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The conclusion to Part II returns to the cultural aspirations expressed by colonists earlier in the decade by analyzing a debate over the viability of an academic society on the island published in the Affiches in 1769. Two White colonists took diametrically opposed positions on the question before a White author, who assumed the identity of the enslaved “Toussaint,” sharply satirized the debate. In the course of absurd boasts about his intellectual prowess, “Toussaint” countered the arguments in favor of establishing an intellectual society. His exaggerated rusticity traced unambiguously the charmed circle of a White public of allegedly rational citizens and their elegant White wives, which was simultaneously conjured and addressed by the periodicals of Saint-Domingue. In the context of hardening racial barriers in the colony, “Toussaint” held the line between a White public that could participate in informed debate and refined amusements and the Black masses who (his burlesque suggested) innately lacked the capacity to do the same.
This chapter explores the emergence of a distinct right to artistic freedom in international human rights law. It starts with an exploration of the input of constitutional traditions, as well as State practice and arguments brought by delegates during the drafting process of article 27 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights with respect to freedom of creativity. It further provides an exhaustive examination of the legal instruments protecting freedom of enjoyment of the arts as an individual right, as well as its collective dimension. In particular, the chapter adopts a twofold approach to artistic freedom, viewed both as a component of freedom of expression (the ‘free speech’ approach) under article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and as a cultural right under article 15 of the International Covenant of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. Finally, the chapter thoroughly explores the scope and institutional protection of artistic freedom in the practice of international and regional human rights bodies (including but not limited to the European Court of Human RIgths), as well as the UN Specialized Agency for Science Education and Culture (UNESCO).
This chapter describes how people engage in new roles and activities to help achieve life balance and maintain acceptable levels of wellbeing. This is explained through the principle of diminishing satisfaction. The chapter covers many strategies that people use in various life domains: health, love, family, material, social, work, leisure, and culture.
This chapter focused on the notion that life balance can be achieved, at least partly, through engagement in social roles in work and nonwork domains. This is explained through the principle of satisfaction limits. Three strategies were described: (1) avoid putting all your egs in one basket, (2) contemplate the ideal life, and (3) assess how much time you spend in what role and reallocate time.
This chapter focuses on how people achieve life balance by actively engaging in social roles in multiple life domains such as health, love, family, material, social, work, leisure, and culture. The wellbeing effect is explained through the principle of satisfaction of the full spectrum of human developmental needs.
Women linked through literary style or affiliation to Latin America's historical avant-gardes often engaged with certain stereotypes through critical mimicry, particularly in staging their own entrees to cultural life. The stylistic and genre hybridity of literature by women connected to the avant-gardes manifests the nimbleness required to find discursive strategies suited to their expressive needs and self-figuration as intellectuals. But hybridity also defined Latin America's avant-gardes overall, as did the self-conscious attention not only to art itself but also to the formation of the would-be artist. Later scholarship recuperates the complicated relationship of women writers to the avant-gardes, and it was precisely the public facet of vanguard activity that challenged women seeking to locate themselves as writers. The women of Latin America's historical avant-gardes, mediating their artistic identities and practices as individual figures among groups of men, sometimes stand out for their apparent radical solitude within that literary culture.
Few concepts in urban history have been so influential in recent years as that of the urban renaissance. The urban renaissance thesis is not wrong: the physical appearance and cultural life of towns were enhanced during the eighteenth century, and the concept of improvement continues to inform the understanding of the eighteenth-century town, and indeed of the eighteenth century more widely. The history of the eighteenth-century market-place clearly demonstrates the emergence of a divergence between plebeians and elites concerning the legitimate uses of public spaces. Urban improvement certainly involved the harmonious enhancement of civic life, but it also triggered conflicts over the proper uses and rightful owners of public spaces. Clearly, it is only by considering the actions of the mob that a proper appreciation of the nature and extent of the urban renaissance will ever be gained.
Nizhnii Novgorod was the capital of a province quite diverse in its ecology and economy. Economic and religious rhythms overlapped to a large extent, as must be the case where the church calendar is the most reliable tool for calculating the passage of time. The two major trade congresses in Nizhnii Novgorod, one for the wood products which were one of the province's staples, and the other a big horse fair, were timed to coincide with Epiphany, respectively. The administration and institutions of every provincial capital were very nearly identical. The Great Reforms wrought deep and immediate changes in provincial administration, creating a new institution, the zemstvo, conceived by the monarchy essentially as an organ for the more efficient collection and disbursement of taxes. A thriving commercial life, the civic prominence of the merchant estate, the distinct cultural flavour of the Old Belief were but some of the particular characteristics of 'Russia's pocket', as popular wisdom dubbed Nizhnii.
The period of two generations following the civil wars of AD 68-9 was in many respects the zenith in the history of Roman Spain. The system of provincial government which secured the administrative framework for political, economic, social and cultural development was, on the whole, the same as that established under Augustus. The urban evolution of Roman Spain reached its zenith under the Flavian dynasty and in the early second century. More important than the number of cities which can be counted, hypothetical and incomplete as it is, are the general characteristics of the Flavian urbanization. Economic development, urbanization and social differentiation show that the Roman social order extended throughout the Iberian Peninsula. To be sure, the Antonine period saw important changes in the economic, social, political and cultural life of Roman Spain; but these had already begun under Hadrian and Antoninus Pius and were clearly internal in origin.
In the midst of states held together by direct military power alone, the Ismā‘īlīs, or "Assassins of Alamϋt", formed a challenging exception. In the cultural life of the time, moreover, the Ismā‘īlī state played a perceptible role, even to the point of acting as host to prominent non-Ismā‘īlī intellectuals. Shi‘is had never been satisfied with the compromises of official Muslim life, which Sunnis had accepted as more or less inevitable up to a point. The Ismā‘īlīs of the Iranian highlands and the Fertile Crescent were not destined to overthrow the Saljuqs but rather to found a society apart, which was set over against Muslim society as a whole. The rigor and self-sufficiency of the doctrine were appropriate to the new sternness required of a movement in active and universal revolt. The justification of the schism, however, was quite legitimately doctrinal.
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