The images of Alexander deriving from his own lifetime fall into two main categories: on the one hand, representations without attributes, which are more or less what we would now term ‘portraits’; and on the other hand, representations with attributes, which have an allegorical function, their purpose being to give out a message about Alexander, to tell a story about him, rather than merely to convey his likeness. Images of Alexander in sculpture tended towards ‘realism’, while images of him in painting and glyptics tended towards allegorization. The attributes given to Alexander in art during his own lifetime are restricted in their epistemological content, being predominantly of a military sort, such as a spear or armour. But a much richer repertoire of attributes emerges for him in the posthumous representations of the king generated by and for his successors in the Hellenistic age. Above all, these allowed for his direct association with the divine: the aegis associated him with Zeus and Athena; ram’s horns with Zeus-Ammon; goat’s horns with Pan; bull’s horns with Dionysus; the lion-scalp with Heracles; the elephant-scalp with Dionysus; and the radiate crown with Apollo-Helios.

By the second quarter of the fourteenth century, England had developed many attributes of a ‘constitutional monarchy’: one that would later expand and contract, in cycles, across the British Isles. This constitutional monarchy has been subject to many minor recalibrations; more major recalibrations have occurred between 1640 and 1690, and also between 1820 and 1870. To focus on the function and form of this hereditary institution of governance, it can be seen operating in accordance to rules and conventions within three separate if overlapping spheres: that is, the parliamentary, the personal and conciliar, and the judicial.

Judiciaries in England emerged from four interacting historical sources. At the foundation lay the authority of monarchs empowered to judge their subjects’ rights, duties and status by virtue of the regal office. The second form of judiciary arose by royal delegation of decisional power to dedicated judges sitting in permanent courts of common law, or to executive courts with a more political mandate. A third source of judicial power was local and widely distributed, whereby groups or associations or sub-units of government solved disputes and allocated rights and duties as a process of self-direction, taking place for example in manors, boroughs, guilds, and church assemblies.

Chapter 1 sets out the growth of the Province from 1221 to 1348, the different patterns of development in different parts of the British Isles, and what explains them. The first part of the chapter examines who supported the new foundations, how the English and Scottish kings in particular aided them, but also the role played by nobles and townsfolk. The second part of the chapter considers what lay behind this support, by looking at the friars’ life and ministry in relation to their supporters’ needs, how they met them directly, and how their religious life and training within the cloister enabled them to do this.

In many ways, the development of the image of Roman emperors was a search for a way to make the supreme position of the emperor recognisable in an acceptable way, through tools that were already available. Emperorship was never unambiguously defined, other than by the name Augustus. Over time, the range of options which emperors and the inhabitants of the empire had to portray the ruler extended as previously less acceptable modes of representation became normalised. At the same time, there was some sort of congruence in what were typical imperial attributes. The much-discussed ceremonial reforms of Diocletian were a confirmation of practice, rather than a watershed. They did not end the variety of imagery. Expectations of how emperors ought to be described and portrayed continued to differ regionally, medially and between social groups, even when typically imperial modes of representation, with diadem, purple cloak and standardised facial features solidified. Very few typically imperial features, the diadem excepted, were unique to the emperor. For many people, the Roman emperor would always remain a distant figure, far removed from their daily life

This chapter presents a concept of office as the central, organising concept in public law. Public law is, effectively, the law of public offices. An office is a stable, institutionalised social role tantamount to an artificial legal person that is occupied by a person from time to time in virtue of which that person acts ‘outside themselves’ and for the political community as a whole. This is the key to understanding the law of judicial review, which is uniquely concerned with this official mode of action. The concept of office has languished at the margins of public law theory since the nineteenth century reform of the English civil service. Its reinstatement is essential to understand the judicial review of official action beyond statute, and would reinvigorate and enrich public law theory more broadly as well – up to and including the foundation of a powerful conception of the rule of law.

This chapter provides an account of the Crown and its officials (and the relationship between them). This is the first of three chapters that provide fundamental building blocks for the judicial review of non-statutory executive powers. The Crown is an ambiguous term, which can specify the Queen, HM Government, and even the organised political community ('commonwealth') as a whole. Working through these ambiguities is essential in order to describe who is being reviewed (and why), and this entails working through some long-standing questions about the Crown's legal personality and relation to the person who is Monarch. Rejecting the idea that the Crown is a natural person (ostensibly because the Queen is a natural person) is the first step that leads, logically, to a theory of judicial review via a theory of office,official empowerment, and action in an official capacity.

Coupled fire–atmosphere feedback is essential for modeling wildland fire spread, especially extreme fire phenomena. In this chapter, the suite of current and emerging tools capable of modeling this complexity is examined; these tools now dominate fundamental wildland fire research and are starting to be applied to fire operations, training, and planning. Some of the barriers to progress and challenges to validating these tools highlighted in this chapter suggest more emphasis on three areas: a scale-dependent and purposeful approach to comparing model results with appropriate observations, recognizing the limitations of each; the quantification of the errors and under-specifications in fuel properties and the impact of each; and assessing large-scale simulations and directing observations to address priority research gaps, from a position informed by the vast catalog of atmospheric scientific research.

Caesar, a patrician war hero already from his youth, followed the model of the Scipiones in the combination of a patrician pedigree with a "popular" political stance and the pursuit of military glory. Despite his family connection, he was no "Marian" in the strong sense of reviving and refighting the battles of the 80s. By the time of his entry in 63 on the highest stage of politics, he was known as a popularis of a particular sort: one exceptionally skilled at cultivating the support of the Roman People but not a demagogue or even a significant player in the classic popularis proposals for land redistribution, debt relief, or the like. Caesar’s reputation for "largesse" does not seem to have exceeded the norms of his day, or perhaps even what many of his contemporaries considered to be mere necessity. The best evidence suggests that his objective at this time was, as Sallust writes, to obtain "a great command, an army, a new war in which his excellence could shine forth." But that path lay through the Senate. Like many aristocrats Caesar did not shy away from a feud with a powerful figure (Q. Catulus), but that did not put him at odds with the aristocracy as a whole.