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Drawing on two and a half years of ethnographic fieldwork singing and playing with three Diné country-western bands, I explore how one Native band lives and responds to border town racism and settler nativism in towns bordering the Navajo Nation, the largest Indian reservation in the United States. I illustrate how country music, a genre that has been embraced by Diné people since the late 1930s, serves as a flashpoint for racialized forms of difference and belonging within the liminal space of the Navajo reservation “border town.” I argue that country music performance serves as a condensed site for the enactment and negotiation of border town tensions, microaggressions, and more blatant forms of racism, providing key insights into the ways in which Indigenous country music unsettles Colorado’s own settler-colonial and settler nativist histories in the border town Southwest.
This chapter focuses on how governance changes and allowance for greater local autonomy might create space for economic development. The Navajo Nation has 110 chapters, each with a separate governance role and each with unique challenges. Just as American politicians routinely advocate for local control under the banner of federalism, so too many Diné feel that the tribe would be better with some form of Navajo federalism. Chapter 8 looks at whether rebalancing the division of authority between the centralized bureaucracy in Window Rock and local chapter houses could help cut through the red tape that currently undermines efforts to build community at the local level.
Connecting what happens on Indian reservations with challenges facing the United States, Chapter 1 highlights the significance of what happens in Indian country to those living in neighboring and even distant communities. Chapter 1 also presents in brief the major themes of the book—the heavy federal role in reservation development and resource exploitation, the importance of improving tribal self-governance, and the ways in which land use decisions shape reservation life—and emphasizes the centrality of both history and institutional development in understanding Indian nations today.
Though it is the size of West Virginia, the Navajo Nation is relatively unknown to non-Indians except the few who live there. Chapter 2 presents a portrait of the reservation, covering everything from the ubiquitous poverty and unemployment to the structure of Navajo extended families. The chapter also launches the reader into a brief history of the tribe, moving from the Navajo creation story to the Navajo long walk and internment to the establishment of the reservation with the signing of the 1868 Treaty with the United States.
The modern Navajo Nation government was founded in large part so that oil leases on the reservation could be approved. But as Chapter 3 shows, the Navajo Nation government did not act as mere rubber stamp for non-Indian interests. Though it did permit oil leasing, the tribe went on to reject the signature piece of New Deal policy directed at Indians, the Indian Reorganization Act. After presenting this foundational period of the Navajo Nation government, the chapter then presents one of the most tragic events in the collective memory of the Navajo people, federally-imposed livestock reduction, which continues to shape tribal land use patterns as well as federal-tribal relations.
Arguably the most controversial chapter of the book, Chapter 6 focuses on corruption by tribal officials. Tribal sovereignty advocates and non-Indian scholars are often reluctant to talk about tribal governance failures, but this chapter highlights the significance of corruption and the need for improvement within the tribal government. It uses the stories of Tribal Chairman Peter MacDonald’s corruption in the 1980s as well as the more recent controversies involving the Tribal Council’s use of discretionary funds for personal benefit to show how corruption impacts tribal economic development and tribal land policies.
Chapter 4 focuses on the problematic nature of Navajo uranium and coal development following the end of World War II. By not revealing the dangers involved and holding back information on the value of the resources, the U.S. government facilitated particularly destructive forms of development while failing to ensure the tribe received fair compensation. The current reliance of the Navajo Nation on extractive industries for jobs and government revenue can be traced, in part, to the inequities in bargaining position and legal authority over the land that surround the mining agreements approved by the tribe in the early part of the self-determination period.
Navajo economic development and governance will always be hard. Located within the United States, the Navajo Nation has to deal with both external and internal challenges. The conclusion, however, offers measured optimism. Whenever the tribal has faced challenges, such as corruption or the COVID-19 pandemic, there have been leaders who have stood up for the people. The chapter ends by arguing that there is space for the Navajo Nation to push its independence and that non-Indians should be allow the tribe to set its own path.
In A Nation Within, Ezra Rosser explores the connection between land-use patterns and development in the Navajo Nation. Roughly the size of Ireland or West Virginia, the Navajo reservation has seen successive waves of natural resource-based development over the last century: grazing and over-grazing, oil and gas, uranium, and coal; yet Navajos continue to suffer from high levels of unemployment and poverty. Rosser shows the connection between the exploitation of these resources and the growth of the tribal government before turning to contemporary land use and development challenges. He argues that, in addition to the political challenges associated with any significant change, external pressures and internal corruption have made it difficult for the tribe to implement land reforms that could help provide space for economic development that would benefit the Navajo Nation and Navajo tribal members.
