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This book is about an ontological shift in the conceptualization and representation of the spatiality of Tehran, the capital of Iran, as the outcome of the formation and establishment of a novel spatial discourse. Between the mid-nineteenth and the mid-twentieth centuries, this novel discourse sidelined the indigenous knowledge of Iranian urban society and the state and became the legitimate sources of imagining and producing the spatiality of Iranian cities. It transformed the spaces of the social, political, and economic processes in Tehran and elsewhere in the country. This shift was ontological and spatial, meaning that it brought about novel frameworks for urban society and the state to produce the spaces of their daily practices and strategies. This shift was discursive, leading to the abandonment of the traditional and indigenous spatial understanding in a long process of knowledge production; society and the state internalized a novel form of knowledge as the authentic source of producing the spatiality of social, economic, and political relations. This shift targeted both the state and society; it was top-down and bottom-up simultaneously. As the book suggests, since the mid-nineteenth century, this new spatial discourse has reproduced Tehran; the contours of the current city should be read through the analysis of this discursive transformation.
The 1870s expansion of Tehran was a vehicle for the spatial commodification of vast sections of the new city. Through this expansion, the Qajar court managed to produce the new spatiality as a lucrative commodity. The commodification of the city accompanied an unprecedented socio-spatial bureaucratization. A combination of several factors –from preventing outbreaks of diseases to organizing a novel relationship between the state and society – helped the state to stretch its control and dominance over the spatiality of the city. In its initial steps, these early attempts were the manifestations of a fundamental shift in the relationship between the state, society, and the city. To use Lefebvre’s concept of abstract spaces, Tehran went through a process of spatial abstraction particularly after its 1870s expansion. This chapter demonstrates how this expansion followed delicate economic objectives, and how the Qajar court had pursued this commodification process through its spatial policies long before the actual expansion of Tehran. Afterwards, the chapter focuses on the bureaucratization process and argues that, from the first half of the nineteenth century, the state had already generated spatial strategies to prevent cholera outbreaks in the city. The chapter moves to the examination of the spatial strategies of the state for the legitimation of its power and demonstrates how the expansion of Tehran helped the state to stretch its spatial control and domination beyond the confines of the royal compound. It continues with the study of the social life and spaces of the new neighborhood at the end of the nineteenth century and finds that the Qajar elites produced semi-private spaces modeled after European social space. Finally, the chapter concludes with the investigation of the spatial strategies of the state and the impact of the two processes of commodification and bureaucratization on Tehran.
My objective in this chapter is to investigate these questions through the examination of the relationship between society and the city in nineteenth-century Tehran. This relationship focuses on the spatiality of ordinary people’s daily lives. Social theories of space have become a common domain for geographers, sociologists, anthropologists, and ethnographers as a means to investigate socio-spatial processes. In this chapter, I unfold this theoretical framework and explain the impact of the spatial approach on social and historical examinations of cities before presenting the main empirical analysis of daily life and social spaces in nineteenth-century Tehran. My objective is to socialize the spatial analysis and, more importantly, to spatialize the social analysis. This chapter focuses on the relationship between urban society and Tehran in the nineteenth century. It examines people’s everyday lives in the city and their religious and non-religious spatial practices. It investigates various social spaces of day-to-day interactions in the city. I start by presenting a social analysis of Iranian urban society in the nineteenth century. Afterwards, I examine social spaces in two main categories: spaces based on religious gatherings and spaces based on nonreligious practices. This chapter ends with the examination of women’s social life and spaces in the city.
Tehran, the capital of Iran since the late eighteenth century, is now one of the largest cities in the Middle East. Exploring Tehran's development from the nineteenth to the mid-twentieth century, Ashkan Rezvani Naraghi paints a vibrant picture of a city undergoing rapid and dynamic social transformation. Rezvani Naraghi demonstrates that this shift was the product of a developing discourse around spatial knowledge, in which the West became the model for the social practices of the state and sections of Iranian society. As traditional social spaces, such as coffee houses, bathhouses, and mosques, were replaced by European-style cafes, theatres, and sports clubs, Tehran and its people were irreversibly altered. Using an array of archival sources, Rezvani Naraghi stresses the agency of everyday inhabitants in shaping urban change. This enlightening history not only allows us to better understand the contours of contemporary Tehran, but to develop a new way of imagining, talking about, and building 'the city'.
Chapter 2 describes the launching of the first nationwide local government elections amidst political contention in 1999 in Tehran, Khorasan, Fars, and Kurdistan and the institutionalization of elected local government within the parameters of the velayi regime. The chapter documents the rapid institutionalization of the new city councils throughout the country and in cities of different sizes. It reports on the impressive efforts of newly elected local representatives to carry out their new responsibilities within the limited legal powers afforded the new councils as well as depending on the social capital and trust of the local societies. Tehran City Council, for example, was initially marred by turmoil and dissolved by the central government, but stabilized over time. It has been an important bellwether of political trends elsewhere. The chapter documents the frustration of many councilors with what they perceived to be the narrow range of local powers defined by the local government law, patterns that would remain in place, part of the success of electoral authoritarianism in Iran.
