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Chapter 9 argues that the ICI endorsed decolonization in 1945, which did not equal independence. In 1949, it was renamed the Institut International des Civilisations Différentes (INCIDI). Under its “decolonized” name, the INCIDI perpetuated the ICI’s transnational and transcolonial governmentality in the form of modern functional governance. In the 1950s and 1960s, it cooperated closely with UN development agencies, ECOSOC, UNESCO, and American foundations such as the Phelps-Stokes Foundation. These new international development agencies adopted the ICI/INCIDI’s fifty years old schemes of sustained development, cultural relativism, international functional governance, cooperative mutual aid schemes, and corporatist pseudo-representation. What is more, former fascists who continued to be in the ICI/INCIDI, or joined it to rehabilitate themselves, worked together with advocates of a European Economic Community to pursue the project of an economic Eurafrica. This chapter unveils how the ICI/INCIDI’s commitment to a more participatroy Eurafrica, to civilizational diversity, and even to anti-racism served the purpose of making the overseas territories economically and socially dependent. While the INCIDI always wanted to “emancipate the colonies loyally,” it increasingly appropriated anti-colonial internationalism and hypocritically styled itself as a “second Bandung” in the 1960s.
In 1893, a group of colonial officials from thirteen countries abandoned their imperial rivalry and established the International Colonial Institute (ICI), which became the world's most important colonial think tank of the twentieth century. Through the lens of the ICI, Florian Wagner argues that this international cooperation reshaped colonialism as a transimperial and governmental policy. The book demonstrates that the ICI's strategy of using indigenous institutions and customary laws to encourage colonial development served to maintain colonial rule even beyond the official end of empires. By selectively choosing loyalists among the colonized to participate in the ICI, it increased their autonomy while equally delegitimizing more radical claims for independence. The book presents a detailed study of the ICI's creation, the transcolonial activities of its prominent members, its interactions with the League of Nations and fascist governments, and its role in laying the groundwork for the structural and discursive dependence of the Global South after 1945.
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