It is imperative that the Navajo Nation engage in meaningful land reform. This chapter highlights the challenges Dinē families face when seeking permission to use tribal trust land. Beginning with an exploration of the motivation behind the Navajo Nation’s recent effort to reform the process for obtaining a homesite lease, the chapter describes how it can be hard to find useable land even on the largest reservation. As the chapter notes, there are many reasons, including the need to find an alternative tax base now that extractive industries such as coal are leaving the reservation, that the central government should be interested in land reform. But hitting the right spot, the amount of paperwork and required fees, when it comes to formalizing use rights is hard. The Navajo Nation faces real difficulties resolving the how much control and what sort of control the central government should exercise over Dinē life, especially as it relates to the home.
To assess levels of and identify factors associated with food insecurity on the Navajo Nation.
Design
A cross-sectional study was conducted utilizing the ten-item Radimer/Cornell food insecurity instrument. Sociodemographic, psychosocial and anthropometric data were collected.
Setting
Navajo Nation, USA.
Subjects
Two hundred and seventy-six members of the Navajo Nation were randomly selected at food stores and other community locations.
Results
Of the sample, 76·7 % had some level of food insecurity. Less education (mean years of schooling: P = 0·0001; non-completion of higher education: P = 0·0003), lower full-time employment rates (P = 0·01), and lower material style of life (P = 0·0001), food knowledge (P = 0·001) and healthy eating self-efficacy (P < 0·0001) scores were all positively associated with food insecurity. Perceived expensiveness (P < 0·0001) and perceived inconvenience (P = 0·0001) of healthy choices were also positively associated with food insecurity.
Conclusions
Food insecurity rates on the Navajo Nation are the highest reported to date in the USA and are likely attributable to the extremely high rates of poverty and unemployment. Reducing food insecurity on the Navajo Nation will require increasing the availability of affordable healthy foods, addressing poverty and unemployment, and providing nutrition programmes to increase demand.
To understand the barriers to farmer participation in Farm-to-Table (F2T) programmes and to identify possible solutions to these obstacles.
Design
Cross-sectional analysis of farmer perspectives on F2T programmes.
Setting
Three service units on the Navajo Nation (Chinle, Tuba City and Fort Defiance).
Subjects
Forty-four Navajo farmers.
Results
Most participants reported that farming on the Navajo Nation is getting harder (61 %) but that it is very important to maintain Navajo farming traditions (98 %). A modest number of farmers (43 %) expressed interest in participating in an F2T programme. All farmers reported that childhood obesity was a very serious or serious problem in the Navajo Nation. The farmers expressed support for an F2T programme if key barriers to farming, including water access and pest control, could be addressed. Key barriers to participation identified included lack of fruits and vegetables to sell, sale price of crops and lack of certification of produce by the US Food and Drug Administration.
Conclusions
Navajo farmers are aware of the burden of childhood obesity on the Navajo Nation and feel that an F2T programme could be beneficial. To successfully implement a Farm-to-Table programme, the barriers to participation identified will need to be addressed.
To characterize dietary intake for Navajo adults, to identify foods for a nutritional intervention programme and to develop a culturally appropriate quantitative FFQ (QFFQ) for evaluating the impact of the intervention programme.
Design
A cross-sectional study was conducted using 24 h dietary recalls.
Setting
Navajo Nation, USA.
Subjects
Seventy-nine (forty men, thirty-nine women) aged 18–71 years completed 24 h dietary recalls.
Results
The median daily energy intake was 11 585 kJ (2769 kcal) for men and 8519 kJ (2036 kcal) for women. The greatest contributors to energy were fried potato dishes, sweetened juices/drinks, regular pop, bread, tortillas and burritos (contributing approximately 30 % of total energy intake). The mean number of meat servings was over twice that recommended (2–3 servings recommended v. 7·4 consumed by men and 5·3 by women). The mean servings of vegetables were well below the recommendation of 3–5 servings (1·0 serving for men and 1·2 servings for women). The final QFFQ contains 177 food and drink items.
Conclusions
Our study found that major contributors to total energy, fat and sugar intakes in the Navajo Nation included mostly processed meats and sweetened drinks. A nutritional intervention will target these foods and promote acceptable and healthier alternatives. In addition, we were able to identify foods and beverages for inclusion on a culturally appropriate QFFQ to assess dietary intake. This QFFQ will be used to evaluate the effectiveness of our intervention on food and food group consumption and nutrient intake.
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