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This chapter examines the regulation of the hydrogen refuelling infrastructure in the European Union (EU). Since the EU is committed to reducing its carbon footprint and transitioning to sustainable energy sources, it sees hydrogen as an alternative to fossil fuels in the transport sector. This view reflects the tenor of the EU Green Deal, the Hydrogen Strategy, and the Sustainable and Smart Mobility Strategy. The success of these strategies depends on the successful resolution of several issues that would otherwise disrupt the just transition in the transport sector. The deployment of hydrogen refuelling stations requires a careful analysis of the various legal barriers that affect the value chain of the hydrogen industry.
All across Africa, local transporters ferry humanitarian shipments, beer, powdered milk, mobile phones, soft drinks, and other ‘global’ commodities all the way into the interior of the continent. On their return journey, they feed local products like tropical hardwood, minerals and peanuts back into global supply chains. Through these logistical connections, whatever conspires in the dense forests of Central Africa is linked to the rest of the world. Whether it is to export timber from the Central African Republic, deliver food aid in South Sudan, or access consumer goods markets in the Democratic Republic of Congo, for logistical entrepreneurs, Central Africa is a ‘supply chain frontier’ where vast profits are made. But these expanding supply chains are also the engine behind new patterns of predation on the continent. To explore this hidden side of the global economy, Chapter 6 asks, how does a multinational corporation navigate roadblock politics? Or, put differently, how come today’s panoply of Central African roadblocks doesn’t disrupt global supply chains? Chapter 6 makes the case that transnational circulation is not somehow detached from the terrain through which it transacts; global supply chains come to life by empowering and sustaining a host of actors along their routes.
This chapter surveys the history of the Chinese economy from the end of the Manchu dynasty to the establishment of the People's Republic. While the quantitative indicators do not show large changes during the republican era, China in 1949 was nevertheless different from China in 1912. Modern industrial, commercial and transport sector for the most part remained confined to the treaty ports. The census-registration of 1953-54-54 reported a population of 583 million for mainland China. In describing the Chinese economy in the closing years of the Ch'ing dynasty, it is noted that at least 549 Chinese-owned private and semiofficial manufacturing and mining enterprises using mechanical power were inaugurated between 1895 and 1913. China's economy in the republican era was overwhelmingly agricultural. Neither the 'distributionist' nor the 'technological' analysis of China's failure to industrialize before 1949, is by itself satisfactory. Poorly developed transport continued to be a major shortcoming of the Chinese economy throughout the republican period.
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