. 18. Creton probably chose Namur – which has no bearing on his account – simply for the rhyme.

93 Line 1566. Hoult. Holt, ten miles upstream of Chester on the Dee, and belonging to the earls of Arundel, fell forfeit to the Crown on the execution of the fourth earl in 1397. See Colvin (ed.), History of the King's Works, I, pp. 334–345. Richard housed there the treasury of his new principality of Chester. See R.R. Davies, ‘Richard II and the principality of Chester’, in F.R.H. du Boulay and C.M. Barron (eds), The Reign of Richard II: Essays in Honour of May McKisack (London, 1971), pp. 270–272. Also infra, l. 1633, note.

94 Lines 1623–1624. ou maintez ales / Peut on peschier. It is unlikely that sardines were caught off the coast of North Wales. Creton needed a rhyme ending in -ales.

95 Line 1633. ses oncles. Thomas of Woodstock, duke of Gloucester, and Richard Fitzalan, earl of Arundel, of whom only Gloucester was Richard's uncle. Creton is more exact at ll. 1875–1876. For Gloucester, see ODNB, s.v. ‘Thomas [Thomas of Woodstock], duke of Gloucester (1355–1397)’; for Arundel, ODNB, s.v. ‘Fitzalan, Richard, fourth earl of Arundel, and ninth earl of Surrey (1346–1397)’. Creton is referring to the arrest of the two peers on charges of treason in 1397, Gloucester dying while imprisoned in Calais, and Arundel being executed after a summary trial. See Saul, Richard II, pp. 377–379. Their sons are mentioned infra, p. 203, ll. 13–16.

96 Line 1655. Northomberlant. See ODNB, s.v. ‘Percy, Henry, first earl of Northumberland (1341–1408)’. Northumberland was 57 years old – ancïen – at this time. The Figures XI, XII and XIII show him as a jaunty figure with white hair and beard. Although Creton was not in Lancaster's camp when Northumberland alone was sent to parley with Richard, he was with Richard at Conway when the earl arrived. Creton contradicts the official Record and Process, which states that Archbishop Arundel went with Northumberland. The archbishop was known to be hostile to Richard, supra, l. 471, note, and thus was a most unlikely messenger for Lancaster to have sent to protest his good intentions. See Sherborne, War, Politics and Culture, pp. 142–143; also Introduction, supra, p. 23.

97 Line 1657. demain = ‘tomorrow’. Usk, an eye-witness, dates this 14 August. See Usk, Chronicle, ed. Given-Wilson, p. 58.

98 Line 1683. Flint. The castle, fifteen miles from Chester, was built on a rocky outcrop rising from the marshes of the River Dee. The sea has receded now, but in the Middle Ages the river rose at high tide to lap the castle walls. See Colvin (ed.), History of the King's Works, I, pp. 308–318.

99 Line 1697. Rothelant. Rhuddlan Castle is a further eighteen miles on from Flint, and built on the canalized River Clwyd. It is almost three miles from the sea, so that when Creton says that la mer salee / Vient es fossez, ll. 1719–1720, he means that the river flooded the moat at high tide. Colvin (ed.), History of the King's Works, I, pp. 318–327.

100 Line 1703. chastellain. Messham, ‘Henry Coneway, Knight’, p. 36, is of the opinion that Creton is too harsh in calling the constable a coward – couart, l. 1726: nothing would have been served by defending Rhuddlan for the King, since Northumberland would have called up reinforcements from Lancaster's army at Chester. However this might be, it remains true that Coneway served his own interests and not those of his sovereign to whom he owed allegiance. Messham gives the impression that Creton has the Archbishop of Canterbury accompany Northumberland, but Creton does not say that.

101 Line 1723. De grosses tours. Even in their present dilapidated state, the round towers in the walls of Rhuddlan Castle – especially the twin towers of the two gatehouses – are louring and menacing.

102 Lines 1731–1732. il y ot esté prouchainnement / Et moy o lui. Creton is saying that Richard made a sortie from Conway to Rhuddlan, before retreating to Conway. Strangely, the Prinse et mort does not recount this.

103 Lines 1739–1740. dix mile … / A Cornüay. Rhuddlan is almost seventeen miles from Conway.

104 Line 1792. Le roy ou moy. ACD have le roy o moy. Either reading is acceptable: ‘the King or me’, i.e. they did not travel together, or ‘the King with me’.

105 Line 1797. Devant la ville un bras de mer y a. Approaching Conway Castle from the east, Northumberland would have had to cross the estuary of the River Conway, which is very wide where the river flows into Conway Bay. See Colvin (ed.), History of the King's Works, I, p. 337.

106 Lines 1805–1806. ou chastel en hault / Trouva le roy … No other source reports this.

107 Line 1820. messaige = ‘messenger’. He is obviously the same person called un herault, supra, ll. 1799, 1804, and has been translated as ‘herald’.

108 Line 1853. grant juge (also juge greigneur, l. 1881). The office of High Steward (or Seneschal) of England was hereditary in the earls of Leicester, one of John of Gaunt's titles, in right of his first wife. See Armitage-Smith, John of Gaunt, pp. 20–21.

109 Line 1862. vostre frere. Exeter.

110 Line 1873. Monseigneur Madelien. Richard Maudelyn, one of the King's clerks. Creton, who had seen him in Ireland, said that he resembled Richard very closely, infra, ll. 3147–3158, 3274–3279. He was executed for his part in the Epiphany Rising. See Given-Wilson, Royal Household, pp. 179–181.

111 Line 1875. vostre oncle. The duke of Gloucester, supra, l. 1633, note.

112 Line 1881. juge greigneur. Supra, l. 1853, note.

113 Line 1899. l'ennemi. The Devil.

114 Lines 1922–1923. il le me plevy / Sur le corps Dieu. There is no mention in Creton's account of Lancaster swearing on the Host when he gave Northumberland his instructions. Supra, ll. 1653–1674.

115 Lines 1971–1973. “Et affin tele qu[e] … / Se bon vous semble.” This is direct speech within direct speech. Richard is rehearsing what he will say to Lancaster.

116 Line 2054. Force n'a loy. Supra, l. 1314, note.

117 Lines 2096–2097. Toutes ses gens / Soubz la montaigne. Supra, ll. 1765–1767.

118 Lines 2111–2136. la rochela rochaille. Sherborne, War, Politics and Culture, p. 148, is of the opinion that Creton's description of the site of the ambush paints it as being much wilder than it was.

119 Line 2140. A veue d'ueil = ‘as you can see’. Refers to Figure XIII, top of fo. 44r., although the reference is at the top of fo. 43v. A veue d'ueil, l. 347, refers to Figure IV. The subject of Figure XIII is Northumberland addressing the King, ll. 2167–2173. Despite being singular, qui fu armé de maille refers to Northumberland's gens, plural, and not to the earl himself. He is wearing a surcoat so that only his legs are visible, whereas the miniature is crammed on both sides with soldiers in armour. Creton is using gens (plural) as if it were gent (singular), supra, ll. 73–75, endnote. Des gens (two syllables) gives the correct syllable count, de la gent (three syllables) does not.

120 Lines 2156–2164. Et a Salsebery / DisoitJhesus … / Nous vueille aidier. This is AD's reading, HLBC read Et Salsbery / lui dist. This speech belongs to Richard: it feels quite shocking to introduce the thoughts of a person of lower rank at this critical point; Salisbury's feelings find their place, infra, p. 201, ll. 22–23. The switch may have been made because in AD's reading Salsebery has to be swallowed in two syllables. Supra, l. 222, endnote.

121 Lines 2167–2168. agenouillier / Trestout a terre. But Figure XIII shows Northumberland on his feet, addressing the King freely, not kneeling in a position of submission.

122 Lines 2233–2234. Mon tresdoulz cuer. Supra, l. 1404–1416, note.

123 Page 187, lines 6–7. le mardi .xxii.e jour d'aoust. An impossible date in 1399, see Palmer, ‘French Chronicles’, 61:2 (1979), p. 420. Perhaps Creton's date here should be Friday 15 August; this would fit with Richard celebrating the feast of the Assumption, 15 August, at Flint on that day, infra, p. 197, l. 5, and note. To the known sources for the date of Richard's capture should be added: WAM, Book 1 (Liber Niger Quaternus), fo. 86v.: ‘in vigilia assumptionis Beate Marie [14 August] captus est et se submisit ordinacioni prelatorum et procerum Anglie’. Richard seems already to have been in Chester on 16–17 August, see Clarke, Fourteenth-Century Studies, p. 71 n. 1.

124 Page 187, line 10. parmi la greve de la mer. Flint is about fifteen miles from the sea. Henry's army is riding along the marshes of the River Dee, which are several miles wide at this point.

125 Page 187, line 20–21. un qui fu filz de la contesse de Salsebery. Salisbury had married before 1383 Maud Francis, widow of 1. John Aubrey, and 2. Sir Alan Buxhull. By the latter she had a posthumous son, Alan. See ODNB, s.v. ‘Buxhull, Sir Alan (1323?–1381)’, and ‘Montagu [née Fraunceys], Maud, countess of Salisbury (d.1424)’. See supra, ll. 149–150.

126 Page 187, line 24. Genico. Supra, l. 853, note.

127 Page 187, lines 27–28. la devisele royle cerf. Richard's badge of the white hart, first distributed by him at Smithfield in 1390, is thought to have been derived from his mother, Princess Joan of Kent. See Gordon and others (eds), Regal Image of Richard II, pp. 100–102, 169; Saul, Richard II, p. 440.

128 Page 189, line 10. la generacion et nature d'eulx. D has a heading in a contemporary hand in the left-hand margin: la condicion des Angloiz.

129 Page 189, lines 13. plusieurs foiz ont ilzdestruit leur roy. An exaggeration; the parallel is with the deposition of Edward II in 1327. See M. McKisack, The Fourteenth Century 1307–1399 (Oxford, 1959), pp. 88–96.

130 Page 189, line 19. la greve de la mer. In fact the Dee marshes. Supra,

l. 1683, note.

