This chapter looks at the extent of gender-based violence (GBV) in South Africa, policy and implementation gaps, and the role of multi-party stakeholder partnerships, including the contribution of the Vodacom Foundation, in fighting this gross human rights violation. The chapter outlines how the Foundation’s contribution to the fight against GBV has evolved into a resilient ecosystem that supports prevention, response, and victim and survivor empowerment through partnerships and mainly using information communication technologies (ICTs). GBV is one of the gross human rights violations globally which spiralled during the COVID-19 pandemic. It is defined by the United Nations (UN) as harmful acts directed at an individual based on their gender. South Africa, which is a constitutional democracy founded on the values of human rights and human dignity, has some of the highest levels of GBV in the world, leading the country’s president to declare GBV the second pandemic. As the chapter tracks the evolution of the ecosystem, it also shares how the Foundation has started transforming the relationship with its partner civil society organisations (CSOs) into mutually beneficial partnerships, thereby demonstrating that big business can do more than just generate revenues and can be a formidable partner to address societal ills and help strengthen civil society. The chapter explains how governments, CSOs, and big business can build strong and sustainable multi-party partnerships as a catalyst to addressing societal challenges.

This chapter suggests that social, political, institutional and demographic changes already observable in Africa hold out the possibility of national futures in which the manipulation of ethnic difference could cease to be the main route to political power. In the first of four sections it is argued that, although ethnic allegiances are powerful there are other, situational, identities round which human interests may gather. It is shown, secondly, that there is no single model or measure that can reliably relate ethnic diversity to economic development or the nature of governance. Since the early postcolonial years of “nation-building”, third, many civil society organisations have arisen in Africa, to promote not only ethnic interests but also such heterogeneous group identities as the urban poor in mega cities, women (often peacemakers), youth, and HIV/AIDS sufferers. While, finally, these organisations, including Pentecostal churches, may be led by “big men”, they nonetheless diversify and complicate the “big man” politics of ethnic difference that has rarely met such competition until now.

This chapter suggests that social, political, institutional and demographic changes already observable in Africa hold out the possibility of national futures in which the manipulation of ethnic difference could cease to be the main route to political power. In the first of four sections it is argued that, although ethnic allegiances are powerful there are other, situational, identities round which human interests may gather. It is shown, secondly, that there is no single model or measure that can reliably relate ethnic diversity to economic development or the nature of governance. Since the early postcolonial years of “nation-building”, third, many civil society organisations have arisen in Africa, to promote not only ethnic interests but also such heterogeneous group identities as the urban poor in mega cities, women (often peacemakers), youth, and HIV/AIDS sufferers. While, finally, these organisations, including Pentecostal churches, may be led by “big men”, they nonetheless diversify and complicate the “big man” politics of ethnic difference that has rarely met such competition until now.