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This chapter discusses A’-chain binding effects, in particular pronominalization, resumption and long-distance anaphora. If the EMH/FPG is correct, these dependencies must be mediated by I-merge. A-chains are not expansive enough to cover such cases, so the chapter proposes that these dependencies live on A’-chains, or, more accurately, improper chains involving at least one A’-link. The virtues of the proposal are discussed. So too is the necessity of some such approach if we adopt a movement theory of reflexivization.
Satiation refers to an increase, over time, in the willingness of a native-speaker consultant to agree that a given syntactic structure is grammatically well-formed. Studies show that satiation can be induced under laboratory conditions, within a single testing session; that the effect is restricted to a small number of sentence types (chiefly those involving wh-extraction from wh-islands, subjects, and certain complex NPs); that experimentally induced satiation can persist for at least four weeks; and that satiation sometimes ”carries over” to syntactically related sentence types. Tables are provided showing the methods and findings of satiation studies on seven different types of syntactic violation. Larger issues include (i) whether the satiable sentence types form a natural class within generative syntax; (ii) whether satiation is a unitary phenomenon, or merely a family of similar phenomena; and (iii) how, in principle, satiation can serve as a tool for language research.
Island effects are one of the most studied phenomena in experimental syntax. There are at least two reasons for this. First, they are a terrific case study for a number of foundational questions in linguistics, covering topics such as the complexity of the grammar, the variation of languages, the dynamics of sentences processing, and the acquisition of abstract constraints. Second, they are a valuable case study for illustrating the benefits of formal experiments, such as defining an effect, isolating the source of an effect, and increasing the precision of the empirical bases of linguistic theories. In this chapter, we illustrate these benefits of formal experiments for island effects by reviewing the major empirical contributions that formal experiments have made to theories of island effects over the past two decades. Along the way, we also provide a relatively comprehensive list of articles that have used formal experiments to explore island effects.
Syntactic theory of Chomskyan orientation has recognized that syntactic dependencies can span only a limited portion of structure, and that apparent long-distance dependencies typically consist of a succession of local dependencies. This property of syntactic dependencies is called locality. This chapter focuses on the locality of filler-gap dependencies, quintessentially represented by the wh movement, and sketch a historical perspective on its development. The theory of barriers marks the first significant development in generativist theorizing about locality in syntax since the introduction of the Subjacency Condition. The binding-based filler-gap dependencies across islands never exhibit island effects. Relativized Minimality provides an immediate syntactic account of a variety of well-known locality effects. There are a number of empirical observations that can be taken to provide evidence for the size and location of locality domains. Syntactic operations, most prominently movement, must not be too local. This has come to be known as anti-locality.
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