131 Page 191, lines 17–22. le conte de Rotelantdu fait ne de la träyson. Another Constable was appointed (infra, ll. 2709–2711, 2759–2772) after Lancaster was elected as the new King. Rutland was deprived of his ducal title in the first parliament of Henry IV. See Given-Wilson, Henry IV, pp. 159–160, and n. 9. These two events happened before the Epiphany Rising, thus a wish to blind the country to Rutland's role in betraying it – du fait ne de la traÿson, p. 191, ll. 22 – could not have been Lancaster's motive for the degradation.

132 Page 191, line 28. comme je vous ay dit devant. Supra, ll. 945–1065.

133 Page 191, lines 30. l'ordre du duc Henry. Probably the Lancasterian collar of esses. Supra, l. 1058, note.

134 Page 193, line 13. dix mille petites. Flint is almost fifteen miles from Chester.

135 Page 193, lines 15–16. la greve de la meret les haultes rochesd'autre costé. Looking upstream towards Chester, Richard and his party had the broad estuary on their left hand and the mountainous interior on their right.

136 Page 193, line 19–20. Messire Henry de Persi. Hotspur, son of the earl of Northumberland. He ultimately rebelled against Henry IV and was killed at the Battle of Shrewsbury, 1403. See ODNB, s.v. ‘Percy, Sir Henry [called Henry Hotspur] (1364–1403)’.

137 Page 197, line 5. il jeunoit les marseces. Marseche(s) is commonly attested as meaning ‘feast of the Annunciation’. But Lady Day is 25 March and this is August. Creton probably means the feast of the Assumption, 15 August. Richard had an especial veneration for the Virgin Mary, and would naturally celebrate this day. See Sherborne, War, Politics and Culture, p. 149 n. 57.

138 Page 197, line 17. Mes enfans. Supra, Introduction, p. 27.

139 Page 197, line 21. comme vous povez veoir en ceste ystoire. A reference to Figure XIV, at the head of fo. 50r., showing Lancaster making obeisance to Richard.

140 Page 199, lines 20–21. avoient Merlin et Bede prophecisé. Creton is typical of his time in invoking their joint testimony. Cf Christine de Pizan, Ditié de Jehanne d'Arc, ed. A.J. Kennedy and K. Varty (Oxford, 1977), p. 34, ll. 241–248. Also Deschamps, Oeuvres complètes, ed. de Queux and Raynaud, I, no. 26, p. 106, l. 6; VI, no. 1200, p. 185, l. 18; and Cropp and Hanham, ‘Richard II from donkey to royal martyr’, pp. 111–117. Like most prophecies, those in the Prinse et mort came to light after the event. See Strohm, England's Empty Throne, pp. 6–8.

141 Page 201, line 18. Conte de Salsebery. Supra, Introduction, pp. 24–25.

142 Page 201, line 23. il vëoit bien que le duc le haioit mortelement. This was Salisbury's realization that he was in poor standing with Lancaster. Supra, ll. 2156–2164 and note.

143 Page 203, lines 13–14. au filz du duc de Clocestre et au filz au conte d'Arondel. Supra, l. 1633, note. Humphrey Plantagenet, earl of Buckingham, only son of Thomas of Woodstock, duke of Gloucester. His triumph over Richard was short-lived, as he died on the march to London and was buried at Waltham Abbey, Essex. See Cockayne (ed.), Complete Peerage, s.v. ‘Humphrey of Buckingham’. For Arundel's son, see ODNB, s.v. ‘Fitzalan, Thomas, fifth earl of Arundel and tenth earl of Surrey (1381–1415)’.

144 Page 203, lines 20–21. le conte de Westmerland. See ODNB, s.v. ‘Neville, Ralph, first earl of Westmorland (c.1364–1425)’.

145 Page 205, lines 6–7. trente a quarante mille hommes. An impossibly large number for a much reduced portion of Lancaster's army.

146 Page 205, line 12. Liceflit. John Pallays and John Seymour, esquires of the household, tried to rescue Richard at Lichfield. See Given-Wilson, Royal Household, p. 225.

147 Page 205, line 25. ceulx de Londres. For the role of the citizens of London in the deposition of Richard, see M. McKisack, ‘London and the succession to the Crown during the Middle Ages’, in R.W. Hunt, W.A. Pantin, and R.W. Southern (eds), Studies in Medieval History Presented to F.M. Powicke (Oxford, 1948), pp. 84–85.

148 Page 207, line 12. les Galoiz. If this were true, the Welsh were some way from home.

149 Page 207, line 24. de la tout droit a Londres. The detailed itinerary provided by the Monk of Evesham is to be preferred, although Creton has correctly given the main halting-places on the route to London. See Chronicles of the Revolution, ed. Given-Wilson, p. 130; for further information, see ibid. p. 40 and n. 58.

150 Page 207, lines 26–27. communes – ordonnez et vestus chascun mestier par soy de divers draps royez. The striped garments are livery. In Figure XV, an attempt has been made to portray their gowns as striped, although they should have been of two colours. See G. Unwin, The Gilds and Companies of London, 4th edn (London, 1963; originally published 1908), p. 191. Communes has been translated here as ‘liverymen’, as it was the prosperous employer groups of a craft who wore the distinctive livery. See C.M. Barron, London in the Later Middle Ages: Government and People 1200–1500 (Oxford, 2004), p. 214.

151 Page 209, line 12. Alixandre le Grant. One of the Nine Worthies. Infra, p. 327, ll. 4–6, note.

152 Page 209, lines 19–20. me souvint il de Pilate. Matthew 27:22–24, 26.

153 Page 211, lines 5–6. Ainsi enmenerent les comunesleur roy a Wemoustre. Professor Strohm writes of ‘a variant version of Creton's account of Richard's humiliation at the hands of Henry IV in London’, England's Empty Throne, pp. 23–24 n. 52. This is the Chronicque de la traïson et mort, ed. Williams, pp. 63–64, 215; see also Palmer, ‘French Chronicles’, 61:1 (1978), p. 181, no. 33.

154 Page 211, line 16. le tumbel de son pere. Supra, l. 1117, note.

155 Page 211, line 21. Saint Jehan de Jherusalem – hospital de Templiers. St John's Priory, Clerkenwell was the chief house in England of the Knights Hospitaller. See Victoria History of the Counties of England: Middlesex, I, pp. 193 ff.

156 Line 2314. Ton filz ainsné y fist chevalier. Creton is going over events so far: the campaign in Ireland, supra, ll. 69–609, 793–809; Henry of Monmouth being knighted, supra, ll. 137–144; and Northumberland tricking Richard, supra, ll. 1653–2120.

157 Line 2405. Quinze jours. Creton says that Lancaster stayed five or six days at St Paul's, supra, p. 211, l. 20, but gives no indication of how long he remained at St John's Priory, supra, p. 211, ll. 21.

158 Lines 2431–2432. le premier mercredi / D'ottobre. The correct date is Monday 6 October. See Saul, Richard II, p. 423.

159 Line 2481. Le duc dë Iorc – son beau cousin. The duke of York was uncle to both Richard and Lancaster. See ODNB, s.v. ‘Edmund [Edmund of Langley], first duke of York (1341–1402)’.

160 Line 2485. Le duc d'Aumarle. The earl of Rutland, supra, ll. 93–94, note.

161 Lines 2487–2489. Leduc de Souldray / … le duc d'Excestre. Supra, ll. 829, 827, notes. They had been separated from Richard after Lancaster detained them in Chester.

162 Line 2497. le Marquis. John Beaufort was half-brother to Henry Lancaster. See ODNB, s.v. ‘Beaufort, John, marquess of Dorset and marquess of Somerset (c.1371–1410)’.

163 Line 2499. le conte d'Arondel. For the fifth earl of Arundel whom Lancaster had guard the King at Chester, supra, p. 203, l. 14, note.

164 Line 2501. de Norevic le conte. Thomas Mowbray, elder son of Thomas, duke of Norfolk, did not succeed to the dukedom. His father had been banished along with Henry Lancaster in 1398, and had died in exile in the previous month, supra, ll. 474–475, note. See ODNB, s.v. ‘Mowbray, Thomas, first duke of Norfolk (1366–1399)’. Young Thomas was taken to Ireland by Richard and was probably knighted along with Henry of Monmouth, supra, ll. 149–150. See ODNB, s.v. ‘Mowbray, Thomas, second earl of Nottingham (1385–1405)’.

165 Line 2503. [le conte] de la Marche. This is unlikely, as he was just a child (b. 1391). See ODNB, s.v. ‘Mortimer, Edmund, fifth earl of March and seventh earl of Ulster (1391–1425)’. He was the son of the earl of March mentioned supra, l. 354.

166 Line 2505. le conte de Stanforde. Thomas, earl of Stafford, died at the Battle of Shrewsbury in 1403. See Given-Wilson, Henry IV, pp. 225–227.

167 Line 2510. Conte de Panebroc. There was no earl of Pembroke in 1399.

168 Line 2515. le conte d'Umestat. Creton, ‘Translation of a French Metrical History’, ed. Webb, p. 194 n. i., suggests Edward de Courtenay, earl of Devon (1377–1419), called ‘the blind earl’. See Cockayne (ed.), Complete Peerage, s.v. ‘Edward (de Courtenay), Earl of Devon’.

169 Lines 2524–2525. le conte de Westmerland. Supra, p. 203, ll. 20–21, note.

170 Lines 2529–2530. L'archevesque … / De Cantorbie. Supra, l. 471, note.

171 Lines 2532–2536. Habuit Jacob benedictionem a patre suoFilz dë Isaac. Genesis 27:27–29. This text bears no relationship to the theme of the archbishop's sermon reported in the Rolls of Parliament and by the chroniclers.

172 Line 2543. le prince. Henry Lancaster.

173 Line 2552. Un juriste. Sir William Thirning. See Tuck, Richard II and the English Nobility, p. 222; H.G. Richardson, ‘Richard II's last Parliament’, English Historical Review, 52 (1937), pp. 40, 42–43.

174 Line 2617. Il commencha imterroger. Creton made this up and most of what follows.

175 Lines 2627–2628. son filz … / Maisné. Richard of York, executed in 1415 for his part in a plot against Henry V. See ODNB, s.v. ‘Richard [Richard of Conisborough], earl of Cambridge (1385–1415)’.

176 Line 2668. Les archevesques. Creton has only mentioned Canterbury so far. The Archbishop of York was Richard Scrope, executed in 1405 for rebelling against Henry IV. See Given-Wilson, Henry IV, pp. 267–270.

