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After a fourteen-year boyar regency, Ivan the Terrible was crowned tsar and married to Anastasiia Romanova. In 1553 the tsar’s illness led to a succession crisis: some boyars hesitated to swear loyalty to his infant son. The birth of two more sons, Ivan and Fyodor, guaranteed an heir. As the oldest boy grew up, Tsar Ivan brought him to meetings with boyars and ambassadors, took him along for military campaigns, and had him married. The son’s untimely death left his younger brother the heir. Tsar Fyodor was incapable of effective rule and did not produce a son, leading to the election of his brother-in-law, Boris Godunov, as his heir.
Chapter 3 presents a contextual analysis of how intellectuals engaged ever more intensely with liberal notions of a constitution, democracy, and a free press (among others), and witnessed the effects of their (flawed) implementation first-hand in the years around 1905. The chapter recasts the party politics and discussions of the period to show how Russia’s most prominent liberals systematically engaged with liberal ideas and practices of Western origin as they constantly redefined their attitudes to the important issues of the time – agrarian reform, civil liberties, political terror, and democratization – as new problems and obstacles arose. It argues that there was no easy solution that was both morally viable and tactically expedient to the Russian liberal dilemma. Primary sources demonstrate both the range of liberal views represented within the Kadet Party, and how moral, political, and legal questions concerning the defence of individual dignity during revolution were not easily resolved, particularly since they were posed during times of social confusion and political upheaval. The chapter attempts to show that Russian thinkers modified their views of liberal ideas such as freedom and progress in the light of circumstances which were changing all the time.
This chapter outlines Russia's involvement in the First World War, concentrating on the specific ways in which it caused the end of the old regime. It focuses on explaining the more specific political end point of regime change when the tsar abdicated and representatives of the national parliament, in consultation with representatives of worker and soldier councils, formed a new provisional government. The first proximate cause, the bread shortage in Petrograd, is inextricably linked to a larger question about the significance of relative Russian economic backwardness as an underlying cause of the revolution. Patriotic motives much less equivocally lay at the core of an explanation of the actions of the army commanders during the February crisis. The crucial turning point in the rise of the political opposition was the abandonment of the 'internal peace' and the creation of a united opposition to the government in the form of the 'Progressive Bloc' a broad coalition of parties in the Duma.
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