It is argued that a grammaticization perspective affords
insights on the problem of functional equivalence in variables
“above and beyond phonology.” This is a study of
variation between aspectual expressions involving Spanish
estar ‘be located’ and andar
‘go around’ + gerund. An analysis of Mexican oral
corpora shows both linguistic and social conditioning: Each
auxiliary is favored by certain classes of main verbs, and
andar is favored in popular varieties. Semantic bleaching
along parallel paths results in layering in the domain of
progressive aspect, while retention results in synchronic
distribution patterns congruent with the original meaning of
the source constructions. Thus, once meaningful aspectual
differences become distributional routines. At the same time,
the patterning of verbs denoting outdoor activities with
andar leads to social differences and the association
of this variant with rural and popular varieties.