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After coming to power in 2002, the AKP in Turkey took the country on a roller coaster from democratic reforms to authoritarian retreat. Starting off as a “conservative democratic” party with liberal tendencies, the AKP pivoted back to majoritarianism over the years. This chapter aims to make sense of this drastic shift and offers an account of the AKP’s swing from liberalism to electoralism. It discusses the AKP’s origins, its trajectory in government, and how it has taken a hegemonic direction despite its branding in its inception as a conservative party with an explicitly democratic agenda. To explain this transformation, the chapter identifies major forces inside the AKP, their diverging understandings of democracy, and describes how one wing prevailed over the other to take the party into a majoritarian direction. A key part of this process involves the rise of a dominant coalition under Tayyip Erdoğan’s leadership. His growing command over organizational resources weakened his rivals with more liberal democratic orientations. This chapter traces these processes and their political consequences for Turkish democracy, with specific focus on Erdoğan’s righteous majoritarianism.
This paper introduces mukaddesatçılık as a Cold War ideological position that reconciles Turkish nationalism, religious conservatism, and Islamist revivalism. Mukaddesatçılık channels senses of disempowerment and alienation among people with Islamic and nationalistic sensibilities to a sense of ressentiment against the Turkish modernization process. The paper analyzes mukaddesatçılık's ideational and emotional components based on the writings of Necip Fazıl Kısakürek. In addition to being the name-father of the concept, Kısakürek was distinguished from other Islam-inspired conservative intellectuals by his appeal to popular mobilization around mukaddesatçı ideology through his eloquent and powerful speeches and poems. The paper argues that Kısakürek's mukaddesatçılık reconstructed Muslimness as the political identity of the popular masses, who are the supposed victims of the Turkish modernization process, to mobilize them against the so-called Western-minded modernizing elite. Mukaddesatçılık informs the current populist policies of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's government that seek to maintain the divisive polarization between religious and secular identities.
Part I is about the social origins of people who became fixers in 2010s Turkey and Syria. Some were refugees from Syria’s civil war or journalists ousted from Turkey’s domestic press as the Turkish state successively captured opposition outlets; these prospective fixers turned to work with the international media for the promise of stability. Others came from non-journalism backgrounds but, inspired by developments such as Turkey’s “Kurdish Opening” or the 2013 Gezi Park protest movement, found in fixing the opportunity to pursue adventurous and idealistic aspirations. Fixers of different backgrounds help foreign reporters in different ways: some provide insider access to local events and people, while others help their clients to make sense of phenomena from an outsider perspective.
Turkish politics illustrates the complex relationships among populism, democracy, and human rights. Throughout the twentieth century, an urban, secularist elite largely monopolized government power and used it to modernize society against the will of much of the population. The Justice and Development Party (AKP) has reversed this pattern since it took power in 2002. Its leader, now-President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, is a paradigmatic populist: a charismatic leader who portrays politics as a Manichean competition between the virtuous people and a domineering elite, and his policy agenda as embodying a homogeneous popular will. The AKP has neutered the Kemalist military, bureaucracy, and judiciary, and has implemented policies favored by its once-marginalized supporters. But Erdogan's successive purges of internal rivals have bolstered the critique that he, like many populists, merely uses citizen supporters to legitimate his rule and policy preferences, rather than genuinely representing them. Since 2013, his government has harshly repressed real and perceived opponents, jailing tens of thousands, while portraying them as enemies of the people – another classic antidemocratic populist habit.
In this article Hanife Schulte discusses Thomas Ostermeier’s Ein Volksfeind, a German version of Henrik Ibsen’s An Enemy of the People that toured to the International Istanbul Theatre Festival in 2014. In borrowing Maria Shevtsova’s notion of the sociology of performance, Hanife Schulte offers a sociological examination of Ein Volksfeind’s Istanbul performances and demonstrates how the first anniversary of Turkey’s Gezi Park protests at the time of the festival influenced the performances. These protests, which began in 2013, were in resistance to the Turkish government’s urban development plan for Istanbul’s Taksim Park. In her examination of the dramaturgy and stage design of the production and its Turkish reception, Schulte argues that Ein Volksfeind’s political dramaturgy-in-progress allowed Ostermeier to adapt its touring performances in Istanbul and transform them into events in which the Turkish audiences became fellow performers and adaptors who reflected on the Gezi Park protests. She also suggests that Ostermeier showed solidarity with the Turkish people resisting political violence and oppression in tackling their local politics. Hanife Schulte has completed three years of doctoral research in Theatre and Performance Studies at Tufts University and is an alumna of the Mellon School of Theater and Performance Research at Harvard University, where she participated in the 2019 Session on Migrations.
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