Chapter 3 examines the core creative practice at the heart of the institution and tradition of the Theater an der Ruhr and most public theatres in Germany: the rehearsal. Rehearsals are not merely the most significant spaces for the training of the body and elaboration of a play. They are also practices for the cultivation of a particular form of comportment described by actors and directors as Haltung. The rehearsing of Haltung, which is discussed as an example of an ethnographic concept, that is, one stemming from the theorising of my interlocutors, constitutes the fundamental ethical practice and internal good facilitated by the institutional tradition of the Theater an der Ruhr. This chapter examines the broader significance of studying the learning of conduct during rehearsals and makes a case for their study as foundational to an understanding of creativity and self-formation in theatre. It also investigates issues of authority and discipline, thinking about rehearsals as a form of social practice rather than an artistic means to create a staging.

Moral soundness in our behavior requires more than conformity to the principles described in Chapter 4. This is above all because it requires moral conduct and not just the deeds those principles call for. There are two obligations that are higher level than those described in Chapter 4 in ranging over all the types those principles concern. One posits an obligation to preserve and promote liberty; the other posits an obligation to do the deeds morality calls for respectfully – in a morally appropriate manner. Like the liberty obligation, it is immensely comprehensive and extends to all interpersonal action. This chapter describes these higher-level obligations. To clarify them, the chapter pursues two major moral questions: the scope-question of what range of deeds are discretionary – not obligatory and within our freedom of choice – and the adverbial how-question of what manners of doing what we do are morally appropriate in the relevant contexts.

This chapter expands on the concept of reciprocity, looking at how it can be defined, its key characteristics, and the three key functions it plays: in norm creation, as a condition, and in execution of the law. It examines the defining elements of reciprocity: proportionality, relativity, equality, and interdependence. The chapter goes on to examine the nature of reciprocity, and its relationship to custom and general principles, two sources of international law. It illustrates how it is reciprocity’s relationship with the structural characteristic of sovereign equality in international law that explains many of its roles and defining characteristics.

Where there is a significant risk of onerous costs being imposed on recalcitrant parties, a substantial increase in the number of disputes being mediated is the likely outcome. There is a clear link between the deployment of costs sanctions for unreasonable refusal to mediate and the increased use of mediation by commercial parties. Many jurisdictions, notably England and Wales among them, have equipped courts with the powers and authority to use mediation as a device for containing costs. Attempting to assess a party’s conduct to determine whether a costs sanction is appropriate has significant implications for mediation confidentiality. Objective criteria developed in seminal cases offer guidance to the courts in determining whether a party’s refusal to mediate was reasonable, and guidance to advisors and parties when considering mediation. While there are potential human rights implications where sanctions are construed as a means of making mediation compulsory, costs sanctions have proved to be an effective form of targeted incentive-setting where regulatory aims are integrated into the parties’ decision-making process.

In Chapter 4 I discuss the theoretical definition of ‘political institutions’ sketched in Chapter 3, which sets them aside from the other institutions discussed in Chapter 3. Political institutions are norms and rules that transform a set of contradictory instigations to action into a single command; that discipline the struggle to achieve positions that can transform contradictory instigations into a command; that constrain the ruler’s search for generalised and stabilised behavioural compliance in any confined group; and that concern the procedure through which public powers produce private powers (as guaranteed rights), not the concrete outcomes of these procedures. I then distinguish different kinds of norms/rules: norms/rules of conduct versus norms/rules of recognition and norms/rules of conferral. It is argued that political institutions are norms/rules of conferral and are not rules of conduct or of recognition, and that confusion is generated when the types are mixed.

This chapter explores how behavioural difficulties and attendance at school can affect each other in different ways and aims to help practitioners to think more about what it is the child is communicating through their behaviour. The chapter considers behaviour in the context of normal development and defining behavioural difficulties and disorders. It moves on to consider behavioural difficulties in relation to attendance and exclusion from school. The chapter emphasises the need to avoid taking behaviours at face value and exploring the child’s individual needs, in the context in which this behaviour is arising, through thinking about adverse childhood experiences, attachment and wider influences. In thinking about the possible needs of the child through holistic assessment the chapter ends with some considerations around moving forward and what we can do to support a more positive trajectory. We hope that practitioners will see the importance of remaining open and curious about behaviour to further understand and support the children and young people they work alongside.