Tehran, Iran, with a population of approximately seven million people, is at a very high risk for a devastating earthquake. This study aims to estimate the number of units of blood required at the time of such an earthquake.
Methods:
To assume the damage of an earthquake in Tehran, the researchers applied the Centre for Earthquake and Environmental Studies of Tehran/Japan International Cooperation Agency (CEST/JICA) fault-activation scenarios, and accordingly estimated the injury-to-death ratio (IDR), hospital admission rate (HAR), and blood transfusion rate (BTR). The data were based on Iran's major earthquakes during last two decades. The following values were considered for the analysis: (1) IDR = 1, 2, and 3; (2) HAR = 0.25 and 0.35; and (3) BTR = 0.05, 0.07, and 0.10. The American Association of Blood Banks' formula was adapted to calculate total required numbers of Type-O red blood cell (RBC) units. Calculations relied on the following assumptions: (1) no change in Tehran's vulnerability from CEST/JICA study time; (2) no functional damage to Tehran Blood Transfusion Post; and (3) standards of blood safety are secure during the disaster responses. Surge capacity was estimated based on the Bam earthquake experience. The maximum, optimum, and minimum blood deficits were calculated accordingly.
Results:
No deficit was estimated in case of the Mosha fault activation and the optimum scenario of North Tehran fault. The maximum blood deficit was estimated from the activation of the Ray fault, requiring up to 107,293 and 95,127 units for the 0–24 hour and the 24–72 hour periods after the earthquake, respectively. The optimum deficit was estimated up to 46,824 and 16,528 units for 0–24 hour and 24–72 hour period after the earthquake, respectively.
Conclusions:
In most Tehran earthquake scenarios, a shortage of blood was estimated to surge the capacity of all blood transfusion posts around the country within first three days, as it might ask for a 2–8 times more than what the system had produced following the Bam earthquake.
To determine whether the Mini Nutritional Assessment (MNA) can screen and diagnose for malnutrition in the Iranian elderly.
Design
The MNA was administered to all volunteers. Each patient underwent anthropometric and serum albumin measurements. Reliability, validity, sensitivity, specificity, positive- and negative-predictive values were estimated. To identify optimal threshold values for predicting malnutrition, receiver-operating characteristic curve analysis was performed for MNA scores.
Setting
Kahrizak Charity Foundation (Tehran, Iran).
Subjects
Two hundred and twenty-one consecutive elderly patients entered into the cross-sectional study. Amputees and patients with liver or renal disorders, oedema or any end-stage diseases were excluded.
Results
According to MNA score, 3·2 % were malnourished, 43·4 % were at risk of malnutrition and 53·4 % were well nourished. The proportions in these categories according to ideal body weight and serum albumin were 2·3 %, 17·1 % and 80·6 %, respectively. Cronbach’s α coefficient (reliability) was 0·61. The correlations between total MNA score, anthropometric values and serum albumin (criterion-related validity) were all significant. There were significant differences in total MNA score between two BMI groups but not between two categories according to serum albumin and skin ulcers (construct validity). The sensitivity and specificity of the MNA according to its established cut-off points were 82 % and 63 %, respectively. Positive-predictive value was 35 % and negative-predictive value was 93 %. By using the best cut-off point (MNA score of 22 according to Youden index), the sensitivity, specificity, positive-predictive value and negative-predictive value were 88 %, 62 %, 57 % and 89 %, respectively.
Conclusions
The MNA with its established cut-off points may not be a good fit for Asian populations, including Iranian elderly.
Overweight has become a public health problem in most developing countries. Evidence suggests that adolescence is a critical period in determining adulthood obesity and its complications. The present study was carried out to assess the prevalence of overweight and obesity among secondary school students.
Design and setting:
This descriptive study was conducted in Tehran city, 2000–2001. Body weight and height were measured and body mass index (BMI) values were calculated. Underweight, overweight and obesity were defined as <5th, ≥85th and ≥95th percentile, respectively, of age- and sex-specific BMI values from the National Center for Health Statistics/Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (2000).
Subjects:
Using a multistage sampling method, 2321 students (1068 males and 1253 females) aged 11–16 years were assessed in Tehran, the capital city of Iran.
Results:
The overall prevalences of overweight and obesity were 21.1 and 7.8%, respectively. The prevalence of overweight among girl students (i.e. 23.1%; 95% confidence interval (CI) 20.8–25.4) was significantly higher than that among boys (i.e. 18.8%; 95% CI 16.5–21.1, P = 0.01) even after adjustment for age (odds ratio 1.26, 95% CI 1.03–1.55, P = 0.02). No significant risk of obesity associated with age was found in girls or boys. In both sexes, median values of age-specific BMI in this study were statistically higher than corresponding values collected in Tehrani adolescents 10 years ago (P = 0.03). Similarly, a significant difference was seen between girl students in this study and the reference population (P = 0.03).
Conclusion:
According to this study, overweight, especially in girls, should be considered an epidemic health problem among adolescent students in Tehran.
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