177 Lines 2683–2748. The coronation ceremony is described in Given-Wilson, Henry IV, pp. 147–154. A contemporary account is given in Creton, ‘Translation of a French Metrical History’, ed. Webb, pp. 275–281.

178 Lines 2703–2704. l'anel / Du royaume. Richard is said to have given his signet to Henry in token of his wish for him to succeed him. See Bennett, Richard II, pp. 178–179. It was given to Lancaster at his coronation; Given-Wilson, Henry IV, p. 151.

179 Lines 2709–2711. connestablele sire de Persi. The earl of Northumberland, supra, l. 1655, note. It seems likely that Creton did not realize that this was Northumberland.

180 Line 2774. nouvel mareschal. Ralph Neville, earl of Westmorland. Supra, p. 203, ll. 20–21, note.

181 Line 2779. chancelier. John Scarle, Chancellor and Keeper of the Great Seal under Richard II, continued in his office under Henry IV. See ODNB, s.v. ‘Scarle, John (d. 1403)’. Also, S. Walker, The Lancastrian Affinity, 1361–1399 (Oxford, 1990), p. 145.

182 Lines 2782–2784. La garde du sëel privé; / D'autres offices … / Firent eulx. Richard Clifford, Keeper of the Privy Seal, also served both Richard and Henry. See ODNB, s.v. ‘Clifford, Richard (d. 1421)’. The other office-holders are listed in Creton, ‘Translation of a French Metrical History’, ed. Webb, p. 204 n. v.

183 Lines 2796–2799. Son filz aisné … / Prince de Galles. Henry of Monmouth, the future Henry V. Supra, l. 138, note. He was created both Prince of Wales and duke of Lancaster.

184 Lines 2812–2813. Son second filz … / Duc de Lencastre. This is not correct, supra, ll. 2796–2799, note. See ODNB, s.v. ‘Thomas [Thomas of Lancaster], duke of Clarence (1387–1421)’.

185 Line 2856. Son filz maisné. As well as Thomas of Lancaster, his other two younger sons were among the new knights. Some of these are named in Given-Wilson, Henry IV, p. 148 n. 42.

186 Lines 2881–2884. Le duc d'Aumarle … / … n'estoit pas bien loyal / Comme vous orrez cy aval. Creton usually calls him earl of Rutland; supra, ll. 93–94. He is referring forward here to Rutland's supposed betrayal of the Epiphany Rising, infra, ll. 3052–3106.

187 Line 2886. duc de Clocestre. There was no duke of Gloucester at this time. Thomas of Woodstock had died at Calais in 1397, and his son, Humphrey, died on the march from Chester to London. Henry IV's fourth son, Humphrey, became duke of Gloucester, but only under his brother in 1414. Creton might have meant Thomas Despenser, earl of Gloucester, who was with Richard in Ireland; supra, ll. 304–305, note.

188 Line 2905. braces. OED, s.v. ‘brace’ = the distance between the fingertips with arms extended. For a man almost 6 feet tall, this is roughly 5 feet 9 inches (175 centimetres).

189 Line 2937. de Werewic le conte. Thomas Beauchamp, twelfth earl of Warwick. Along with Gloucester and Arundel, Warwick was one of the Lords Appellant of 1388, accused of treason in 1397. Having confessed, Warwick was pardoned and exiled to the Isle of Man, whence he was recalled after Richard's deposition. See ODNB, s.v. ‘Beauchamp, Thomas, twelfth earl of Warwick (1337 × 1339–1401)’.

190 Line 2941. conte d'Arondel. For Thomas Fitzalan, fifth earl of Arundel, supra, p. 203, ll. 13–14, note.

191 Lines 2948–2949. le seneschal / Le mareschal, le connestable. Thomas Percy, earl of Worcester; Ralph Neville, earl of Westmorland; Henry Percy, earl of Northumberland.

192 Line 2954. Thommas de Noth. Sir Thomas Dymoke. See ODNB, s.v. ‘Dymoke [Dymmok] family (per. c.1340–c.1580)’. In L, a contemporary cursive hand has written in the left margin: dymmoc.

193 Line 3006. duc d'Aumarlle (also at ll. 3063, 3074, 3102). He was earl of Rutland only at this date. Supra, p. 191, ll. 17–22, note.

194 Line 3056. une lettre. One letter, singular, becomes plural, les firent porter, l. 3060; Des lettres, ll. 3076, 3093; and les lettres, l. 3085. It reverts to one letter, sa lettre, l. 3105. It has been translated as one letter throughout. The whole story of how the conspiracy was revealed bears a general resemblance to the account in the Traïson, although the Traïson does not rely on the Prinse et mort at this point. It is presumably the story that had currency in France at the time. See Chronicque de la traïson et mort, ed. Williams, pp. 80–82.

195 Line 3062. conte de Rotellant, / (Qui estoit duc d'Aumarlle lors). L. 3063 is an unfortunate way of filling up the couplet, as Rutland was no longer duke of Aumale at this time. Supra, p. 191, ll. 17–22, and note.

196 Line 3154. Appellé estoit Madelien. Supra, l. 1873, note.

197 Line 3202. La suer du duc. Supra, l. 827, note.

198 Lines 3220–3221. comme martirs espandus / Fu leur sanc. Creton has already compared Salisbury to a martyr, supra, ll. 788–792.

199 Line 3256. par semblance. Supra, l. 1461, note.

200 Line 3288. sept mois. Creton was with Richard from May to August 1399, four months. A palaeographical error is in play here. The original reading would have been .iiii. (= quatre), the four minims easily mistaken for .vii.. Sept is repeated, infra, l. 3678. Similarly A's ung (= un, four minims)is a misreading of .iiii..

201 Lines 3300–3301. il avoit fait mourir … / Ses oncles. Supra, l. 1633, note.

202 Line 3325. L'evesque de Dureme. Walter Skirlaw was bishop of Durham, 1388–1406. See ODNB, s.v. ‘Skirlawe [Skirlaw], Walter (c.1330–1406)’.

203 Line 3327. de Persi Sire Thommas. Supra, l. 34, note.

204 Line 3332. Guillaume Heron. William Heron, Lord Say, was Steward of the King's household under Henry IV. See Given-Wilson, Royal Household, pp. 73, 196.

205 Lines 3336–3339, and infra, ll. 3374–3375. Lancaster had been well received in France, when he went there on being banished in 1398. See Given-Wilson, Henry IV, p. 119; Saul, Richard II, pp. 405–406.

206 Line 3353. Pierre Blanchet was secretary to Charles VI. An editorial note in Froissart, Oeuvres, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove, XVIII, pp. 587–588, contains the instructions given to the bishop of Chartres, Jehan de Hangest, Pierre Blanchet and Gontier Col, when they were sent to speak to the English messengers at Calais.

207 Lines 3353–3354. Henart / … de Kanbenart was Charles VI's usher of arms. See Anglo-Norman Letters and Petitions, ed. Legge, no. 158.

208 Line 3383. la roÿne etson filz, / Le prince. Isabella and Henry of Monmouth.

209 Line 3396. Monstrelet gives a brief account of the handing back of Isabella. See Monstrelet, La Chronique, ed. Douët-d'Arcq, I, pp. 32–36.

210 Lines 3452–3453. L'evesque de Chartres. Jean de Montaigu, bishop of Chartres, 1390–1406, was brother to Jean de Montaigu, first owner of H. Supra, Introduction, pp. 2–3 nn. 5 and 6.

211 Line 3453. Monseigneur de Hugueville. Jean de Hangest, sire de Hugueville, a member of the king's council. See Given-Wilson, Henry IV, pp. 171–173. For a brief biography, see Froissart, Oeuvres, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove, XXI, p. 508. His statement detailing his negotiations in England regarding Isabella's return is printed ibid. XVI, pp. 366–373. See also A. Dubois, Valère Maxime en français à la fin du Moyen Age (Turnhout, 2016), p. 81.

212 Line 3456. Pierre Blanchet. Supra, l. 3353, note.

213 Line 3457. Gontier Col. Secretary to Charles VI. He died at the hands of the Burgundians when they took control of Paris in 1418. See R. Bossuat, L. Pichard, and G.R. de Lage (eds), Dictionnaire des lettres françaises: Le Moyen Age, new edn (Paris, 1992), s.v. ‘Gontier et Pierre Col’. Also Perroy, La Guerre de Cent Ans, p. 192.

214 Line 3502. Lolinghehen. Leulingham, midway between Boulogne and Calais, was used at this time for Anglo-French peace conferences and agreements. See Monstrelet, La Chronique, ed. Douët-d'Arcq, I, p. 33 n. 4.

215 Line 3505. de Saint Pol leconte. Waleran III of Luxembourg, count of St Pol, ‘one of the most powerful of Philip's vassals in Artois’, Vaughan, Philip the Bold, pp. 89–90.

216 Lines 3521–3523. la chappelle / … (qui est telle / Que chascun scet, qui l'a veüe). Creton's energy seems to be flagging here; this is a quite flagrant way of filling out the couplet.

217 Line 3533. Sire Thommas de Persi. Supra, l. 34, note.

218 Line 3564. Percy is offering to have her examined to establish that she is still a virgin, saine et … entiere, l. 3551.

219 Line 3573. en plourant. This could refer either to Percy or to Isabella. Supra, ll. 349–350, note. At first glance Isabella is the more likely candidate, but the whole English party is described as weeping, infra, ll. 3579–3581, 3586–3587, 3595–3597.

220 Line 3607. Monseigneurde Bourgongne. Philip the Bold.

221 Lines 3611. De Nevers le conte. Burgundy's elder son, the future John the Fearless.

222 Line 3613. Anthoine Monseigneur, his younger son. For Burgundy's family, see Vaughan, Philip the Bold, p. 82.

223 Line 3616. le duc de Bourbon. Louis II of Bourbon, brother-in-law to the late Charles V, who had married one of Louis’ sisters, Jeanne de Bourbon. Louis was uncle to Charles VI. See also Monfrin, ‘Humanisme et traductions’, p. 177.

