Finally, Chapter 6 reveals and analyzes the extensive rewards that ladies-in-waiting earned for fulfilling their normal duties as well as for loyally serving their mistresses during periods of national importance and political tension. Elite female servants benefitted from their positions at court, both in terms of material rewards and their ability to ease themselves into political situations. All female attendants earned some form of in-kind benefit, with room and board included for their service and formal clothing allowances distributed. Some servants garnered significant financial remuneration, through land grants assigned in perpetuity, expensive jeweled gifts, or extravagant annuity stipends. Others earned more modest wages, annuities, or gifts of secondhand clothing. When ladies and damsels scored patronage that offered nonmonetary privileges, they ranged from minor legal exemptions to significant pardoning of major crimes. Gift-giving redistributed wealth from monarch or aristocratic employer through lesser-status ranks in the household, but at the same time the theatricality of gift-giving and the allocation of sumptuous clothing linked to the royal or noble household enhanced the prestige of the bestower as they demonstrated their numerous, loyal servants and the affluence that allowed them to grant such gifts.

This chapter is principally concerned with the relationship between central and local power in Byzantium. It focuses on the resources and structures characterising political elite membership, particularly land, public offices and salaries, kinship, networks, status and display. From a mainly provincial perspective, it examines changes over time in the possessions and political horizons of elites, taking note of the roles of monasteries, villages and commerce. Considerable attention is paid to the polycentric Byzantine world of the later period, which continued until, and in some cases beyond, the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople in 1453 and involved polities beyond the Palaiologan dynasty. While much about Byzantine political practice changed between 700 and 1500, the post-1204 evidence reveals the long-term importance of the local to power in Byzantium, a state of affairs often hinted at in earlier periods but only rarely visible in the surviving sources.

The US diplomat’s first official encounter with official Ireland reveals much about his interest in the new post and the attitudes of the host administration towards him and his country. But how did the diplomat then create their social circle as a tool of soft power? They needed to avoid cause offense to any group while still promoting their country’s interests. Interacting with de Valera’s ideal of a Gaelic, Roman Catholic, republican Ireland presented the diplomat with many potential social as well as political dangers. The chapter argues that de Valera cultivated a close relationship with John Cudahy in particular believing that the American sympathised with the Irish case for unity and in the existence of a special relationship. But de Valera failed to realise that US envoys were obliged to get as close as possible to leaders just as he wanted Irish diplomats to do in the United States

A similarity in the diplomatic practice of American and Irish foreign services at this time was the use of the respective nation’s culture, its political values and its foreign policies to promote national interests. The chapter recreates the social circles of the Irish diplomat in Roosevelt’s America. It is argued that the Irish representatives and their spouses assisted in establishing Irish national identity separate from that of Britain and the commonwealth, more Americans became interested in Irish literature, language and music and came to see Ireland as a place to visit. But de Valera’s on-going aim to secure official America’s assistance with resolving the Anglo-Irish economic war and the partition problem, improving the economy and combatting anglophile views in the Roosevelt administration were difficult for the diplomats to realise. By the 1930s Ireland’s problems were of less interest to US politicians and public alike.