During the spring of 2020, the Trump administration continued efforts to reduce the ability of individuals to seek asylum in the United States, particularly at its southern border. The administration received temporary authorization from the U.S. Supreme Court to put into effect the Migrant Protection Protocols (MPP)—an arrangement that requires non-Mexican asylum seekers to wait in Mexico for the duration of their immigration proceedings—while the administration petitions the Court to reverse a lower court decision enjoining the MPP's implementation. The administration has also sought to implement its asylum cooperative agreement with Guatemala, whereby the United States sends certain non-Guatemalan migrants to Guatemala to apply for asylum there. The legality of this agreement is presently being challenged, and, in March of 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic caused Guatemala to stop accepting flights of migrants sent by the U.S. government. Citing COVID-19, the Trump administration itself issued various suspensions of entry into the United States of noncitizens during the spring of 2020, including with respect to asylum seekers at the U.S.-Mexico border.
The MPP requires most foreign nationals from countries other than Mexico “arriving in or entering the United States from Mexico—illegally or without proper documentation—[to return] to Mexico for the duration of their immigration proceedings.”Footnote 1 Announcing the MPP in December of 2018, the secretary of Homeland Security stated that:
officials should act consistent with the non-refoulement principles contained in Article 33 of the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (1951 [Refugee] Convention) and Article 3 of the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT). Specifically, a third-country national should not be involuntarily returned to Mexico . . . if the alien would more likely than not be persecuted on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion (unless such alien has engaged in criminal, persecutory, or terrorist activity . . .), or would more likely than not be tortured, if so returned pending removal proceedings.Footnote 2
In February of 2019, individual migrants and advocacy groups filed a lawsuit in the Northern District of California seeking an order to vacate the MPP and enjoin government officials “from continuing to apply [the MPP] to third-party nationals seeking humanitarian protection.”Footnote 3 As part of their arguments for relief, the plaintiffs noted that the MPP lacked the required “safeguards to ensure the critical protection against nonrefoulement” as found in Article 33 of the 1951 Refugee Convention and as required through the “specific, universal, and obligatory norm of customary international law.”Footnote 4 On April 8, 2019, the federal district court granted the plaintiffs’ motion for preliminary injunction,Footnote 5 although this injunction was stayed by the Ninth Circuit pending its consideration of the executive branch's appeal.Footnote 6
On February 28, 2020, by a two-to-one vote, the Ninth Circuit affirmed the lower court's grant of a preliminary injunction setting aside the MPP.Footnote 7 The court found that the plaintiffs were likely to succeed on the merits of their claim for two alternative reasons. One was that the provision of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) invoked by the executive branch as authorizing the MPP was not actually applicable.Footnote 8 The second was that the “plaintiffs have shown a likelihood of success on their claim that the MPP does not comply with our treaty-based nonrefoulement obligations codified” in the INA.Footnote 9
In holding that the MPP does not comply with the statutorily mandated obligation of nonrefoulement, the Ninth Circuit determined that the MPP did not adequately protect asylum-seekers from the risk of persecution in Mexico. The court noted the plaintiffs’ argument that the Department of Homeland Security required too much of asylum seekers in insisting that they demonstrate it was “more likely than not” that they would face persecution in Mexico, as distinct from the lower “credible fear” threshold that had historically been applicable.Footnote 10 The court also noted various arguments raised by plaintiffs for why the screening procedures set forth in the MPP were inadequate to ensure nonrefoulement.Footnote 11 The court rejected the executive branch's argument that it would be a “rare case where an MPP-eligible alien does have a substantial and well-grounded basis for claiming that he is likely to be persecuted in Mexico.”Footnote 12 The court observed:
The Government points to no evidence supporting its speculations either that aliens, unprompted and untutored in the law of refoulement, will volunteer that they fear returning to Mexico, or that there is little danger to non-Mexican aliens in Mexico . . . .