224 Line 3678. sept mois. For an explanation for this error, supra, l. 3288, note.

1 AD de la verdure

2 LA quaux

3 L len

4 ACD avant

5 AD car briefment

6 LB gy

7 L plaiser B plaisir penser

8 L disant certes il nous convendra

9 L briefment

10 AD et

11 AB jusques a

12 AD vimmes

13 B a le heure

14 H ymberne ABD ybernie

15 B prise

16 HLBC et dillande AD et de yrlande

17 AD assez souvent

18 A ou il y a bel port D ou il a bel port

19 AD la mer passa

20 C on y povoit

21 AD et jour et nuit menestriers

22 AD de venir

23 C no et

24 HLC wuidier AD guinder B line omitted

25 C des

26 LAD mariniers

27 L vil

28 D et lautre

29 AD et lautre ot

30 A car le bon roy [bon at line end] D car le roy

31 B avec de la gent

32 LB recueilli

33 B dix

34 BC au

35 AD avecques

36 HC serrement

37 AD en traison en mal et en faulx tours

38 B au [de superscript] partir

39 AD a

40 B jusques a

41 H son LB le

42 H avec LB et

43 AD condicion

44 L no point

45 LAD feu

46 AD beau

47 ACD me

48 AD veu qua mon cuer ennuy dueil et soussi

49 AD jamais je ne diroie

50 LABD tel

51 D avecques

52 D regarderoye

53 LB affin

54 AD je sceusse B jen faisse [sceusse superscript]

55 A sensuivit

56 AD es tentes et es trez

57 AD avecques

58 D des boiz et des [grans superscript] menus

59 L des

60 L nuls

61 B fust C fu

62 AD pourvus

63 HLBC tant sont les boiz AD si sont les boiz

64 AC car

65 AD en [no le]

66 D enfrendrer enfondrer

67 B au

68 H originally read demenoient; de has been almost erased

L demenerent

69 AD la demenoient tel cry BC la demenoient tel crierie

70 B admis

71 AD no bien

72 D narragoient

73 B tout

74 LB deulx

75 L il

76 HBC haubergon L haubregon AD hauberions

77 AD mourir beaucoup

78 L et

79 A par

80 AD qun cherf ne fait quant il fait ses grans saulx

81 C il

82 H grant superscript LB no grant

83 B au

84 L ont

85 B a

86 LCD ou

87 A pluiseurs

88 H nulz

89 AD et pres

90 B ainz

91 H je vous LB no je

92 ACD chascun sa foy

93 H la sa LB no la

94 A o

95 A au

96 C par

97 L et

98 AD car

99 D arragier

100 D que

101 AD sy

102 AD no un

103 B no y

104 C moult

105 LBC paine

106 B sy

107 LACD de B no bien

108 D que

109 B et escuiers

110 A moult

111 AD nesbatement

112 L en cellui B en tel lieu

113 D plus

114 AD par la vint trois grans nefs

115 C souvent y ot

116 C divers

117 HBC no si AD dosoie si L dosoie en

118 LC au AD bien

119 AD nous partismes

120 L vouloient

121 C envers

122 H soient ABCD soit

123 L aucuns seigneurs qui soient bien certains

124 A moult

125 C deulx

126 AD que pour bon nom [no le]

127 H quavoit le conte LB quot le conte

128 L amena B a [en superscript] mena

129 C no et

130 B come

131 H nommbrer AD nommer B nommer nombrer

132 B que ly

133 C par

134 H communent LABCD communement

135 H nautre B autre

136 C grande

137 AD sa semblance tout ainsy quil estoit

138 AD devers

139 L les boiz sicomme

140 HB [no et] deulx deux L et deulx deux AD deulx deux fu lassemblee la faite C de eux deux fu la

141 H asselz

142 L grant homme

143 AD fier fort

144 L lines 350–351 omitted

145 L deulx fu

146 C a

147 AD se

148 AD de trestout son fait et soubtilz

149 AD pot B pust

150 ACD certains

151 AD ligerement

152 B jusques a

153 A quil ara

154 H alasmes C sen alla

155 AD tresbonne ville et

156 HLB pour

157 L ne fu pain A ne fu char

158 L ne char ne ble AD ne pain ne vin

159 L se AD ce

160 ACD il

161 AD aise

162 A en

163 AD bel et bien

164 C pas ce mot

165 AD oublier

166 HLBC no si A le temps si soit D si superscript

167 L de autompne

168 C no et

169 C ainsi [no que]

170 D meismes

171 H faulx superscript LBC no faulx

172 H cestoit

173 B il y a

174 AD pot bien au roy C peut

175 AD no car

176 L si

177 H pars

178 L humblement

179 H humble [erasure] et

180 A quaurebours

181 B quot que ot

182 C maintez

183 AD deduit

184 H de superscript LBC no de

185 L oir nouvelles bien certaines

186 L et

187 D nentrepreist

188 AD ne

189 H lez

190 A en ce temps D en temps la diz partie

191 ACD quoncques

192 AD noy [no ne]

193 L plot

194 H que

195 AD qui fist mains

196 B no de

197 L comme

198 A au roy B aux g- gens C illec

199 B cantorbie fier disant

200 L moult grant [only one a in LACD]

201 B que trestous avront ceulx avront

202 L de quoy ilz furent en leur vie entachiez C il furent

203 AD et veez en ycy LB et veesent cy

204 ACD scellee

205 HACD envoie LB envoiee

206 C par

207 C veilles

208 B [a in left margin] conquerre

209 B les cir crurent

210 AD pour

211 H chier LB no chier AD de chier vous sire

212 B laisse

213 C com

214 A vous D len

215 L beaulx sires

216 C dune

217 D sera

218 B vient

219 H tout desfaire LB no tout

220 A si avoient

221 A noy jamaiz D nouy [jamais superscript]

222 A si de partir

223 C pour

224 H le

225 HLBC et sest AD et sont

226 LB le

227 B cy ca

228 D en temps [dis superscript]

229 AD tous

230 LCD ou

231 H soie [z added later]

232 AD pour

233 A il despleut moult D il despleut [moult superscript]

234 AD lentendre

235 H chier

236 AD ny

237 H quon

238 L se

239 D le

240 L et

241 A no quel

242 AD ara

243 H trouble [e added later]

244 B il a ma te terre troubler mise

245 AD bien beau cousin le scay B bien leschay [al superscript] le scay

246 B tel

247 LAD la vie

248 L proprement

249 L sus

250 H enconvenca LABCD enconvenenca

251 B soy

252 AD pour rire et chanter

253 B advient

254 H en [une superscript] LABCD no en

255 H moult forte et LBC no moult

256 B parle

257 ABCD et officiers

258 HLBC faire AD faisoit

259 H ot en

260 AD merveille

261 BD paour

262 all mss dengleterre

263 AD pour bien C bien sceu

264 H estoient estoie bien

265 B no on D on superscript

266 H leur LB no leur

267 LB venissent

268 AD vers

269 H roy superscript

270 A qui aussy furent tous de vray desirans D qui [ausy superscript] furent tous de vray desirans

271 L destrois

272 B no avant

273 ACD gastans

274 L soyes

275 C tous

276 B ce en ce [nostre superscript] loy

277 ACD jusqua B jusques au

278 D et expressement

279 C no a

280 AD par

281 ACD grans

282 LABCD cuidans

283 A en

284 LB disans

285 C saches

286 A bien

287 LC vez ci

288 A si soit

289 AD quavecques

290 A au

291 C les

292 ACD ores

293 C ou

294 D no la

295 B line omitted

296 A ce dueil faisant en lamentacion D ce dueil faisant amy compaignon

297 A dist

298 B a

299 B empry

300 B troiz

301 ABD dybernie

302 B en prie

303 B ne

304 H demourerent comme tous A demourerent la tous

305 L no quont

306 D moult

307 C quil

308 LABD ilz

309 LABCD gent

310 H tous le laisserent LBC no tous

311 L no je

312 AD la myenne

313 D ce forment repeated

314 H assamble [e added later]

315 A estoit

316 A roy repeated

317 C se

318 C par

319 B cy [sy superscript]

320 AD de biens C de biens

321 A car dix et huit apres

322 B dybernie

323 AD deschargier

324 AD les meschiefz

325 HLABD mienuit C minuit

326 LAD gens

327 D avecques

328 D avecques

329 B de cestre

330 ABCD le

331 C qui loial fu

332 B jusques a

333 AD avecques

334 B furent

335 C gent

336 AD le nom

337 AD damide

338 B no sen

339 B fire fuire

340 LB no en

341 AD ne

342 B no si

343 LB des

344 AD guillaume

345 B le premiers

346 AD jenier

347 B no tres

348 C que lon

349 L de briefment

350 C tout ainsi

351 AD quelque

352 L sus

353 C plains pleurs

354 A ne

355 B veue

356 C ordonnance

357 L lines 873–874 transposed

358 B de son mireil descoul

359 B come

360 H qui de vray cuer vouloient bien conquerre LABCD qui de bon cuer vouloient aler querre

361 AD pour

362 B le

363 L que

364 C queue vir luire

365 L pensans

366 C voir

367 L paine

368 AD vous a en ybernie B en ybernie vous cy a

369 H a fin LACD a fins B affin

370 L quau quart nau tiers

371 C si

372 B merci vous crie a joinctes mains et ne consentes mie

373 L ne vous consentez [no et]

374 D perdre

375 LAD et

376 L felons qui sont tresplains

377 C me

378 C mon

379 B nat non

380 AD tresferme et estable L ferme et bien estable

381 AD sens

382 AD ensuivy B suy

383 C les

384 all mss voire .viii ou .x

385 L cuer je te pri

386 B povre roy las roy

387 L perdu

388 C desir

389 AD la propre

390 L no le

391 L en trousser males et chargier AD nes deschargier et chargier

392 L lines 974–975 transposed

393 A qui furent doultre mer

394 B moult chie riche

395 all mss sire

396 A estiware

397 AD moult [no lot]

398 H droit superscript BC no droit

399 AD tindrent

400 ACD disans

401 C traiteres

402 L si

403 B ne vous les [a superscript] donnez

