Medical historians have recently become interested in the veterinary past, investigating the development of animal health in countries such as France, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom and the United States. An appreciation of the German context, however, is still lacking – a gap in the knowledge that the present article seeks to fill. Providing a critical interpretation of the evolution of the veterinary profession, this investigation explains why veterinary and medical spheres intersected, drifted apart, then came back together; it also accounts for the stark differences in the position of veterinarians in Germany and Britain. Emphasis is placed on how diverse traditions, interests and conceptualisations of animal health shaped the German veterinary profession, conditioned its field of operation, influenced its choice of animals and diseases, and dictated the speed of reform. Due to a state-oriented model of professionalisation, veterinarians became more enthusiastic about public service than private practice, perceiving themselves to be alongside doctors and scientists in status, rather than next to animal healers or manual labourers. Building on their expertise in epizootics, veterinarians became involved in zoonoses, following outbreaks of trichinosis. They achieved a dominant position in meat hygiene by refashioning abattoirs into sites for the construction of veterinary knowledge. Later, bovine tuberculosis helped veterinarians cement this position, successfully showcasing their expertise and contribution to society by saving as much meat as possible from diseased livestock. Ultimately, this article shows how veterinarians were heavily ‘entangled’ with the fields of medicine, food, agriculture and the military.

Salmonella infections in Antarctic wildlife were first reported in 1970 and in a search for evidence linking isolations with exposure to human activities, a comparison was made of serovars reported from marine fauna in the Antarctic region from 1982–2004 with those from marine mammals in the Northern hemisphere. This revealed that 10 (83%) Salmonella enterica serovars isolated from Antarctic penguins and seals were classifiable in high-frequency (HF) quotients for serovars prevalent in humans and domesticated animals. In Australia, 16 (90%) HF serovars were isolated from marine birds and mammals compared with 12 (86%) HF serovars reported from marine mammals in the Northern hemisphere. In Western Australia, HF serovars from marine species were also recorded in humans, livestock, mussels, effluents and island populations of wildlife in urban coastal areas. Low-frequency S. enterica serovars were rarely detected in humans and not detected in seagulls or marine species. The isolation of S. Enteritidis phage type 4 (PT4), PT8 and PT23 strains from Adélie penguins and a diversity of HF serovars reported from marine fauna in the Antarctic region and coastal areas of Australia, signal the possibility of transient serovars and endemic Salmonella strains recycling back to humans from southern latitudes in marine foodstuffs and feed ingredients.

Data are presented on 2 full epizootic cycles and the start of a third of Ligula intestinalis in roach Rutilus rutilus in a small lake, and the relationships of these cycles to the densities of rudd, Scardinius erythrophthalmus, and Great Crested Grebes, Podiceps cristatus, over 31 years. The parasite was introduced to the lake by P. cristatus in 1973 at a time when the roach population had increased in response to eutrophication to a level at which individual fish growth was stunted and the hithero dominant rudd population had declined in numbers as a consequence of inter-specific competition with roach. Ligula prevalence peaked at 28% in only 2 years: thereafter parasite-induced host mortality caused a decline in the roach population, releasing fish from stunting and allowing the rudd population to recover. The consequent improved growth of roach individuals and their short life-span reduced Ligula transmission rates and prevalence levels declined to approximately 1% although Ligula nevertheless persisted for a further 10 years. Following a massive winter-kill of the fish populations in 1984–1985, fish and Ligula numbers declined to barely detectable levels and the parasite disappeared from samples. Rudd recovered first, then roach and interspecific competition again led to a decline in rudd numbers. This increase in roach numbers led to a decrease in roach growth rates, which coincided with the re-colonization of the lake by Ligula. This second epizootic of Ligula peaked within 2 years in 1991–1992, when up to 78% of roach were infected with a maximum abundance of 2.2 parasites and intensity of 21 parasites. Heavy parasite-induced mortality of roach led to a decline in numbers, an improvement in individual growth rate and a reduction of Ligula transmission rates such that the epizootic died out in 1996. Similar conditions of roach numbers and growth prevailed at the start of a third cycle in 1998. The course of events over the second cycle was so similar to that of the first that it confirms the interpretations of that cycle. Comparison with other localities shows that epizootics of Ligula always coincide with rapid increases in roach numbers, for whatever cause, and stunted growth, which together attract piscivorous birds. At the start of a cycle Ligula is a major determinant of the population dynamics of the roach, but at the end of the cycle the fish population dynamics determine those of the parasite. The cycles are not regulated and the roach–Ligula system is inherently unstable.