En las canteras-taller los individuos y grupos llevan a cabo diversas actividades vinculadas al aprovisionamiento de recursos líticos. El objetivo de este trabajo es identificar cómo las acciones tecnológicas y prácticas sociales configuraron un paisaje de canteras-taller en Antofagasta de la Sierra (provincia de Catamarca, Argentina). En este sentido, interesa conocer cómo las personas interactuaron con su entorno físico y la variabilidad de actividades que se realizaron en el interior de un paisaje de aprovisionamiento. Para ello se hicieron prospecciones sistemáticas, muestreos, excavaciones y un análisis tecno-tipológico de conjuntos líticos. A partir de este estudio se identificaron loci de actividades con un registro lítico con atributos tecno-tipológicos distintos. Entre los contextos arqueológicos documentados se encuentran campamentos de actividades múltiples, o AET, talleres de reducción de grandes nódulos, o ADT, parapetos (estructuras de muro simple con forma de U), acumulaciones de rocas y reparos rocosos. Cada una de estas áreas de actividades se emplaza en el interior de una zona de canteras-taller y conforma un paisaje social que fue utilizado persistentemente. Precisamente, a partir de esta investigación se logró comprender cómo las personas configuraron un paisaje de tareas a través de sus prácticas sociales y sus modos de habitar un lugar.

Older adults' participation in gambling is increasing internationally. Due to their lifestage, older adults may be vulnerable to gambling-related harm. When investigating older adults' gambling, researchers have mostly focused on the individual characteristics of ‘problem gamblers’. Less is known about the socio-cultural, environmental and commercial factors that may influence older adults' gambling behaviours. Utilising Social Practice Theory, this critical qualitative inquiry of N = 40 Australian older adults (aged 55 and over) explored how social practices influenced gambling participation. Using a Constructivist Grounded Theory approach, data were interpreted using a reflexive thematic analysis. Theme 1 identified how gambling practices fulfilled older adults' social needs. Gambling was embedded in social activities and created a sense of belonging. Theme 2 highlighted how gambling became an everyday part of some participants' lives, with a range of routines constructed around gambling. While social factors influenced routinised gambling behaviours, the accessibility of gambling products in everyday settings contributed to engagement with gambling. This study demonstrates that a range of social, environmental and commercial factors may influence and routinise the gambling practices of older adults. Interventions aimed at preventing and reducing routine gambling participation among older adults should acknowledge the interplay between agency and social structure. Public health responses should aim to disrupt routine behaviours associated with gambling for older adults.

I argue that legitimacy discourses serve a gatekeeping function. They give practitioners telic standards for riding herd on social practices, ensuring that minimally acceptable versions of the practice are implemented. Such a function is a necessary part of implementing formalized social practices, especially including law. This gatekeeping account shows that political philosophers have misunderstood legitimacy. It is not secondary to justice and only necessary because we cannot agree about justice; instead, it is a necessary feature of actual human social practices, which must be implemented via practitioners’ discretion in changing contexts.

It is a platitude that belief is subject to a standard of correctness: a belief is correct if and only if it is true. But not all standards of correctness are authoritative or binding. Some standards of correctness may be arbitrary, unjustified or outrightly wrong. Given this, one challenge to proponents of the truth norm of belief, is to answer what Korsgaard (1996) calls ‘the normative question’. Is the truth norm of belief authoritative or binding regarding what one ought to or may believe? If so, what grounds its authority? The aim of this paper is to offer a novel answer to the grounding challenge on a reason-based normative framework. I develop and defend a practice-based account of the truth norm, according to which, the authority of the truth norm of belief is grounded in what I call the T-practice, a justified social practice that functions to facilitate knowledge production, maintenance, and social cooperation.

Communities most vulnerable to the effects of climate change, such as reduced access to material resources and increased exposure to adverse weather conditions, are intimately tied to a considerable amount of cultural and biological diversity on our planet. Much of that diversity is bound up in the social practices of Indigenous groups, which is why these practices have great long-term value. Yet, little attention has been given to them by philosophers. Also neglected have been the historical conditions and contemporary realities that constrain these practices and devalue the knowledge of their practitioners. In this essay, we make the case for preserving a diverse range of social practices worldwide, and we argue that this is possible only by strengthening the communities of practitioners who enact them in the contexts in which they are adaptive. By concentrating on Indigenous communities, we show how focusing on practices can transform how Indigenous and other local communities are represented in global climate-change conversations and policy as a matter of justice. More specifically, we argue that practice-centered thinking and local practices provide critical insights for determining the extent to which climate policies protect and enable transformative change.

This paper examines social, cultural and religious factors that affect the implementation of international humanitarian law concerning dead and missing persons in non-international armed conflicts. To this end, the behaviour of both armed groups and civil society is studied. The argument made in the paper is that in some cases endogenous and exogenous systems of value (social, religious and cultural understandings), operating within the logic of armed non-State actors and within local communities, should be considered by policies concerning the search for missing persons. The Colombian armed conflict is used as case study; the social, cultural and religious practices of the National Liberation Army and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – People's Army are analyzed as examples. Likewise, social and cultural values within affected populations can impact on post-conflict mechanisms agreed upon by the parties concerning the search for missing persons, and vice versa. Consequently, customs and traditions such as the “adoption” of unidentified buried people by local communities (social resignification of the dead) and the practices of indigenous communities are reviewed in order to establish a holistic framework.

The older population is particularly susceptible to malnutrition, which currently affects 1.3 million people aged 65+ in the United Kingdom. Malnutrition is an outcome of food insecurity and despite demographic changes that have led to a rise in numbers of older people, we know very little about how older people become vulnerable to food insecurity. The aim of this study was therefore to explore older people's everyday food practices in order to expose the strengths and challenges within local and national food systems, and better understand how food insecurity might arise in later life. This empirical study operationalised practice theory using a multi-method ethnographic approach with 25 households aged 60–94 years, comprising interviews, observation, visual methods and food logs. A model of vulnerability developed by Schröder-Butterfill and Marianti framed data collection and analysis. Analysis revealed the assets and adaptations older households used to protect themselves from threats to food security. Factors ranging from changes to physical and mental health, and structural factors such as supermarket design, moved households towards food insecurity. Smaller everyday ‘trivia’, e.g. lack of seating and accessible toilets in supermarkets, accumulated to shift people towards vulnerability. Vulnerability is structured by the habitus but is a fluid, relational, temporal and socially constructed state, and people moved towards and away from vulnerability. We have developed a model that accommodates this fluidity, incorporates the concept of ‘cumulative trivia’ and suggests how the ‘aggregation of marginal gains’ could counter-balance and address trivial threats. This model demonstrates to policy makers and those working in public health how vulnerability to food insecurity operates and where interventions could be applied to support households to achieve food security and avoid becoming malnourished.

I explore some interpretations of the practice of international market reliance that forms the focus of Aaron James’ book, and I wonder how our actual practices help to settle what we should go on to do now.

This discussion responds to important questions raised about my theory of fairness in the global economy by Christian Barry, Charles Beitz, A.J. Julius and Kristi Olson. I further elaborate how moral argument can be ‘internal’ to a social practice, how my proposed principles of fairness depend on international practice, how I can admit several relevant conceptions of ‘harm’ and why my account does not depend on a problematic conception of societal ‘endowments’.