404 D leur

405 LC ou

406 L quanglois firent au roy AD quau roy firent [no engloiz]

407 AD las quel meschant courage [D meschant superscript]

408 L sus

409 C no ceulx

410 L line 1028 omitted

411 LC vez cy

412 B comme

413 H en chevauchant LABCD ilz chevauchoient

414 A gens

415 H laissier lavoir LABCD laissier leur proye

416 C de montaigne

417 H chimins LABCD chemins

418 AD et les mains larges

419 A sy comme il B sy com il D sy com y

420 B me le

421 AD a grant meschief on le me raconta

422 ACD dix

423 AD sy les suivoyent L les suivirent

424 B fors estourdiz

425 ACD tresbien

426 L attrait

427 D no ne

428 A furent retrait D furent trait

429 C que len

430 L le sire

431 B qui estuuart avoit este

432 B eurent

433 AD comme

434 C si

435 ACD tout

436 A cy selon D no ce

437 H de cexcestre LACD dexcestre B de cestre

438 H car frere frere fu B no fu

439 L et B no ne

440 B est superscript

441 H veult prenre L aussi il veult avoir B il veult orez avoir

442 H denglenterre

443 B sires

444 H le noble duc L le tresbon duc ABCD le bon duc

445 H beau LB no beau AD au roy son frere

446 ACD banniz

447 L et

448 C no lui

449 LBC pour

450 LBC pour

451 ABD recouverroit

452 B come

453 AD la chevallerie [D la superscript] B de chevallerie [no et]

454 B des plaisirs

455 AD len

456 C si

457 ABD ainsy destruire

458 H tout C puis

459 AD preigne

460 AD noncques nul jour

461 L tous

462 A hait

463 AD oncques

464 A par

465 B come

466 ACD dieu

467 C ait cil

468 L et

469 AD aussy

470 H mercy A no au moins B a mercy mercy viengne C a mercy en viengne

471 C si

472 ABD ne

473 A or regardez

474 H ou qui [erasure] pourra C ou quil pourra

475 L vez

476 AD vray

477 B pas superscript

478 B emprie

479 AD le duc

480 LB qui

481 BC sy

482 AD que C si

483 L no trouver

484 C il en

485 AD comme

486 B la a trouver homme

487 C ou

488 A lui voult du bon D lui voult le bon

489 AD no duc

490 AD ilz

491 LAD leur

492 C no tout

493 AD quy

494 B luy p-oit [puissent superscript]

495 AD departirent [D de superscript] D no eulx

496 C neurent

497 AD comme

498 ACD tout

499 L no amis B sens ses amis

500 B sy tost estoit

501 D ceulx

502 B no le

503 AD lun

504 C ses

505 AD sire steven scroup ainsy nommer

506 B avecques

507 B cy en ce temps la

508 L feumes

509 AD povoiz

510 HLBC lines 1196–1199 omitted; these lines are in AD

511 AD car

512 L autrement

513 C lavoir la force

514 ACD demoure

515 L de faire ceulx qui a lui B de faire ceulx qui ly AD de desfaire ceulx a qui [D a superscript]

516 H moult superscript LABCD no moult

517 ACD nulz

518 B et les autres chanter

519 LACD douleur

520 B se destmere destueure

521 A a

522 B est cu crueuse

523 B a prince

524 LC a AD na B ne

525 AD no tous

526 B qui desum

527 B forfait parfait

528 ABCD sages

529 C tenoit

530 C ce

531 H tout LC trestout AD tout

532 B tous biens

533 AC retournions soit roy prince

534 LA quel D quil

535 H plus cy endroit C plus parler cy endroit

536 B or vueil [venir in left margin]

537 B estoit estoit in left margin

538 H plain de tristresse et de dueil et desmay LABCD plain de tristresse de douleur et desmay

539 C demourer

540 H cependant daventure LABCD daventure cependant

541 AD trop pour luy

542 A nestoit

543 LA suivirent

544 L et

545 B my est

546 H pour vray ACD certes

547 L na

548 H lui venoit [erasure] A luy venoient

549 H fotune

550 H dist [erasure] conte LABCD dist au conte

551 H nous [erasure] maine LABCD nous demaine

552 C il

553 B sy

554 LACD sil B sy

555 H quavront fait B ce quen tout fait

556 C si com len

557 H vou

558 AD eulx C il

559 C feirent

560 B ce jour

561 C il

562 A eurent

563 B qui jadix a

564 L .x.

565 C quil

566 B no y

567 H loy eust a L loy aux

568 LACD y

569 D ne

570 AD leez

571 C force

572 H et superscript LBC no et A en

573 AD glorieuse

574 B moy

575 C len

576 A et sy D ce ce

577 C par

578 H le [s superscript] roiz A le roys

579 B ennuy envy

580 A eulx

581 B tous les jours

582 D il

583 A sus getter

584 AD no ne

585 L riviere

586 L moy

587 C me sieut

588 AD et ou

589 C si

590 L de

591 A il [no ne]

592 H vivant LABCD ou monde

593 C com

594 HBC encores L encor AD encore

595 B ces

596 B ou il retrait estoit C ou il se retraoit

597 L en A que

598 ABD neust

599 AD pas trouve la B la pas trouve C trompe on trouve la pas

600 H le grant meschief LABCD la grant misere

601 LC fit

602 B no pas

603 A no car

604 B il superscript

605 C la ou

606 C meurs

607 B de deul dueil

608 H tout superscript B no tout

609 L line 1409 omitted

610 L desperance B desp desesperance

611 AD no et

612 AD aloingnier

613 H bien quil

614 LB moy

615 C et

616 C haulz

617 B disant

618 H diray LBC vueil dire

619 B come

620 AD comme

621 L avoit ja prise

622 AD de

623 B ilz entre [rent superscript] eulx deux dedens [erent in left margin. Beginning of word lost in binding]

624 AB de gens

625 LB cuidans

626 LABD venissent

627 D no follie, cross in left margin

628 A le

629 CD au

630 A par C au

631 B chiere leur fist par semblance leur fist

632 H duc de [x superscript] cestre LABCD duc dexcestre

633 A dictes

634 AD y

635 LA ilz

636 H laide [z added later]

637 C tout que cy

638 B avec

639 AD sique

640 H et

641 L lottroy

642 A no bon

643 C le

644 B comme

645 H tresgrant L moult grant ABD grant C tresgrant

646 A honneur et loyaulte et pris B loyaulte honneur pris D honneur loyaulte et pris

647 C par force de luy

648 D se sera

649 ABD en

650 AD telle

651 B comparacion

652 A qui ara

653 H duc de [x added later] cestre

654 H hardement L hardiment ABCD hardiement

655 B promptement proprement

656 C bon

657 C no point

658 AD trop

659 B huy

660 H pas LBC mie

661 AC envoye

662 H qu [i added later] cy vous B qui vous cy

663 C veult

664 A telle

665 C nous

666 L no et

667 C pour

668 AD comme

669 H parelez

670 L vous en remenrons B vous envoierons

671 L vez plus ycy B veez cy plus ycy C voiez plus yci

672 A no jure

673 C no de

674 AD ce

675 C par

676 L esmoy

677 L neschapperez D ne meschappez

678 C eurent

679 LACD considerans

680 AD en

681 AD luy aide

682 L et

683 AD ou

684 B avecques

685 A il fist

686 AD dexcestre

687 AD bonne

688 LBC souvient

689 B que h [ou written over other letters] lt [hoult also at line end]

690 L sus

691 ACD et ce pendant

692 LBD no de

693 LA paour si grant B pour sy [tres superscript] grant

694 LAB quilz

695 A noserent B ne sceurent D ne sorerent

696 B no y

697 ACD grans

698 H ne

699 AD amont a pie

700 H mar [s added later]

701 L a estimer

702 B lor

703 B le

704 LB amener

705 L rendu

706 A comme

707 C doulce et aimable

708 AD telles

709 LAD maille

710 AD pas

711 B trestout [le superscript]

712 ACD ores

713 ABCD fait

714 B longuement ainz retourna actendre

715 B demanda

716 H consil

717 AD moult

718 AD lors larchevesque

719 AD no et

720 B le [mark of omission] richart retrait [roy at line end]

721 L si sest

722 A en

723 LB pourroit

724 B o

725 C cries

726 HLB line 1635 omitted

727 AD prestre chevalier

728 LABD moine

729 L la

730 L les

731 B a superscript

732 B vous

733 C le matin et le soir

734 A le D de

735 D dees

736 C or

737 H oncques C quonques

738 B comme les le sien

739 A arrester D no retourner

740 B no que

741 B ou par hutin

742 HB et avecques L et aveuc AD et quavec C et que avecques

743 A deux cens lances il maine D deux cens lances maine

744 AD pourront

745 A jay

746 H ou LABCD en ce

747 C que seres retournez

748 H gens superscript

749 A fist tant quil arriva

750 AB en ung

751 B qui

752 L eulx

753 B no ly

754 H ouvrit LB rendit

755 C gecter

756 D line 1691 is in right margin

757 AD comme

758 C poisant

759 A que oncques B quil conques

760 AD adont

761 L fust AD feust

762 B no y

763 B sans en [en superscript] avoir

764 LABD de ce C de tout ce

765 AB neschapperoit

766 C ni

767 LBD silz

768 LC lavoit

769 H quil regardast LACD quil le gardast B quil re [le superscript] gardast

770 L le

771 AD quou

772 HC lui tendi LB lui rendi AD le tenroit

773 A sy ne savoit mais dist comme je scay D ne savoit mes dit ne scay B maiz souvent dist ne fay scay

774 A peut ce

775 HB fistes LACD feistes

776 B .xx.

777 C quil a este

778 C quil

779 B et

780 BC je ne sces

781 C quen

782 HLBC ne quen dire AD jen muir tout dire

783 C a dieu rendoit

784 A de

785 C le voir et que aloit

786 C vouldroit

787 L et

788 C pour

789 C crueur

790 all mss moy sixiesme

791 C si

792 B et

793 L sus

