Taking the Canadian Ombudsperson for Responsible Enterprise (CORE) as its focus, this paper critically examines the Canadian government’s efforts to regulate the extractive industry. Using insight from ideology theory and critical discourse analysis, and drawing empirically from Canadian Parliamentary debates, official government and NGO reports, and various news items regarding the development of the CORE, we document how dominant voices prioritized the economy, downplayed the systemic violence of the industry, and redirected blame to “underdeveloped” countries, on route to a regulatory framework that is voluntary and which fails to address the underlying causes of corporate harm and violence. While the CORE represents a “logical” state response to corporate crime, we nevertheless emphasize the importance of ongoing debates about its role in combating corporate impunity. This not only reinforces the idea that (capitalist) dominance is never absolute but signals the ever-present nature of resistance and possibility for change.

Youth without housing experience more regulation and conflict with criminal justice than their housed counterparts. Using in-depth qualitative interviews with fifty-one young people, we focus on how efforts to move away from homelessness towards long-term housing stability are impacted by conflict with law, a term referring to a broad range of experiences with various authorities in the legal system, social services, shelters, etc. Our paper comes out of a yearlong longitudinal study of the factors and processes affecting the transition away from youth homelessness in Toronto and Halifax. We consider practical barriers generated by conflict with law, but also the role that it can play in shaping the identity processes at the heart of successful transitions. Our findings highlight how conflict with law and regulation—even occurring before and during homelessness—has serious repercussions for young people well after they have left the streets.

This article interrogates the laws that govern safety crimes, harmful but typically unintentional acts of negligence that occur in the production of goods and services. Acts that injure employees at work are commonly depicted in legal discourses as accidents and penalized through administrative laws, although other negligent acts such as driving offences causing injury or death are treated as potentially criminal events. Through a discourse analysis of legal and regulatory texts and documents, the authors argue that the constitution of workplace safety crime is rooted in complex historical factors that shape state responses to corporate wrongdoing. This article documents the roots of this “common sense” view of workplace crime, empirically focusing on Canadian corporate negligence law, and concludes with tentative strategies of resistance and change.

As copyright is asked to perform a greater role in governing creative activity, its focus on economic values above all others raises concerns. Interviews conducted by the author with Canadian independent music labels suggest that the law and the norms governing labels’ operations are more diverse and include direct subsidies, or grants, from government and the private sector. These grants perform many of the functions expected from copyright. This study concludes that copyright law is often exotic, peripheral, and even irrelevant to those involved in the spheres of remunerative Canadian sound production considered here. This finding suggests a renewed focus on a Canadian narrative of copyright law that puts it in its place alongside other instruments regulating independent music production.

Lychee on the European markets. With approximately 2.8 Mt of annual global production, lychee constitutes a minor fruit in terms of production. The world production is mainly located in the northern hemisphere (95%). However, most of the quantity exported to the EU comes from the southern hemisphere. In this context, with its 100,000 t of annual production, Madagascar is ranked fourth in the producing world and first in the southern hemisphere producing countries. This rank is due to the fact that supplies in the EU are seasonal and mainly concentrated during the end of the year holiday season. This market can only be supplied in quantity by the Malagasy lychee because of its earlier date of harvest in the Indian Ocean. The lychee industry in Madagascar. Lychee cultivation in Madagascar dates from the early twentieth century. It is primarily grown in wet tropical lowlands of the island with some production in areas with a subtropical climate with dry and cool winters. The stand is not structured into orchards. Therefore, the volumes currently exported are based on a stand established by a multitude of small producers. The characteristics of Malagasy lychee export and the consequences of the production context on export are analyzed. Changes in European legislation on lychee importation. The regulatory changes since 1987 and the commercial developments since 1994 are reviewed by analyzing the resulting effects on the Malagasy lychee exports. Learning experience from fifteen years of Malagasy lychee export campaigns. Data on Malagasy lychee export campaigns from 1996 to 2012 and the history of the changes in volumes exported allow a close analysis of the factors affecting the Malagasy lychee industry. Success factors of the Malagasy lychee exports. These factors are related to securing market position and to the components of a marketing campaign (supply date to the European market, exported volumes and competition from produce from other countries). Conclusions. Lychees from Madagascar, although marketed for a very brief period, currently occupy the first rank on the European markets and have managed, through the development of transport logistics using very large-capacity cargoes, to eliminate all competition. However, this sector is mainly structured downstream and its production, which comprises a network of 30,000 small producers, has been neglected. This lack of intervention (boosting of production, improving crop management, etc.) upstream of the chain does not support sustaining the industry in the medium term.