This chapter discusses generalized conversational implicatures, especially quantitative or scalar implicatures, clausal implicatures and informative implicatures. First, the notion of quantitative scale is introduced as well as its relation to the logical square and its role in the computation of scalar implicatures. Then the reduction of Grice’s nine maxims to two general principles, as proposed by neo-Gricean models of pragmatics, is illustrated and critically discussed. Finally, the chapter presents an alternative to the neo-Gricean approach to scalar implicatures, involving a covert exhaustification operator (only) that operates at the syntax-semantics interface.

This chapter focuses on the notion of particularized conversation implicatures. It starts by illustrating these implicatures with the case of metaphors, and shows the different ways in which Grice and relevance theory accounted for them. It goes on to argue that neither framework is equipped to explain why speakers use implicatures to communicate. The chapter presents a possible explanation for the existence of implicatures in terms of plausible deniability. Finally, the chapter introduces the notion of epistemic vigilance, a mechanism that hearers develop to avoid being deceived or manipulated.