794 AD mais bien gardez sur la mort [D bien superscript]

795 AD a ce que [D ad ce superscript]

796 ACD o

797 B ainsi se misent mirent en gracieux arroy conroy

798 C pour

799 B trouva le roy leaue passa

800 B moult

801 C de

802 AD la

803 L hault

804 B come

805 L no bonne

806 C no de

807 H de le fere [erasure] venir

808 C feal

809 AD no en

810 B lottroie

811 C en bas est

812 B ja ly

813 AD ottroye

814 B soy

815 AD un vaisseau [D ung superscript]

816 C avecque

817 LBC aussi

818 AD lors

819 AD vous et luy

820 D et

821 H ne [et superscript] LBCD ne A nen

822 B ne

823 LB wemoustier AD westomoustier

824 B oyr ovrir

825 C pour

826 L le[s superscript] nom[s superscript]

827 AD le jugement diray

828 AD no oil C oir

829 AD bien fort desirans [D bien fort superscript]

830 B ce sont f r-e sire

831 D et

832 B deffait D deffait

833 B au

834 C ou chastel et en prison

835 all mss aussi

836 LAD si comme

837 AD vorent cecy et

838 C conseil vous

839 AD sil

840 LACD couronne

841 C no la

842 C no mal

843 H seron

844 L puny

845 A nautre

846 C ne

847 H chier sire LBC no chier

848 C veilles

849 L no car

850 ACD quau

851 AC tousjours

852 C devers

853 AD beguin BC benigns

854 C si

855 C fera

856 C crier

857 B certain

858 D jurray

859 L sus

860 C sera

861 B no le

862 L sus

863 L quant de lui me parti

864 C derrierement D derrenierement

865 B avecques, no de

866 A la

867 AD en sur

868 LAD quilz

869 A par maniere ny voy

870 L vez

871 L et loutrage

872 AD et grant injure B linjure quil nous a fait

873 ABD westmonstier

874 L aim ACD aime

875 B que pour mourir ne vous lairoie en parlement venir

876 H bien superscript B no bien

877 AD ont [D ont superscript]

878 A encore vous dy que se vouloye H vouldray LBD vouldroye

879 H gens in left margin LABCD no gens

880 AD tenrons C prennons

881 B que de vitaille na

882 B na par la dela

883 AC sa gent

884 LB que

885 B se

886 C aions

887 AD noz

888 L considerans

889 LAD quilz

890 C naront

891 B quil maront fait que la moitie de ceulx

892 C quil

893 C par

894 AD vray

895 B no les

896 AD tant

897 LD droit

898 AD no la

899 B et silz C et si ilz

900 C il

901 L fray

902 H prendroi [erasure] tout

903 L cest

904 L tout

905 H trostout

906 L appelle

907 B vous a transmis

908 B noz

909 C si

910 ABCD quelconque

911 L et bien estable

912 B no vous

913 LBC tout le AD tous les

914 HL au derrain quil en muire AD quau derrenier il en muire B au derrain qui sen meure C au derrain il en meure

915 B no le conte

916 B ycy

917 B le duc tendra

918 A sy a

919 B nre nostresire

920 B de

921 C voulsit faire

922 B que vous moes

923 C si a dieu

924 AD nen fait par confession

925 H il me semble LBC [no comme] ce me semble

926 B no ci

927 AC trestous

928 C par

929 L que

930 C il vit en regne

931 B et [donne contraction mark above] en paix [demeure at line end]

932 C et

933 CD tous

934 L corps B no cops

935 B no tel

936 D que

937 B no que

938 AD lors

939 AD piteux

940 AD derreiner

941 D je vous emprie

942 AD ycy

943 L no veoir

944 C no il

945 B no je

946 AD no bien

947 LABD suivi C suy

948 D tant superscript

949 C quil

950 C le

951 B car

952 B come

953 C tantost le roy

954 B quil

955 C de cornuay et tantost sen venir

956 B moult lairg large C laide

957 LAC que BD que a

958 AD moult fu [D fu superscript]

959 AD vueilliez moy aidier B veuilles moy adier C veilles maider

960 AD la

961 AD bien voulu estre lors

962 C disoit

963 L sa A sen C si

964 B fussent

965 B come

966 B jusques a

967 L qua

968 B no je

969 B vueilles

970 L perdu

971 L nous nestiens

972 L .xxii.

973 LABCD se

974 C qui moult le roy

975 HLBC et salsebery

976 HLBC lui dist

977 B tous

978 L sus

979 D no tart

980 H jehesus

981 B a tout au trait

982 B vient

983 AD comme

984 AD no de gens

985 B cy

986 B no ce

987 AD vous nous disiez

988 L serement

989 B que vous avez

990 AD ne soyez

991 B donc parti suy D dont je suis parti

992 H deshonneur LABCD deshonnour

993 B no tous

994 B je vous m. au duc

995 B au

996 B volut

997 AD ce quil vouloit la endroit commander

998 AD fusmes nous B furent il

999 AD appareillier

1000 B no fort

1001 B come

1002 C le roy superscript

1003 L a partially erased [no en]

1004 B venismes

1005 L rendu

1006 B vient

1007 AD comme

1008 A et a trestous D et de trestous

1009 LAD povez

1010 A ainsy a dieu [no ma suer]

1011 H vou

1012 ACD demene

1013 B moy

1014 B jen

1015 AD telz

1016 B no gens

1017 AD ma seule souffisance C majoieuse esperance [plaisance superscript]

1018 B selon

1019 L nul de

1020 B vueilles

1021 B vrayment

1022 L il

1023 C et

1024 H cels gens LACD ces gens B telz gent

1025 H les corps C cop corps

1026 LBC quierlille aussi

1027 AD chevalier

1028 H droit superscript ABCD no droit

1029 B du roy rch richart

1030 L no car

1031 H en [erasure] monde LABCD en ce monde

1032 H autour [erasure] cestre LABCD autour de cestre

1033 C au

1034 L que

1035 B pour en aler

1036 AD vouldroit

1037 B a

1038 L line 2289 omitted

1039 AD par

1040 AD oultrage

1041 LCD cel

1042 LC mil .ccc iiiixx et xix.

1043 B laquelle ja royestimoit [joy superscript] estimer

1044 H homme C no hommes

1045 C comme a entre en bataille

1046 L chevauchans

1047 L no a

1048 L no et

1049 H aussi disirant L ainsi desirans

1050 C no moult

1051 C bon

1052 B bons ar amis

1053 AD guillaume seroup

1054 D une

1055 B par

1056 A ung avec eulx B avecques [eulx superscript] ung

1057 L no nouvel

1058 L et si y estoit

1059 A genier

1060 BC par

1061 LBC descuiers

1062 B mon seigneur droit

1063 B se loy ly

1064 AD ne le me commande

1065 B lequel fist le fist mettre

1066 AD joy

1067 C fay

1068 AD se

1069 D lordre richart en eng du

1070 AD car

1071 LABCD tenans

1072 B fors

1073 C no et

1074 L plus

1075 AD au plus parant et au plus fort B apparent

1076 B sans garder loy droit

1077 B nest [pas superscript] de

1078 C no et destruit

1079 H ystoieres

1080 LA mesloingne

1081 B no richart

1082 L sus

1083 AD la messe ouye ou dit chastel de flint monta sur les murs qui sont B qui soie sont

1084 B no tele

1085 AD bruyt et son

1086 B cors et buisines

1087 C commanda

1088 AB a la C en sa

1089 L no de

1090 C ses

1091 L livre

1092 C entre les [no livrez es]

1093 C heet

1094 AD et grant freeur

1095 LACD nostreseigneur

1096 A donner D no rendre

1097 AD guillaume seroup

1098 H moul

1099 L sus

1100 B no que

1101 L quelconques

1102 L avoit

1103 B quil en eust [eu superscript]

1104 LABCD chevauchans

1105 AD no richart

1106 AD cuide

1107 AD no que autrement

1108 AD je ne scay

1109 B ne

1110 B no bien

1111 H je say bien tout certain que A de certain

1112 B amenerent

1113 C pourquoy ils

1114 H no ay

1115 C le duc henry

1116 C il

1117 B au

1118 A les

1119 LB portans C portant ordre

1120 A de

1121 ACD le premier dedans et

1122 C il

1123 C grant

1124 C quil

1125 H quil lavoit B quilz lavoient

1126 H quil ne

1127 L esbahy

1128 L pas

1129 L mais

1130 LB sesloingnoit

1131 B ly

1132 A que

1133 B no sil

1134 B soy

1135 B ly

1136 C et allerent [no sen]

1137 L .x. milles bien petites

1138 L no ne

1139 L et

1140 A quant a

1141 D oncques tout [tant superscript]

1142 C quil

1143 L sus

1144 AD no pres

1145 C no de rechief

1146 C faisoient

1147 C voua

1148 H dieux superscript L no dieux B beaux sire pere

1149 L a

1150 B mes superscript

1151 B no je

1152 L livre

1153 C entre les

1154 LD silz

1155 AD no le BC la

1156 C no tres

1157 D quilz

1158 B nentreroient

1159 C au

1160 AD no de ce

1161 H jeunoit

1162 ABD au

1163 AD et le conte

1164 AD messire guillaume seroup

1165 B no et

1166 LACD estans

1167 B no maintenir

1168 L et escuriers et archiers

1169 C desirant

1170 L de C no a

1171 L no leur roy

1172 AD mye

1173 AD par

1174 L aveucques le roy

1175 B aroient le

1176 C quilz ne savoient

1177 C si

1178 L en eschaperoit

1179 C no et redoubter

1180 L en

1181 AD certes je

1182 A je aye eu D je aye plus

1183 L et non voulans

1184 AD loyaute ne raison

1185 C avoit

1186 ACD venus

1187 AD au

1188 C no de

1189 H mie superscript LB no mie

1190 C que le duc

1191 C viendroit

1192 B lamener

1193 AD ainsy

1194 B no ilz

1195 A pour cause de quil B pour ce quil D pour cause de ce quil

1196 H marseces AD marseches B marchesses

1197 C querir

1198 B ly disieme ou ly .xi.e

1199 B lentre

1200 AD le duc henry

1201 all mss et lui dist

1202 LACD envoyes

1203 B fust

1204 B a joye [no oyr]

