Teotihuacan, located in the northeastern Basin of Mexico, is best known for its Preclassic and Classic period occupations (ca. 150 B.C.–A.D. 700) but was also an important city-state during the Aztec and Early Colonial periods, circa A.D. 1200–1650. Much has been written about political relations among Aztec city-states in the basin. However, the internal political structures of most city-states remain largely unknown because colonial chroniclers focused mostly on Tenochtitlan-Mexico City and collected little information on the 40 to 50 smaller city-states in the basin. This article addresses the internal political organization of Aztec Teotihuacan and how it changed over time based on analyses of pottery data from the surface collections of the Teotihuacan Mapping Project. A seriation of sherd assemblages using correspondence analysis provides a chronological framework for diachronic analyses. Changes through time pertaining to interresidential status differences and the spatial distributions of elite residences suggest a gradual process of political decentralization. Additionally, pottery and obsidian data, in conjunction with settlement pattern changes, reveal a relocation of the city-state center in the late 1300s or early 1400s, possibly indicating an episode of political upheaval or reorganization.

Radiocarbon (14C) dating is one of the most important tools for archaeologists. Although radiocarbon dates provide a temporal foundation for analyzing the remains of past cultures, it is critical that these dates be periodically reviewed for consistency and accuracy to ensure chronological control. A review of publications pertaining to Caribbean archaeology since the 1960s demonstrates that researchers there have often failed to adequately report and critique radiocarbon dates, making it difficult to fully assess their value in chronology building. A chronometric hygiene analysis of over 600 dates reveals that when isolated, culturally ambiguous, poorly provenienced, and contaminated dates are rejected, only about 80 percent remain useful. In addition, the paucity of early Saladoid (ca. 500 B.C.–A.D. 1) and Archaic age (ca. 2500–500 B.C.) dates in the southern Lesser Antilles suggests that there was not a “stepping-stone” migration of prehistoric peoples northward from South America into the Lesser Antilles.

It has long been recognized that the Nasca culture (ca. A.D. 1–750) of the Peruvian south coast finds its roots in the Paracas society (ca. 800 B.C.–A.D. 1). Yet the social mechanisms responsible for the innovations that characterize the transition are poorly known. The southern Nasca region, which became the most dynamic region in terms of ceremonial life and intervalley integration, however, was never an important area of Paracas occupation. In this article I use literature on migration and frontier development to explain the genesis of Nasca society. Four phenomena that are common on historical frontiers seem to have been at play in the southern Nasca region: initial simplification of hierarchy, pioneer effect, “wealth-in-people,” and factionalism. Based on data from excavations at La Puntilla, a settlement that spanned the Late Paracas—Initial Nasca transition, I argue that the needs of interregional integration and cooperation following initial settlement of the frontier by Paracas populations and subsequent demographic growth prompted the genesis of Nasca society. The proposed long-term scenario also provides a context for later innovations in water management and agricultural intensification.

Excavaciones en las tierras altas del occidente de la Puna de Atacama han identificado una estructura templaria datada entre los 2630 ± 60 a 2490 ± 80 a.P. (no calibradas) en el centro de un montículo ocupacional estratificado, inserta en un asentamiento aldeano pastoralista. La arquitectura monumental registrada en el sitio Tulán-54, perteneciente a la fase Tilocalar (3030 ± 70 a 2380 ± 70 a.P.) es contemporánea con el período Formativo Temprano del altiplano central y meridional. Sin embargo, de acuerdo a su patrón arquitectónico e indicadores culturales no presenta analogía con el área centro sur andina. Un análisis cronoestratigráfico, contextual y tecnológico, permitió establecer una secuencia Arcaico-Formativa, incluyendo una fase transicional entre ambos períodos y caracterizar a la vez el desarrollo ocupacional del montículo. Estas evidencias permiten proponer que el proceso circumpuneño de emergencia de complejidad sociocultural tendría un carácter autónomo e independiente de las relaciones pan-andinas en términos de núcleo-periferia.

We propose that pottery-using villages did not appear in the upland Apizaco region of central Tlaxcala, Mexico, until after 1000 B.C., centuries after such developments in choice locations for maize agriculture. We excavated at two of the earliest known Formative sites in the region. That work revealed abundant intact refuse deposits, allowing us to evaluate an existing ceramic chronology with new radiocarbon dates as well as characterize Formative subsistence. Our results support a more general model of emerging sedentism in central Mexico involving population dispersions from prime agricultural areas to zones of higher elevation. The earliest pottery-using agriculturalists in Apizaco were probably migrants from adjacent regions.

