We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
When courts exercise judicial review, should they invalidate laws that are not motivated by public reason? For proponents of public reason, a standard response might be that laws not motivated by public reason are impermissible under the liberal principle of legitimacy. But this response must confront the permissibility objection, which holds that a law’s motivation is irrelevant to its moral permissibility. Against this objection, this chapter defends a motivational requirement for purposes of judicial review. In some cases, an agent’s motivation can be relevant to the permissibility of the agent’s actions. This chapter also argues that laws with mixed motives, both nonpublic and public, may be permissible, but courts have reason to give such laws careful scrutiny in determining whether they are publicly justified.
Frank I. Michelman takes up a proposition from John Rawls that a stricter constraint of constitutional fidelity applies to supreme court judges in a constitutional democracy than to citizens acting politically as litigants, voters, organizers, and otherwise as agitators for political causes to determine whether this proposition fits with Rawls’s other political ideas. It is, however, not immediately clear how this proposition can fit with Rawls’s proposed “liberal principle of legitimacy,” according to which a country’s constitution is to figure as a public procedural pact, by appeal to which citizens justify to each other their exertions of the coercive political powers that they hold as citizens in a democracy. Answering requires careful specification of the respects in which the fidelity constraint is to be looser for citizens than for judges, close analysis of the Rawlsian constitution-centered “principle of legitimacy,” and consideration of Rawls’s later writings that modify in some crucial respects the principle of legitimacy.
Recommend this
Email your librarian or administrator to recommend adding this to your organisation's collection.