1205 C ainsi comme

1206 A no comme vous povez veoir en ceste ystoire

1207 C ot

1208 B quil advisa

1209 B no a tere

1210 LBC la

1211 L premiers AD le premier

1212 ACD tres bienvenus

1213 AD a la terre

1214 ACD venus

1215 B no vous

1216 AD no vous

1217 BCD ou de .xxii.

1218 LB comptens

1219 AD desormais je les

1220 C mielx a gouverner

1221 A quilz nont

1222 LACD gouvernez

1223 L du

1224 B no il nous plaist bien

1225 C no de certain

1226 LACD les me B me les

1227 B chevalier ancien

1228 B avoit

1229 L prophetie

1230 B no le

1231 AD no et maniere B et la maniere

1232 C no lespace de

1233 ABC ou D ou de

1234 ACD aliez et ajoins

1235 A ainsy le me

1236 C estoit ainsi escript

1237 C son

1238 ABD approprioit

1239 L no il

1240 C fay

1241 H conme

1242 C si

1243 C estee

1244 L no ainsi

1245 B no et

1246 AD dehors

1247 ABD foy et creance C foy et certaine

1248 ABD ilz

1249 L et aussi ceulx du pays en fanthomes et sorceries croient tres parfaitement [no car … prophecies]

1250 H en fanthoimes A et fanthomes

1251 AD et en

1252 AD voulentiers

1253 B no est

1254 C no deux

1255 AD guillaume seroup C estienne de scroup

1256 C pour

1257 L no ne

1258 AD no le duc

1259 C vous et lui

1260 AD bien

1261 A et en ot

1262 L no paour et

1263 AD et dune

1264 AD les quieulx

1265 H sasebery

1266 C empres

1267 L no son seigneur

1268 L lamena

1269 L parti

1270 AB on superscript

1271 B tonner

1272 C quil

1273 B le peuple

1274 A et

1275 B nostresire

1276 H comme superscript LB no comme

1277 D au

1278 B du

1279 C hairent

1280 L seoir C no et fist asseoir

1281 C au dessoubz

1282 L et au dessoubz de la assez loing AC et au dessoubz et assez loing de luy D et au dessoubz assez loingn de luy

1283 AD merland

1284 L no ce

1285 B nous en fist [on superscript]

1286 B no plus

1287 L nul

1288 AD no moult

1289 D il

1290 H concluirent

1291 D quilz

1292 AD pour le mener B pour mener le roy

1293 C et ou que le pais

1294 B que superscript

1295 B le fist

1296 LC sa gent

1297 HL lueflit

1298 AD une petite ville tresbelle

1299 AD no richart

1300 AD couler a terre en gardinage

1301 LB apparceu

1302 LACD reboute

1303 AD cinq ou six cens

1304 A no gouverneurs C bourgeois de gouverneurs

1305 D ilz vindrent

1306 L du dit henry

1307 B le commun AD no de par la commune de londres

1308 D no a

1309 LACD les

1310 B la quelle le duc requeste le duc

1311 C en disant

1312 L no maiz

1313 C si

1314 AD no le

1315 AD lirefilt

1316 L o

1317 AD quil

1318 B no y

1319 AD peust C puissent

1320 C leur

1321 C et grant despit

1322 H tuerent

1323 AD ses gens

1324 B ilz et boutoient

1325 C grant

1326 C no si

1327 C un

1328 C si

1329 B no les D lyent

1330 L aux queues

1331 A plains despines

1332 L a

1333 C no dicte

1334 AD la

1335 B no et

1336 B la superscript

1337 D no a

1338 B ordonnee

1339 B no mestier

1340 C pour

1341 ACD du dit duc

1342 L demenans

1343 B no grant

1344 AD a leur roy

1345 L crians

1346 B disant

1347 B avoit fait monstre

1348 AD beaux miracles

1349 C ilz

1350 L le dit duc henry

1351 B et communement comment

1352 D a

1353 L loerent et gracierent C loirent H gracioent

1354 AD neust il peu faire ne avoit fait

1355 AD les foles et mauvaises et incredules

1356 AD plus grandes

1357 A la

1358 B lieues mille

1359 B et la s-- se arresta C et dela sarresta

1360 AD aux dictes communes

1361 AD no dicte

1362 A or regardez que vous en ferez ne voulez faire D or regardez que vous en ferez ou voulez faire

1363 AD no et

1364 B nous vous voulons

1365 L wemoustier ABD westmoustier

1366 B no il

1367 A no il

1368 C saulveur

1369 AD le cure

1370 B et ainsi deleivra delivra

1371 AD aux turbes B livra a [au superscript] turbe

1372 D sil

1373 B puist

1374 C cy

1375 L wemoustier ABD westmoustier

1376 B no et C et le roy

1377 H tourna ACD tournoya

1378 C no de

1379 HL la thipstrate AD le choystrate B le tipstrate C chipstrate

1380 H dalencastre LABCD de lencastre

1381 L demenans

1382 AD se nostreseigneur C si nostre sire

1383 L descendu

1384 B encontre entre eulx C fu desetuz mortelz entreux

1385 B neussent

1386 AD tout droit arme

1387 B est superscript

1388 H sepulture LB sepulcre

1389 H lavovoit veue LABCD lavoit veu

1390 C et puis party

1391 AD la dicte ville

1392 B le [dit superscript] duc [henry superscript]

1393 L il B no le

1394 HLBC no ainsi partismes…en france [paragraph wholly missing]

1395 AD no et lors

1396 C apres moy revenu en france [no et lors un pou apres]

1397 AD et les derisions

1398 B no une

1399 AD ot tant

1400 AD boute hors

1401 C line 2300 omitted

1402 H es

1403 D et

1404 H trahis

1405 B la

1406 C du bois

1407 C durs fiers

1408 B est fust

1409 C oublie as

1410 BC a

1411 B avoies

1412 AD no et

1413 B no le C par le

1414 B que enemis amis

1415 L lamenas

1416 L sus

1417 B je oyz

1418 L pas

1419 C par

1420 A cuidroy je D cuidoye [no je]

1421 C par

1422 L sus

1423 B firammement

1424 B que ce superscript

1425 L se jay vice AD se vice [no je] B se je veisce C si je veisce vice

1426 A a a le dire

1427 LA pardonnez moy

1428 H je veu LACD jay veu B je vy

1429 C me

1430 C oy parler compter

1431 ABD suis

1432 L revenu

1433 L nu

1434 B pense

1435 LABCD ilz

1436 LB vouldrent

1437 LABD ce quilz

1438 LC wemoustier ABD westmonstier

1439 BCD vivront

1440 L no le

1441 L recompta

1442 L vaulroit

1443 C no pas

1444 LBC comme

1445 LC wemoustier ABD westmonstier

1446 all mss cest un

1447 LC a

1448 B en leur plevine

1449 B et en

1450 AD no lavoit

1451 A la et luy a commande

1452 B et quil

1453 A je mesmerveil

1454 B come

1455 HABCD je lentendi L no je

1456 AD qui BC quil

1457 L lors BC la

1458 H desfaire assez LABCD de le faire mourir

1459 LABCD ilz

1460 BC vray juste

1461 AD est [D cross in left margin]

1462 A de tout mal

1463 L wemoustier ABD westmoustier

1464 HLBCD no de A hors de

1465 all mss ce nest

1466 B le

1467 HABCD quel L quelle

1468 B le saroie je dire

1469 B avoient avoie

1470 B car il

1471 C menuz

1472 all mss diorc

1473 B le [mark of omission] richart [roy at line end]

1474 all mss diorc

1475 A voyoit

1476 B estoit

1477 all mss norvic

1478 A au

1479 B no cil

1480 C no fu

1481 AD scaforde

1482 C navoit

1483 A encore

1484 LABD cellui C li

1485 C salsbery

1486 AB jusques a D jusques en

1487 B tou [s written over t] es

1488 L et la estoit

1489 H sermonna

1490 B jusques en C jusqua [no en] D jusqua en

1491 A no suo

1492 B comme

1493 HLB disant ACD disaac

1494 B ceste

1495 B no gent

1496 A no par

1497 C empres

1498 BC comme

1499 ACD et de

1500 C no ne

1501 AD fust

1502 B ce superscript

1503 HLABD no si

1504 C lines 2572–2573 omitted

1505 C no abbes

1506 C nest

1507 A leal

1508 B par

1509 C que

1510 C quil

1511 C desasion

1512 C il

1513 B ou en

1514 BC quil

1515 C voldrent

1516 C no devoir

1517 AD a interroguer

1518 B voules [vous superscript] quil

1519 all mss diorc

1520 C il

1521 all mss daumarle

1522 LABCD cellui

1523 LA encore

1524 B no vous

1525 L no ilz dirent

1526 LABD sarresta

1527 AD fu

1528 C trop

1529 D no vous

1530 A ilz

1531 C raconter

1532 AD louoyent

1533 C les

1534 AD est [no ne]

1535 AD sa

1536 B qui [a superscript]

1537 HBC deulx L deulx humblement A ambedeulx D [ambe in left margin] deulx

1538 L disans

1539 A pour lors C par leure

1540 AD aussy

1541 H entendre L atendre B accepter et actendre al[tresi] entendre

1542 D deslire

1543 H estoient ACD furent

1544 AD sa

1545 B il

1546 CD no ont

1547 A comme la coustume est la

1548 B lanel du royaulme

1549 A leur roy

1550 A sy soit D soit

1551 AD no tout

1552 B quil

1553 B a tous ceulx

1554 L si posa

1555 B je ne dy ne dy pas

1556 AD que ne seroit

1557 D ne

1558 BCD com

1559 C par

1560 AD sa

1561 L et a

1562 H touce

1563 H fay LABCD say

1564 L no lont

1565 ABD le

1566 L lont mene

1567 B no ce

1568 BD ou royal [mark of omission] sest assis [siege at line end]

1569 C si

1570 L qui pose D qui impose

1571 C no y

1572 D en temps dis

1573 LA quilz

1574 AD ou

1575 AD seigneurs

1576 C la

1577 AD no dor

1578 AD eslirent

1579 L et fiance

1580 AD eslirent

1581 B il

1582 B il constitue

1583 L seau

1584 B esmouvans

1585 C no que

1586 H le LABCD de

1587 C empres

1588 AD parfait ot

1589 C le

1590 LAC la

1591 AD car certes gales

1592 L la

1593 B angloiz ont avec

1594 HLACD no et B et superscript

1595 AD ligierement

1596 C contes princes

1597 C si

1598 C et dont le commun

1599 H salurent LABCD saluerent

