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Chapter 6 focuses on Panama and “Pan-Americanism.” US-based ideas of Pan-American unity rivaled a more Latin American ideal founded by Simón Bolívar in the 1820s. Yet, both were premised on the concept of nation-states cooperating to achieve particular ends. Anarchists envisioned a hemispheric-wide anarchist Pan-Americanism that functioned below the nation-state level and which they witnessed daily in Panama as multinational radicals from around the Americas traveled to work on the canal. But here the twin demons of Pan-American state repression (the Panamanian and Canal Zone governments) thwarted a leftist-inspired rent strike and anarchist efforts to launch the first hemisphere-wide anarchist congress.
This brief biography of Blazquez de Pedro illustrates not only his central ideas but more importantly how he was representative of Caribbean transnational anarchism. As a Spanish soldier in the 1890s, he fought against anarchist-supported independence for Cuba. After the war, he discovered anarchism and became an important literary and educational figure in the movement. In 1914, he moved to Panama and helped the isthmus maintain regional linkages with Havana. He combined literary with labor anarchism in the 1910s and 1920s, becoming the most recognizable face of anarchism in Central America. His deportation to and death in Cuba was not the end of his transnational wanderings as comrades returned his remains to Panama in 1929.
The conclusion elaborates on the implications of the use of experiential tools in violent or confrontational tactics, with special attention to the militant protest and rent strikes organized in Los Angeles by Union de Vecinos and the Los Angeles Tenants Union. It then examines lessons derived from the case studies that can be useful in limiting displacement, summarizing and expanding on various resistance strategies toward prevention, mitigation, and provision of alternatives to residential displacement in the face of gentrification and urban redevelopment. It reviews various approaches emerging from the case studies in the book regarding rent stabilization and compensation. It focuses on a comparison between community benefit agreements and Toronto's Section 37 funding, a legislated development impact fee. It also illustrates examples of community planning and construction, for example with land trusts.It concludes by arguing that experiential tools – despite their effectiveness in protest – can ultimately have the paradoxical effect of promoting rises in property prices, and the associated displacement.
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