Cet article présente une analyse multifactorielle du comportement des consonnes liquides post-obstruantes en position finale de mot en français. Plus précisément, nous nous intéressons au phénomène par lequel un <l> ou <r> final dans la transcription orthographique d’un mot n’est pas prononcé dans la parole continue, p. ex. comme dans les items « découvre » et « terrible », respectivement prononcés [dekuv] et [teʁʁb] au lieu de [dekuvʁʁ] et [teʁʁibl]. Au total, plus de 2500 items comportant un cluster obstruante+liquide en fin de mot ont été extraits d’un corpus de parole d’une durée de 13 heures, qui a été étiqueté à différents niveaux. Ce corpus comprend les productions de 120 locuteurs originaires de 3 pays francophones (Belgique, France et Suisse), enregistrés dans deux tâches différentes (lecture et conversation). Pour déterminer ce qui affecte la (non-)prononciation de <l> ou <r> dans ces contextes, une douzaine de prédicteurs de différentes natures sont testés dans un même modèle statistique. Les caractéristiques phonétiques telles que le lieu et le mode d’articulation, le contexte droit, le statut prosodique et le taux d’articulation; mais aussi les prédicteurs liés aux locuteurs (pays d’origine, sexe, âge, classe sociale) et au style de parole sont pris en compte. Des modèles mixtes linéaires généralisés révèlent que seulement la moitié d’entre eux ressortent comme jouant un rôle significatif sur la variable à l’étude. Les résultats sont discutés à la lumière dʼétudes antérieures portant sur les aspects sociolinguistiques des variantes de prononciation en français.

It is commonly noted that standard French is losing the contrast between its two low vowels /a/ and /ɑ/, due to the fronting of the back vowel. The difference in length, which accompanied the qualitative difference of this pair, is affected as well. In mainland France, this tendency can be found to various degrees across the country, and is spreading throughout the speech community. This article further develops the picture of the current status of the low vowel contrast by investigating Belgian and Swiss French, where length is known to play overall a far more prominent role in the vowel inventories than it does in standard French. Are Belgian and Swiss French also affected by the merger of the two low vowels? To what extent can a difference in length and/or timbre still be found? And how do the patterns of contrast neutralisation/preservation relate to the developments in France?

This study provides the first wide-scale, apparent time, instrumental description of the Canadian Shift in mainstream Toronto English. In contrast with some previous findings, the Toronto data suggest that for the last 70 years or more the shift has not affected the high front lax vowel (i). We observe that the movement of the nonhigh front lax vowels (ε) and (æ) involves both lowering and retraction in Toronto English, although retraction is the primary direction of more recent change and the shift appears to be slowing down. Our findings also suggest that continued retraction of the vowel resulting from the low back merger is involved in the final stage of the shift. We do not find evidence of a chain shift but instead propose that a parallel shift is occurring and make reference to Vowel Dispersion Theory in our discussion.

This article reports on a study of ethnic variation in the phonetics of Montreal English. The speech of 93 native speakers of Montreal English from three ethnic groups, British-Irish, Italian and Jewish, was recorded and subjected to acoustic analysis. Several statistically significant differences among the ethnic groups were identified. The present paper undertakes an apparent-time analysis of these differences, to see whether they are getting smaller over time, as might be expected under the assumption that post-immigrant generations gradually assimilate to the linguistic and cultural patterns of their adopted homelands. While Jewish Montrealers show some signs of convergence with the British-origin standard, Italians — especially young Italian men—appear to be diverging from that model. It is suggested that the unusual persistence and even intensification of ethno-phonetic variation in English-speaking Montreal reflects both the residential and social self-segregation of its ethnic communities and the local dominance of French.

Montrealers are often categorized into three distinct groups: Anglophones, Francophones, and Allophones. However, within these groups there are individuals whose trajectories are complex, as reflected, for example, in their linguistic practices. Our interest lies in the relationship between these complex practices and the ethnolin-guistic attributions of the speakers. We concentrate on two groups of Francophones: those from Spanish-speaking families who have been in Quebec for one or two generations and those from Francophone families who have frequent English-speaking contacts. After summarizing the results of a perception test, in which Francophones from Quebec were asked to identify the ethnolinguistic affiliation of speakers of various origins based on short clips of their French, we analyze the usage of sociopho-netic variables reflecting the influence of French, Spanish, or English. The analysis indicates that phonetic variation stems from speakers’ sociosymbolic orientation, as well as certain other sociodemographic factors linked to identity construction as it relates to ethnicity.