In Quest for Democracy, Line Khatib strives to document liberal ideals in Egypt and Syria both before and after the Arab revolts of 2011. The book's main argument is that these ideas have continuously existed in the region in complex and varied ways, but have not been adequately studied or even acknowledged by observers and scholars alike. The author cites a number of reasons for this neglect, including the fact that liberal ideals have failed to gain traction on the ground; have not managed to build durable institutions and, as a result, have not proven their existence or viability in the region; and, the fact that resilient autocratic regimes’ defeat of such ideas in the revolts of 2011 evidenced an inability to impose themselves. Some individuals, moreover, have found such ideals to be merely foreign imports that could not strike roots in local societies. Neo-orientalists might interpret these failures as proof of liberalism's incompatability with native cultures and as evidence of a “natural” inclination towards authoritarianism and lack of genuine interest in political liberties and democracy in the Arab region. But, despite such real defeats and the challenges facing liberals in the region, Khatib maintains that they and their ideals have existed, and this book's purpose is to document this. On this front, Khatib contends that while local liberal ideals may have borrowed some of their formulations from the West, they have largely been rooted in local intellectual traditions and peoples’ aspirations for freedom. Arab liberal ideas, accordingly, enjoy a real relevance that mere scholastic importations could not achieve.
The introduction of Quest for Democracy justifies the need for documenting Egyptian and Syrian liberal trends, first by showing that these ideals have been part of both countries’ intellectual histories and, secondly, by showing their significant impact on their respective political histories. The criteria by which Khatib describes Egyptian and Syrian thinkers and activists as “liberal” include a whole set of values, encompassing individual freedom vis-à-vis societal norms and civil freedoms of opinion, expression, and assembly. These values involve the belief in progress towards social justice, human rights, and welfare capitalism through education. They include resistance to arbitrary and authoritarian power, whether by the state, religious institutions, society, or wealth. They refer to tolerance, equality under the law and of opportunity, constitutionalism, separation of powers, political pluralism, strong civil society, and the peaceful rotation of power. The author notes that individuals or organizations she considers “liberal” might not actively adhere to all these principles, but should, at least, hold positions compatible with them. Khatib astutely observes, for instance, that supporting a dictator in order to defeat illiberal Islamists—as self-declared liberals did in both Egypt and Syria––would not amount to being a liberal. However, the history of liberalism documented in the book shows a liberalism that is more preoccupied with opposing tyranny, authoritarianism, and coercive rule than with individual and social liberties. Such oppositional political stances, indeed, have a long history in the region in the context of Ottoman rule, colonial powers, or local despots. Whether these oppositional positions have been systematically coupled by advocates of liberalism with a belief in pluralism and individual and social liberties, however, is a rather questionable matter, which Khatib also hints at. Rejecting a corrupt autocracy has not always gone hand in hand with social liberalism; in fact, it often coexisted with social conservatism.
Khatib's presentation and discussion of Egyptian and Syrian liberalism is divided into four chapters that correspond to four chronological periods in modern Arab history: the nineteenth and early twentieth century, with the first formulations of modern liberal ideals; the 1960s to 1990s, characterized by questions of state-led development and modernization; the year 2000, with the exacerbation of multiple crises caused by the failures of post-independence states; and 2011 through 2018, marked by the Arab Spring and its aftermath. Each chapter covers the work of major liberal thinkers and activists, and examines the transformation of priorities and forms of work from one period to the next. While proponents of liberal ideals in the nineteenth and early twentieth century adopted an elitist, paternalistic attitude, they were increasingly inclined after the 1960s to engage with the people and foster a liberal social environment. And while issues of development and modernization dominated liberal agendas in the 1950s and 1960s, it was questions of political participation and state reform that came to the fore in the 1990s. It should be added here that one of the salient features of the 2011 revolts was the connection people made between the absence of accountability and corruption on the one hand, and socio-economic problems on the other. Demands for social justice were perceived by both rebels and local media commentators as closely linked to political participation. Establishing this connection was, for many observers, one of the main characteristics and novelties of the 2011 revolts.
Based on a solid review of the relevant literature, and a close knowledge of the Egyptian and Syrian revolts of 2011 and their aftermath, Khatib's book reminds us of the real struggles for freedom that took place in both countries. Chapters three and four provide a cogent and compelling summary of the dramatic and eventful struggles for liberation from brutal autocracies. Khatib recalls the multitude of acts that facilitated the changes few dared to imagine before they happened, as well as the numerous actors behind these developments. She underlines the ideal of freedom that motivated them and analyzes the huge challenges they faced. Today, those struggles seem remote and almost unreal. Yet, as Khatib reminds us, they were real, both in the objectives they upheld and the actions they took. The aim was an end to despotism and, with it, the end of human rights violations, corruption, and social injustice. The demand was for freedom, dignity, and democracy. Khatib depicts the weaknesses and failures of liberal individuals and organizations in taking appropriate courses of action to attain these objectives and achieve these demands, due to many reasons, including the lack of political experience, the power of opponents, and the fluidity of ever-moving situations.
The fate of the 2011 revolts and the thwarted processes of democratic transition have had tremendous consequences for people in the Arab region. They are still unfolding today and constitute a central item on scholars’ research agendas. The history of liberalism documented by Khatib is part and parcel of a tormented quest for democracy, and, in this sense, is essential to understanding the reasons behind the present failure of that transition. In this regard, the book is a valuable contribution to ongoing efforts at probing the upheavals. Even though the revolts for freedom and dignity did not yield their promises, and instead ended up, painfully, in human and political disasters, they undoubtedly transformed the region in profound ways. These events strongly shook the region's liberal yearnings, as well as all those who carried or struggled for them. The Quest for democracy will help readers measure and better understand these transformations.