1600 L monstrans

1601 H dobedience C dobeissance

1602 ACD eslirent

1603 C line 2824 omitted

1604 L .xiii.e jour doctobre

1605 LC loing

1606 LB que

1607 L que

1608 H lelexsion L lelection A qui delection de lelection B qui de [le superscript] lection D qui delection delelection

1609 AD a

1610 HABCD comme L com

1611 C qui

1612 C tant

1613 L et

1614 D et quilz

1615 B fist [devant superscript] tous

1616 L que cy

1617 L no il

1618 all mss diorc

1619 C no de

1620 D line 2875 repeated then scored out

1621 B no et

1622 H loyal L loyl

1623 AD le

1624 L veez cy

1625 H saisis L assis B sassis C cest sis

1626 LA ou

1627 AD comme [no si]

1628 B de

1629 C pour

1630 L a nulluy

1631 L com

1632 ACD no le

1633 L le

1634 B connestable

1635 LACD nen

1636 L mais

1637 LAD comme la veue B comme leur oevre

1638 AD no le

1639 all mss werwic

1640 L fu

1641 H tranch

1642 C a

1643 A no ains

1644 B jusques a

1645 L line 2952 et apres veissies venir

1646 L dymmoc in left margin

1647 C duc

1648 C no not

1649 AC no bien C pour trois

1650 A de C le

1651 AD les

1652 C parce que

1653 AD a

1654 B a tors tort

1655 AD qune tres grant

1656 LB vouldrent

1657 C salsbery

1658 L furent

1659 AD jouster

1660 L de lemprise

1661 AD enmener

1662 AD couvine [no leur vouloir] [D couvine superscript]

1663 AD avoient fait entrepris B lavoient

1664 A car le duc

1665 A estoyent ilz

1666 HACD avecques LB aveuc

1667 L en [no que]

1668 LA a parfaire

1669 A encore

1670 C no avoit

1671 LABCD quilz

1672 H avoient

1673 L si ceulx B se iceulx ceulx de

1674 B leur vous fait

1675 H vous [orrez superscript] LAD diray B no orrez C dire

1676 B [que in left margin] le duc

1677 C salsbery

1678 L leur [no ceste]

1679 L couvers et menez

1680 B quil mielx y peussent

1681 B quil

1682 B no son C leur

1683 L le fort gardent

1684 H tous entiers LB tous entiers ACD no tous

1685 C a

1686 LAD loing

1687 B no le

1688 B se

1689 L doit

1690 B tient

1691 B no de

1692 A la D le

1693 C le

1694 B nulle envy

1695 B qui C quil

1696 B puisse

1697 L bailliee A baillee

1698 H ne BC ny [B y written over e]

1699 AB quil

1700 all mss diorc

1701 AD de

1702 AD froissa sa

1703 L tous

1704 C no vers

1705 L pourpense

1706 L crut D croit

1707 B faire gueres

1708 B afferma de p derrechief

1709 A attendu

1710 C no neust

1711 A la plus B no plus

1712 D entendu

1713 AD au

1714 C quil

1715 B no le C les

1716 C a

1717 B sceurent

1718 B une [ville in left margin] qui

1719 LABCD leurs

1720 ABCD desirans

1721 B estre superscript

1722 LABCD leurs

1723 C tresbon

1724 L disans

1725 C que

1726 B home quil ne [le superscript] vist

1727 AD no je

1728 L si

1729 B il

1730 LB nul

1731 LC quilz

1732 B sil

1733 BD no ilz [B il in left margin]

1734 A no bien

1735 L no plus

1736 C faulx felons

1737 LABCD quilz

1738 L ilz

1739 H nouiblierent

1740 C les

1741 C ilz

1742 D et mettre a mort [no a grant tort]

1743 AD no on

1744 L sus

1745 ACD en

1746 LB clouees ACD cloues

1747 D le

1748 ABCD peust

1749 L ne laissierent

1750 L au

1751 C no que

1752 A lines 3201–3202 transposed

1753 H vueilliez LABC vueille D vueillie

1754 C les

1755 L line 3210 omitted

1756 BC no tres

1757 LABCD silz

1758 H dieu [erasure] remort

1759 A no sa

1760 H selon [erasure] mentenssion

1761 H sanc B fait [no sanc]

1762 C loir

1763 L no grant

1764 A secourir

1765 L nul B nulz nulz

1766 L ne bonnes

1767 C et

1768 C des

1769 C telle

1770 D no ne

1771 C il

1772 L ilz le dient

1773 B encor

1774 C grant

1775 H fu

1776 B no et

1777 C no en

1778 B le roy henry [duc at line end]

1779 D de

1780 LB qui lui

1781 B len changed to leur [dots beneath n, ur contraction above]

1782 LB grans

1783 D que

1784 L quant venra [no ce]

1785 HABCD comme L com

1786 A au

1787 B ce superscript

1788 L feust [no ce]

1789 B de coupsaige corpsage

1790 C si

1791 H il superscript B no il C lui

1792 H par LABCD selon

1793 B foy in left margin

1794 A luy

1795 A ung

1796 B de que ce que C no ce

1797 L no je

1798 LABCD povoye

1799 B quil

1800 H et certes il LAB et je croy quil C et croy je quil D et se croy quil

1801 L singulere B singliere

1802 L soit

1803 all mss et

1804 C le

1805 B quil avoit [fait in left margin] mourir

1806 L no vous

1807 H et se je devoie L et se devoie ABD et se je devoie C et si je devoie

1808 L no si

1809 L demourray C demoureray D demourroye

1810 D no je

1811 L mortelment

1812 AD sil

1813 LAD aveuc

1814 L veoir

1815 LABCD apportans

1816 A recreance

1817 all mss messire

1818 LB travaillie

1819 C las

1820 H avecque [small erasure] ACD avecques

1821 L messire

1822 L le

1823 H de [small erasure] fait

1824 L bany

1825 LB bon

1826 L soubtil AD soubtis

1827 C par

1828 AD responce

1829 L sen B se changed to sy

1830 ACD vinssent

1831 LC no pour

1832 L les

1833 H quacuns L que aucuns ABCD quaucuns

1834 L de cambernart AD de vaubernart B que kaubernart C de karbenart

1835 C no et

1836 A avoient

1837 AD eue

1838 LABD quilz

1839 L nouvel tout

1840 BC pour

1841 L y eust riens trouve que redire [no deulx]

1842 C savoit

1843 LABC et D de

1844 B le

1845 C et tant que il

1846 B avoit [no le]

1847 L renourrir

1848 B de

1849 B de deux C no deux

1850 B no ce

1851 A line 3384 omitted

1852 C pour

1853 HLACD en B ne

1854 LACD vauldroient B vouloient

1855 B quant at line end

1856 LB ilz leur AD et les

1857 LB disans

1858 L cy [no y]

1859 L nen

1860 HLBCD toute vostre A tout vostre

1861 B no plus

1862 A ilz

1863 H engles

1864 B come

1865 B come

1866 B no un

1867 B pour oyr tout leur conseil [no a eulx]

1868 B de

1869 C quil

1870 LACD quilz

1871 H convine

1872 C et comme

1873 B neiz un

1874 C no se

1875 L nulles quelconques

1876 H ne superscript B no ne

1877 LACD quilz

1878 H quengles

1879 BC vouldrent

1880 C arrester

1881 H premier

1882 L a [no ne] B nau

1883 C avoir

1884 ACD attendans

1885 D on superscript

1886 C jamais peu

1887 C line 3471 omitted

1888 ACD retenoient

1889 B en

1890 B quil

1891 A au

1892 ABD le .xxv.e

1893 H callais

1894 L accompaigniee

1895 L compaigniee C line 3484 omitted

1896 ACD avecques

1897 B come

1898 H tous en pensee

1899 BC ilz lorent

1900 L no apres

1901 C avecques

1902 D la demenerent

1903 L loulinganth

1904 D droit compte conte

1905 B avecques

1906 L loulynganth

1907 C line 3511 omitted

1908 BC qui

1909 A moult a veir B veoir

1910 AD tout

1911 L loulynganch

1912 AD la fust

1913 LB la

1914 A lyement

1915 LABD france

1916 H que elle C quelle

1917 C qua

1918 L no roy

1919 B no sans

1920 AC loing

1921 B ung [mark of omission] destat [homme in left margin]

1922 C eust

1923 H sachie [z squeezed in later]

1924 C quausi

1925 LBC croyent

1926 B laissa

1927 B au

1928 H fussent

1929 B vient

1930 A en

1931 LB furent changed to firent [dot beneath second minim of u]

1932 all mss grant dueil

1933 LACD leurs

1934 C il

1935 D si comme

1936 C plourerent

1937 B leurs pleurs deulx

1938 HACD davecques L daveuc B quant ave davecques

1939 H dult L dut ABCD dust

1940 AD no bien

1941 A que aincois

1942 B qui estoit [mark of omission] de boulongne [venu in left margin]

1943 A avecques luy estoit B avec luy estoit

1944 HABCD aisne soiez ent tous fiz [D soies superscript] L aisne de ce soyes tout fiz

1945 A appelloit

1946 C pour

1947 D a

1948 AB tous

1949 C si

1950 all mss les

1951 C fust en mal

1952 BC quil

1953 LACD eussent en B eussent [eu superscript] en

1954 H estrif C rescript

1955 B eussent seu [peu superscript] entre

1956 H chascun de ceulx B chascun deulx

1957 BD no bien

1958 L en superscript

1959 B jusques a

1960 C print [sic]

1961 LABD mains

1962 HLCD fu jettee A furent geteez B fu jecte

1963 B en croix humblement

1964 B vueille [mark of omission] prendre vengance [brief at line end]

1965 C no le

1966 LACD leurs

1967 LB comme

1968 A quaincois

1969 H vaissel L mains vaisseaulx

1970 L emplis

1971 H veoir

1972 LBC durable

1973 L sus

1974 L sus

1975 C entiers superscript

1976 L chevauchie

1977 ABD avecques

1978 H yrlande

1979 C no en

1980 L no bon

1981 C cy

1982 B com

1983 C con eust [no ne]

1984 ACD ne

1985 B come

1986 B faulcessement

1987 C no par

1988 L attrait

1989 C no ses

1990 H forts superscript LB no forts

1991 A dieu que

1992 AD me [no en]

1993 L explicit A amen deo gracias B explicit lystoire du roy richart dengleterre composee par [blank] creton C deo gracias D deo gracias cy fenist le roy richart deo gracias