In Opati v. Republic of Sudan, the Supreme Court upheld a $4.3 billion award of punitive damages against Sudan for its support of the 1998 bombings of U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania. The Supreme Court held that Congress's 2008 amendments to the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act (FSIA) authorized the plaintiffs to recover punitive damages from state sponsors of terrorism for acts committed prior to the enactment of these amendments. This case is part of a broader trend of U.S. litigation brought against states who are designated sponsors of terrorism or alternatively are deemed responsible for acts of terrorism within the United States.
Following the 1998 bombings of U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, victims and family members sued Sudan for its alleged facilitation of these attacks.Footnote 1 At the time, Sudan had already been designated by the U.S. State Department as a state sponsor of terrorism.Footnote 2 Plaintiffs were therefore able to sue Sudan for money damages, as an exception added in 1996 to the FSIA withheld immunity from state sponsors of terrorism in cases alleging their responsibility for the death or personal injury of U.S. citizens through acts like extrajudicial killings.Footnote 3 This exception to immunity came with the limitation that punitive damages could not be awarded against the state sponsor of terrorism.Footnote 4
In 2008, Congress again amended the FSIA to, among other things, allow plaintiffs suing under the state sponsor of terrorism exception to recover punitive damages. The amendments also created a new federal cause of action for such cases; mandated that existing lawsuits filed under this exception be treated “as if” they had been filed under the 2008 amended FSIA; and enabled “plaintiffs to file new actions ‘arising out of the same act or incident’ as an earlier action and claim the benefits of [the amended terrorism exception].”Footnote 5 Congress placed many of these changes in a new statutory provision—28 U.S.C. § 1605A.Footnote 6
As a result of these changes, the plaintiffs in the suit against Sudan “amended their complaint to include the new federal cause of action, and hundreds of additional victims and family members filed new claims.”Footnote 7 Sudan declined to participate in the consolidated bench trial, and the district court entered a default judgment for the plaintiffs.Footnote 8 With the help of seven special masters in the determination of damages, the court awarded the plaintiffs around $10.2 billion in damages, of which around $4.3 billion were punitive damages.Footnote 9 Sudan later made an appearance and appealed the decision to the D.C. Circuit.Footnote 10 Although the D.C. Circuit upheld the district court's determination of Sudan's liability, it vacated the award of punitive damages on the ground that Congress had not been sufficiently clear in providing that punitive damages would be retroactively available for cases grounded in pre-2008 conduct.Footnote 11 The plaintiffs subsequently filed a petition for writ of certiorari, which the Supreme Court granted to address whether punitive damages were available retroactively in light of the 2008 amendments to the FSIA.Footnote 12
The Supreme Court unanimously held that the 2008 amendments to the FSIA provided for the retroactive award of punitive damages.Footnote 13 In an opinion by Justice Gorsuch, the Court concluded that Congress made this clear because it both “(1) . . . authorized punitive damages under a new cause of action; and (2) . . . explicitly made that new cause of action available to remedy certain past acts of terrorism.”Footnote 14 The Court rejected Sudan's argument that Congress should be required to provide a “super-clear statement” for the authorization of retroactive punitive damages.Footnote 15 While the Court stated that it did not “doubt that applying new punishments to completed conduct can raise serious constitutional questions,” it advised litigants to “challenge the law's constitutionality, not ask a court to ignore the law's manifest direction.”Footnote 16 The Supreme Court therefore vacated the D.C. Circuit's decision to the extent that it had stricken the award for punitive damages.Footnote 17 Despite this favorable ruling, the plaintiffs could still face obstacles in enforcing the judgment against Sudan—a pervasive problem in such cases.Footnote 18
In its opinion, the Supreme Court grounded the U.S. law of sovereign immunity in considerations of international comity:
The starting point for nearly any dispute touching on foreign sovereign immunity lies in Schooner Exchange v. MacFaddon, 7 Cranch 116, 3 S.Ct. 287 (1812). There, Chief Justice Marshall explained that foreign sovereigns do not enjoy an inherent right to be held immune from suit in American courts: “The jurisdiction of the nation within its own territory is necessarily exclusive and absolute. It is susceptible of no limitation not imposed by itself.”Footnote 19
The Court also cited a more recent decision from 2004 for the proposition that “foreign sovereign immunity is a matter of ‘grace and comity.’”Footnote 20 This understanding of sovereign immunity is potentially at odds with the view that foreign sovereign immunity is, at least under certain conditions, required as a matter of customary international law.Footnote 21
The Opati decision is one of many recent cases in the United States in which plaintiffs have been awarded punitive damages against state sponsors of terrorism.Footnote 22 As in Opati, these decisions have often been rendered in the district courts as default judgments, owing to the failure of foreign state defendants to appear in court.Footnote 23 Overall, courts have awarded plaintiffs substantial punitive damages against foreign states, with the awards collectively reaching many billions of dollars.Footnote 24
Litigation in the United States against foreign states for their alleged involvement in acts that harm Americans is likely to continue increasing. In 2016, Congress overrode President Obama's veto to enact the Justice Against Sponsors of Terrorism Act (JASTA). Codified largely in 28 U.S.C. § 1605B, the JASTA creates a new statutory exception to state immunity related to terrorism.Footnote 25 Section 1605B removes immunity from states, including ones that have not been designated by the State Department as sponsors of terrorism, with respect to suits alleging:
[p]hysical injury to person or property or death occurring in the United States and caused by—(1) an act of international terrorism in the United States; and (2) a tortious act or acts of the foreign state [or its officials] . . . regardless where the tortious act or acts of the foreign state occurred.Footnote 26
Congress provided that the JASTA applies to “any civil action—(1) pending on, or commenced on or after, the date of [its] enactment . . .; and (2) arising out of an injury to a person, property, or business on or after September 11, 2001.”Footnote 27 While the JASTA does not itself provide a cause of action or specify the availability of punitive damages, it opens the door to lawsuits grounded in other federal or state laws, including ones that allow for punitive or treble damages. It might prove difficult in light of Opati for foreign states to raise retroactivity challenges in such cases with respect to the award of such damages.Footnote 28
The string of litigation against foreign states has continued even amid the coronavirus pandemic. Contending that China was responsible for the spread of the coronavirus, numerous actors have brought lawsuits against China for its alleged “malfeasance, misfeasance, and/or nonfeasance,” which, the plaintiffs contend, “caused the pandemic.”Footnote 29 The plaintiffs invoke various exceptions to immunity set forth in the FSIA, including Section 1605B.Footnote 30 Aside from these efforts to hold China accountable under existing exceptions in the FSIA, some legislators have signaled their interest in amending the FSIA to strip China of sovereign immunity relating to its handling of the coronavirus pandemic.Footnote 31 In fact, two legislators, Representative Dan Crenshaw and Senator Tom Cotton, have already introduced bills that would amend the FSIA to include a proposed Section 1605C, allowing foreign states to be sued for spreading COVID-19 and tortious acts relating to the concealment of the existence of COVID-19.Footnote 32