A fundamental challenge for the labor movement is the necessity to provide a message that resonates. This is a matter confused and hobbled by the fact that the problems posed for unions in employment relationships have their roots in history. The state plays a less ambitious role in the United States compared to Europe and Japan. The unions have stepped into a vacuum, occupied through the exercise of collective bargaining, and simultaneously attempted to promote state expansion so as to augment the bargaining process.

In the early part of the previous century, the American Federation of Labor provided funds for unemployment or distress suffered by their own members.1 This may help explain the fact that, at that time and for a while thereafter, the federation had little or no enthusiasm for unemployment compensation statutes mandated by the state. This tradition is reflected in the restricted scope and content of unemployment compensation law, a product of the Southern Democratic part of the New Deal coalition.

The Great Migration ended in 1970 as manufacturing was replaced with electronic goods. Wages stagnated, and income inequality increased rapidly. This led to a new Gilded Age. Nixon replaced Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty with his War on Drugs. Blacks were opposed to Nixon’s Vietnam War, and he penalized them by incarcerating them. This, helped by state laws and President Reagan, led to mass incarceration – which became known as the New Jim Crow. Public education was reserved for suburban whites, while urban Blacks were in prison or attended underfunded schools. The Flint, Michigan, water crisis demonstrates the difficulty of urban Blacks as jobs and urban facilities disappeared. President Obama was the first Black president, elected in the financial crisis of 2008. The Supreme Court nullified the 1965 Voting Act as it had done with amendments in the 1880s. Obamacare was the most enduring achievements of Obama’s presidency.

As the 2020 Democratic primaries heated up in September 2019, the Center for Deliberative Democracy gathered 523 voters, designed to be a representative sample of the electorate, in a room in Dallas, Texas for three days for an experiment called “America in One Room.” Researchers pre-polled the participants for their views on a range of controversial political issues, from immigration to the environment to health care. Then, over the weekend, these 523 “citizen delegates” immersed in conversation in small groups and plenary sessions and with field experts and candidates on these topics. At the end, they were asked their views again. On some topics their views changed wildly from beginning to end. One where it did not was health care’s public option. At the beginning, just over 67 percent favored the idea that “[e]veryone should be able to buy a public plan like Medicare,” and at the end just over 71 percent did. With asked the same idea with respect to people age 55 or older, the idea was even more popular: 72 percent at the start and 78.5 percent at the end. People love the idea of a public health insurance option.

In late 2009, in an event space beneath the US Capitol plaza, a small celebration centered on a big decision. The Majority Leader of the US Senate, Nevada Democrat Harry Reid, announced he would support the inclusion of a public option in the health-care bill that would soon be considered on the Senate floor. As one of the policy experts who had pushed for the public option, I was in the audience – gratified that Reid had decided to fight for the goal yet unsure of what would come next. Earlier in the year, the House had passed its own health legislation, which included a Medicare-like public option. But from the moment it had become a major element of Democratic campaign proposals during the 2008 presidential race, the public option had been controversial – viewed as a step too far not only by Republicans and the medical industry, but also by many middle-of-the-road Democrats. Now, in signaling he would back it, Reid was also suggesting he could convince skeptical Senate Democrats to go along.