Several [plaintiffs] described violence and threats of violence in Mexico. Much of the violence was directed at [these plaintiffs] because they were non-Mexican—that is, because of their nationality, a protected ground under asylum law.Footnote 13
On March 6, 2020, the executive branch asked the Supreme Court to block the preliminary injunction against the MPP from taking effect while the executive branch sought full Supreme Court review of the Ninth Circuit's decision.Footnote 14 On March 11, 2020, the Supreme Court stayed the preliminary injunction, thus leaving the MPP in effect “pending the filing and disposition of a petition for a writ of certiorari.”Footnote 15 The Supreme Court order stated that “Justice Sotomayor would deny” the executive branch's request for a stay.Footnote 16
The Trump administration's efforts to restrict the ability of individuals to seek asylum in the United States have been pursued through other methods besides the MPP. One such method is the negotiation of asylum cooperative agreements, sometimes referred to as safe third-country agreements—agreements by which the United States sends asylum seekers to pursue their asylum claims in countries other than the one from which they are fleeing. In 2019, the Trump administration negotiated such agreements with Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador; previously, the only such agreement had been a longstanding, two-way agreement with Canada.Footnote 17 The Trump administration reportedly also attempted to negotiate a similar agreement with Panama, but its efforts to do so in 2019 were unsuccessful.Footnote 18 The Department of Homeland Security has generally described these agreements as:
[B]etween the United States and foreign countries where aliens removed to those countries would have access to a full and fair procedure for determining a claim to asylum or equivalent temporary protection. In certain circumstances, an [asylum cooperative agreement] . . . bars an alien subject to the agreement from applying for asylum in the United States and provides for the removal of the alien, pursuant to the agreement, to a country that will provide access to a full and fair procedure for determining the alien's protection claim.Footnote 19
On January 15, 2020, individual plaintiffs and legal organizations filed a lawsuit in the District of Columbia challenging these agreements. They stated that “Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador [are] extremely dangerous, refugee-producing countries with asylum systems that are skeletal at best.”Footnote 20 Among other claims, they argued that the implementation of these agreements contradicts statutory requirements and is arbitrary and capricious. More generally, it
cast[s] aside our asylum laws, which reflect Congress's carefully considered balance between effectuating our broad historical commitment to protecting refugees fleeing persecution and torture—a commitment with origins in the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees—and ensuring fairness and efficiency in the asylum process.Footnote 21
As of late May of 2020, the plaintiffs’ motion for summary judgment remained pending in the federal district court.Footnote 22 By March of 2020, the United States had sent hundreds of Honduran and El Salvadorian migrants to Guatemala.Footnote 23 That month, however, concerns about the COVID-19 pandemic caused the Guatemala government to suspend U.S. flights of migrants.Footnote 24
In the early months of 2020, the Trump administration took further steps to restrict the entry of noncitizens into the United States across the southern border and more generally. On January 31, 2020, President Trump suspended the entry of certain categories of immigrants from Myanmar, Eritrea, Kyrgyzstan, Nigeria, Sudan, and Tanzania, relying on the same authority that he had invoked several years earlier in banning the entry of foreign nationals from a handful of other, mostly Muslim-majority countries.Footnote 25 That same day, Trump issued his first travel restriction related to the COVID-19 pandemic, prohibiting the entry of certain categories of noncitizens “who were physically present within the People's Republic of China, excluding the Special Administrative Regions of Hong Kong and Macau, during the 14-day period preceding their entry or attempted entry into the United States.”Footnote 26 On February 29, stating that “Iran is not a trustworthy state actor” and that the “United States Government is therefore unable to rely on official information disseminated by Iran,” Trump prohibited the entry into the United States of certain categories of noncitizens “who were physically present within Iran during the 14-day period preceding their entry or attempted entry.”Footnote 27
In March, as the COVID-19 pandemic was sweeping through the United States, the Trump administration initiated further restrictions on entry. On March 11, 2020, Trump barred the entry of certain categories of noncitizens “who were physically present within the Schengen Area during the 14-day period preceding their entry or attempted entry into the United States.”Footnote 28 On March 14, Trump similarly barred entry of certain categories of noncitizens from the United Kingdom and Ireland.Footnote 29 These restrictions, like the earlier ones regarding China and Iran, are “in effect until terminated by the President.”Footnote 30
On March 20, the Trump administration announced the temporary suspension of the entry of all undocumented individuals who cross the southern border with Mexico and the northern border with Canada at ports of entry or at places where they would be taken to border patrol stations.Footnote 31 In this order, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) stated that “inadmissible aliens” involve longer screening processes, congregate hours or days in areas while undergoing processing, and are in close proximity to U.S. border personnel and other travelers.Footnote 32 The order had no categorical exceptions for asylum-seekers, persons fleeing torture, or unaccompanied minors.Footnote 33 As authority for this broad order, the administration cited the 1944 Public Health Service Act, which authorizes the surgeon general to suspend “in whole or in part, the introduction of persons and property” when there is “serious danger of the introduction of [a communicable] disease into the United States” and a “suspension . . . is required in the interest of public health.”Footnote 34 Critics have argued that this order violates federal statutory protections for asylum-seekers and torture victims and more generally that, as one critic stated, it “deploys a medical quarantine authorization to override the protections of the immigration and refugee laws through the use of an unreviewable Border Patrol health ‘expulsion’ mechanism unrelated to any finding of disease or contagion.”Footnote 35
On April 22, 2020, Trump cited COVID-19 in proclaiming yet another travel restriction—this one temporarily suspending, subject to certain exceptions, the entry into the United States of all persons traveling on immigrant visas whose visas or other travel documents were not yet operational as of the date of the proclamation.Footnote 36 Unlike the other COVID-19 travel restrictions, the justification identified for this one related to economic stability rather than health. The proclamation pointed to “the impact of foreign workers on the United States labor market, particularly in an environment of high domestic unemployment and depressed demand for labor,” as well as noting the need to “conserve critical State Department resources so that consular officials may continue to provide services to United States citizens abroad.”Footnote 37 After a surge of COVID-19 cases in Brazil, on May 24, 2020, Trump imposed travel restrictions on certain categories of noncitizens “physically present within the Federative Republic of Brazil during the 14-day period preceding their entry or attempted entry into the United States.”Footnote 38