Brazil accompanied global mid-century changes with its own great transformation in 1850: three landmark laws on the slave trade, land, and commerce that in theory aligned state-building with market forces. Yet, if premised on colonization as a substitute for slavery, the country’s transformation was in fact a circuitous one, as abolitionists’, planters’ and the government’s own efforts pointed in different directions. As the illegal slave trade endured after 1850, Brazilian abolitionists organized a new association to promote model colonies built from the ground up, but their efforts paled in comparison to the private colonization undertaken by wealthy Paraíba Valley planters. Historians assume that this coffee-growing elite held sway over the Brazilian state, but their colonization approaches suggest otherwise. The imperial government was more interested in promoting myriad new colonization endeavors across the Empire, including in the northeastern provinces, and using colonization for its own geopolitical needs. Conflicting uses of colonization laid bare not only the failure of government-directed initiatives to appease divergent regional interests, but also the ways in which colonization complicated rather than facilitated a purported transition toward free labor and an alignment of state and market interests.

This chapter discusses how slave traffickers adapted to the new circumstances created by Brazil’s 1831 ban on the transatlantic slave trade. While the ban by no means prevented further slave trafficking, it did force significant changes. In Pernambuco, the fourth most important destination for enslaved Africans in the Americas, traders could still reap abundant profits if they were willing to use small ships, pack them with the compact bodies of children and adolescents, and forge active partnerships with the complicit plantation owners who controlled the coast, roads, and towns surrounding Brazil’s natural harbors. In encouraging these new and brutal economic logics, the 1831 ban deeply impacted both the social demographics of Pernambucan slavery and the political and economic networks that structured the province.

This chapter probes the mobilization of liberated Africans, convicts, slaves, and vagrants to build the Casa de Correção between 1834 and 1850. Drawing from research on how modernizing political elites developed administrative, technical, and identification technologies to render peripatetic peoples legible for the purpose of taxation and labor control, the chapter investigates how the construction of the Casa de Correção evolved into a project of legibility to regulate the effects of the campaign against human trafficking. Through its punitive and labor discipline roles, the penitentiary evolved into an important site of racialization of the poor along cleavages that assigned differentiated treatment by legal status – slave or free – and ethnic origins – European immigrants, Brazilians, or Africans. The penitentiary reinforced existing divisions in Brazilian society between slaves and free, foreigners and nationals, while blurring the lines of distinctions among these categories through the regime of labor and confinement.

This chapter uses documents and methods from both traditional political history and social history to argues that the origins of the Paraguayan War (1864–1870) can be identified in tensions surrounding the abolition of slavery in Uruguay in the 1840s and the definitive ban of the Atlantic slave trade to Brazil in 1850. These tensions were at play in the disputes over the consolidation of local nation-states and are central to an understanding of the historical process that fed into the Paraguayan War. By the early 1860s they would reach a point of no return. This argument places slavery and Black agency at the center of Brazil’s nineteenth-century international relations, breaking a silence carefully constructed by statesmen and diplomats of the Brazilian Empire.

This chapter discusses how slave traffickers adapted to the new circumstances created by Brazil’s 1831 ban on the transatlantic slave trade. While the ban by no means prevented further slave trafficking, it did force significant changes. In Pernambuco, the fourth most important destination for enslaved Africans in the Americas, traders could still reap abundant profits if they were willing to use small ships, pack them with the compact bodies of children and adolescents, and forge active partnerships with the complicit plantation owners who controlled the coast, roads, and towns surrounding Brazil’s natural harbors. In encouraging these new and brutal economic logics, the 1831 ban deeply impacted both the social demographics of Pernambucan slavery and the political and economic networks that structured the province.

This chapter uses documents and methods from both traditional political history and social history to argues that the origins of the Paraguayan War (1864–1870) can be identified in tensions surrounding the abolition of slavery in Uruguay in the 1840s and the definitive ban of the Atlantic slave trade to Brazil in 1850. These tensions were at play in the disputes over the consolidation of local nation-states and are central to an understanding of the historical process that fed into the Paraguayan War. By the early 1860s they would reach a point of no return. This argument places slavery and Black agency at the center of Brazil’s nineteenth-century international relations, breaking a silence carefully constructed by statesmen and diplomats of the Brazilian Empire.