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Across Italy in the nineteenth century, a generation of intellectuals engaged with Hegel's philosophy while actively participating in Italian political life. Hegel and Italian Political Thought traces the reception and transformation of these ideas, exploring how Hegelian concepts were reworked into political practices by Italians who had participated in the 1848 revolution, who would lead the new Italian State after unification, and who would continue to play a central role in Italian politics until the end of the century. Fernanda Gallo investigates the particular features of Italian Hegelianism, demonstrating how intellectuals insisted on the historical and political dimension of Hegel's idealism. Set apart from the broader European reception, these thinkers presented a critical Hegelianism closer to practice than ideas, to history than metaphysics. This study challenges conventional hierarchies in the study of Italian political thought, exploring how the ideas of Hegel acquired newfound political power when brought into connection with their specific historical context.
This chapter argues that Vico’s philosophy, Kant’s transcendentalism, and Victor Cousin’s eclecticism, were merged together by legal thinkers in Naples in 1830s and 1840s to forge a philosophical foundation for law based on universal principles and derived from the study of society. The adoption of Hegel in Naples transformed Vico’s philosophy of history into the dialectical unfolding of an absolute rationality identified with the idea of freedom. According to Neapolitan thinkers, Hegel’s philosophy of history became the realization of a universal reason that was acknowledged as the idea of freedom. Building on Vico, Hegel’s philosophy of history disclosed to Neapolitan legal thinkers the universal law that guided the progress of all nations. By drawing on Hegel and Vico the Neapolitan Hegelians were endeavouring to establish the principle of nationality as the expression of both inner liberty and the political liberty that unfolds within historical institutions.
This chapter focuses on Italian Hegelians’ interpretations of Machiavelli’s political thought and argues that during the nineteenth-century Italian political language underwent a radical transformation: while the term Risorgimento had generally indicated a specific period of modern history (approximately from the fourteenth to the sixteenth centuries), by the end of the century that term began to be identified with the Italian struggles for national emancipation. At the same time the word Renaissance began to be used to indicate the period of early modern history between the fourteenth and the sixteenth centuries, also identified with the birth of ‘Modernity’. The transformation of the language represents a change of ideas, of the way the intellectual and political leaders of the Risorgimento interpreted the failed religious and moral reformation in early modern Italy and how Machiavelli represents the ‘Italian Luther’.
Debates about genre, like debates over Romanticism and Classicism, could have a political dimension. This sort of understanding about the nature of genre continues into the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Surveying nineteenth-century Anglophone criticism in search of statements about genre, one finds mostly scattered comments in histories and assertions derived from Romantic thinkers. Historicism's struggle with psychology is an underlying dynamic of late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century theories of literary kinds. Historical considerations helped the Romantics view genre as something that could perform philosophical and psychological work. Nineteenth-century Russian criticism, like Italian criticism, can be divided into liberal and conservative camps, though the Russian critics influenced by Vissarion Belinsky were more progressive in their politics than the Italians influenced by Francesco De Sanctis. Literary practice also helps place in perspective the fluctuation of generic hierarchies among nineteenth-century theorists.
The life's work of Francesco De Sanctis illustrates the Italian quest to secure full sovereignty, national identity and a liberal citizenry. De Sanctis's critical theory is underlain by a principle of realism, his distinct legacy to subsequent generations of theorists. He survived as freelance lecturer on the subject of Italian literature and emigrated to Zurich, where he taught Italian literature at the university. Retiring from public service in 1880, De Sanctis had served his young nation state as a member of parliament, minister of education and professor of a state university. There is considerable coherence between De Sanctis's theory of literary criticism and his aesthetic theory. De Sanctis's historicist framework satisfies his Realist demand for a relation between life and art, where life is always understood as social and political life. The concept of a national popular culture is one of De Sanctis's distinguishing marks as an aesthetic and cultural theorist.
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