This topic examines the nature of market structure, its characteristics and implications for managerial strategy and industrial structure, conduct and performance. The starting point is a discussion of markets and the characteristics that are relevant in terms of determining structure and strategy, in particular pricing. These characteristics relate to number of sellers, type of product, barriers to entry, pricing power and the importance of non-price competition. The four main types of structure, perfect competition, monopoly, monopolistic competition and oligopoly, are described in terms of these characteristics, and in each case both a graphical and algebraic analysis of the equilibrium is presented for both short-run and long-run situations. The different types of structure are compared in terms of price, output, profit, efficiency and welfare. The relationships between structure, conduct and performance are discussed in the light of recent empirical studies, along with some implications for government policy which are examined further in Chapter 14. Case studies illustrate the application of theoretical concepts in practice, particularly in the presence of Covid-19.

Integrity in government is one of the most important preconditions for progress towards a low-carbon future. It is founded in the public trust principle according to which all public officers – politicians and public servants – are entrusted with putting the public interest ahead of other interests. Climate is a public interest, held in common. Corruption threatens the integrity of any system of government, undermining local, national and global action on climate change. The risks are not only from the most egregious corruption such as accepting illegal benefits coincident with making decisions favouring donors, but across a spectrum extending to subtle flouting of the public trust principle. Evidence of the risks to a healthy climate posed by corruption are illustrated by the environmental performance of corrupt states, buying influence and votes in democracies and procurement practices that defy government obligations under Paris Climate Change Agreement commitments. Strategies are outlined that can be implemented by nations to honour their Paris Agreement commitments and proactively reduce risks of corruption which undermine action on climate change.

This chapter explores a broader question with respect to the delimitation methodology for the continental shelf beyond 200 nautical miles, namely, whether an equitable solution for the continental shelf differs from that for an exclusive economic zone. Examining resources-related circumstances, conduct of the parties, and special characteristics of the maritime zones, this chapter argues that a court or tribunal hardly resorts to regime-specific circumstances in maritime delimitation, because maritime delimitation is a spatial exercise that spells out the relationship between the relevant coasts and the maritime areas. It thus concludes, on the basis of the State practice and the jurisprudence that witnesses a trend towards a single exercise of maritime delimitation, the law of maritime delimitation will develop to embrace a common approach to maritime delimitation within and beyond 200 nm.

There is an extensive vernacular conduct literature of the twelfth and thirteenth century that has barely been used by social historians.This is all the more surprising as it has a considerable amount to say on central social issues, not least gender. This chapter analyses what several conduct tracts have to say about just one such aspect, femininity, beginning with the earliest conduct tract of all, addressed to women by the aristocratic Occitan author Garin lo Brun in the first half of the twelfth century. We find that Garin and other authors, notably the prolific thirteenth-century social commentator Robert de Blois, described and defined an idealised superior woman: the preudefemm or biderbe wip who summed up in herself the contemporary gender expectations of the female of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Importantly, it is an ideal of femininity generated within lay society and not out of the Latin literature of the schools previously used for the purpose by scholars, tainted with clerical misogyny as it is. The result goes a long way to explain the potential and limits of the female agency recent gender scholarship has suggested was to be found in medieval society.

Contributors to this volume suggest that we read not for event but for multiple conditions productive of and for Black literature. Such a protocol of reading yields understandings closer to the complexity of an African American mid-century. Those conditions include how Black literature was being produced and circulated; how and why it marked its relation to other literary and expressive traditions; what geopolitical imaginaries it facilitated through representation, how, and why it did so; and what technologies, including but not limited to print, enabled African Americans to both represent and pursue such a complex and ongoing aesthetic and political project.

This chapter argues that as the European powers moved into South, East, and Southeast Asia in the second half of the nineteenth century, the Thai kingdom, while remaining formally independent, was drawn into the diplomatic and economic orbit of the British Empire. One of the effects of this shift was that the old courtly styles of conduct were challenged by new bourgeois ideals of how to behave. This led to the emergence of the concept of the phu di, the gentleperson. The key aspect of the concept of the phu di was that one did not have to have been born into a noble family in order to perform good behaviour. The Thai court promoted the new ideal especially in what would become Thailand’s most famous manners manual, Qualities of a Gentleman (the manual continues to be published today). The chapter outlines how the Thai gentleperson ought to behave. The chapter also argues that from this period there were intense debates about what constituted good conduct, which was a reflection of the growing political tensions between the aristocracy and Western-educated civil and military government officials.

In the conclusion I argue that rather than seeing Thai manners as one element within an essentialized 'Thai culture', we ought to understand the history of manners in Thailand as a variation of Norbert Elias’s notion of a civilizing process. Seen as a historical process, change in conduct and modes of civility in Thailand looks remarkably like that which has taken place in the West. I also explain why the courtly ethos has been so prominent in Thai conceptions of good manners and civility, by contrast to many of its Asian neighbours. I end the chapter and the book by arguing along Braudellian lines for the importance of an understanding of Thai history over the long term.