Skip to main content Accessibility help
×
Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-lj6df Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-18T12:19:26.781Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

4 - Model 2: Religious Democratic State

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 October 2015

Get access

Summary

We have seen that Model 1 failed to become an alternative model of an ideal government in Indonesia. The model' vision of the state-religion relationship is not applicable to the Indonesian pluralist community. Mohammad Natsir' and Zainal Abidin Ahmad' view of equality and of minority political rights is not conducive to a democratic state, which requires complete equality for all citizens. Model 1 is likely to be suitable only for a Muslim majority with a homogeneous understanding of Islam, and with a minority which is ready to live with such an understanding. In reality, such a condition is obviously difficult, if not impossible, to find.

The next two models which I will discuss in this chapter and the next are immediate responses to the prevailing failed model. Both models agree on the importance of equality as the basic principle of political pluralism. However, both differ in their view of the relationship between religion and the state. While one suggests the crucial role of the state in determining people' religious life, the other proposes that the state be neutral. The two models, which I call the “Religious Democratic State” (RDS) and the “Liberal Democratic State” (LDS), emerged at the same time, yet they developed dynamically on different trajectories. While the former was dominant in the Soeharto era and was widely welcomed by most Muslims, the latter remains limited to intellectual discourse, particularly among the younger Muslim generation.

THE EMERGENCE OF THE MODEL

Generally speaking, Model 2 is an attempt by the younger generation of santri Muslims to justify the model of polity built by the New Order regime. The word “justify” is perhaps not entirely appropriate, since it has a negative connotation. However, it is not entirely inaccurate since many of the exponents of Model 2 were directly or indirectly supporting Soeharto in his project to build a new government. As we will soon see, many exponents of Model 2 joined him in building the country.

Type
Chapter
Information
Publisher: ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
Print publication year: 2009

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Save book to Kindle

To save this book to your Kindle, first ensure coreplatform@cambridge.org is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part of your Kindle email address below. Find out more about saving to your Kindle.

Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations. ‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi. ‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.

Find out more about the Kindle Personal Document Service.

Available formats
×

Save book to Dropbox

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Dropbox.

Available formats
×

Save book to Google Drive

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Google Drive.

Available formats
×