The present study reports on the cultural marks encountered in three (possibly four) skeletons retrieved from primary deposits of the Maya Classic period at Palenque, Calakmul, and Becán, Mexico. We propose that the patterns of cut and stab lesions encountered in the trunks of these individuals stem from perimortem violence that accompanied heart removal from below the rib cage rather than from postmortem evisceration. We confirm the feasibility of this procedure by experimental replication in modern corpses. The interpretation of those procedures synthesizes information obtained from osteological, archaeological, and iconographic sources and leads to a broader discussion concerning the techniques, impact, and meanings of human heart sacrifice and associated body manipulations in Classic period Maya society. Methodologically, we conclude that direct skeletal evidence of heart sacrifice can be rare, imposing a cautionary caveat on the current discussion of mortuary remains in the Maya area.

La cuenca de la Laguna Merín fue habitada, durante cinco milenios, por pueblos constructores de montículos, responsables de la modificación antrópica más notable que experimentaron las llanuras de las latitudes medias sudamericanas. La composición, tamaño, densidad y distribución de los sitios hizo que las investigaciones se centraran en los procesos de "complejización". Similitudes con otros contextos motivaron la adopción de modelos explicativos generados para otras realidades culturales, causando la pérdida de visión de lo propio del registro regional. A través de la dimensión espacial y temporal se aborda el fenómeno cultural, discutiendo las interpretaciones funcionalistas. Más de 80 dataciones 14C sustentan que estas construcciones se elevaron en forma paulatina y continua. La distribución muestra que los sitios se concentran en los lugares de mayor productividad. Los ciclos de crecimiento de los montículos de India Muerta - Paso Barrancas evidencian vínculos con la historia ambiental. Por otra parte dentro de los conjuntos de montículos se advierten arreglos y distancias que se repiten entre sitios. Al interpretar el crecimiento de cada cerrito como asociado a un actor social, observamos como distancias y arreglos espaciales pasan a tener significado social; comportándose el registro, en desarrollo temporal, como un sistema de reproducción social.

We use a provincial perspective combined with compositional and stylistic data and historic accounts to propose three provincial strategies for imperial interactions—bolstering, resistance, and emulation—and note a fourth, exodus. A sample of three Late Postclassic period (A.D. 1350–1521) pottery types differs in chemical composition between two localities in south-central Veracruz, Mexico. Sherds from the Aztec provincial capital of Cuetlaxtlan along the lower Cotaxtla River are compared to those from the Lower Blanco River where Callejón del Horno is located. The composition of stamped-base bowls, Texcoco Molded censers, and Aztec III-style Black-on-orange bowls is distinct in samples from the two localities, with only scant evidence of exchange. A few vessels of Aztec III Black-on-orange were imported from the Basin of Mexico to Cuetlaxtlan. The stylistic characteristics on Aztec III-style Black-on-orange vessels do not distinguish the two Veracruz localities, but there are differences between them and illustrated vessels from the Basin of Mexico. The Cuetlaxtlan province was subject to unusual imperial investments, which may account partly for the emulation of imperial styles. Despite documentary evidence of rebellions, another factor was local decisions to use a prestigious exogenous style.

En este informe nos centramos en las evidencias arqueológicas del Holoceno Temprano y Medio, recuperadas en los sitios Y-021 y Y-045, como parte de un estudio de impacto ambiental en el valle medio del río Porce, Cordillera Central de Colombia. Hemos podido identificar cambios culturales, representados en las fases definidas a partir de las características de los restos materiales y su distribución estratigráfica en los dos sitios. En un primer momento, los grupos humanos que ocuparon el valle medio del río Porce vivieron principalmente de la caza y recolección de vegetales; pero desde muy temprano, alrededor del 7500 a.P. se observa una manipulación de algunas plantas. Esto desembocó en un sistema horticultor complementado principalmente con la caza, la recolección y, en menor medida, con la pesca. Hacia el 5000 a.P. irrumpe la cerámica como una novedad tecnológica acompañada de un incremento de la explotación del medio, y un aumento de los cultígenos en los diagramas de polen. Hacia el 3500 a.P. los sitios fueron abandonados.

Patterns of Late/Terminal Formative period (ca. 500 B.C.–A.D. 300) ceramic exchange in Oaxaca are examined through instrumental neutron activation analysis (INAA). Samples of 453 Late/Terminal Formative period sherds were submitted to the Missouri University Research Reactor for INAA to determine elemental composition. The sherds came from 20 excavated sites and two surveys in the following regions: the Valley of Oaxaca, Mixteca Alta, Mixteca Baja, lower Río Verde Valley, and Cuicatlán Cañada. Selected for the study were vessel fragments from three recognized paste categories: grayware (gris), fine brownware (café fino), and creamware (crema). We also sampled clays and sherds from known sources in four modern pottery-making towns in the Oaxaca Valley. The research adds to the INAA database for Oaxaca by identifying the chemical signatures of six source groupings that we can link to specific regions and, in two cases, to particular source zones within regions. The evidence from chemical composition and typology indicates continuity in resource use and production practices in both Atzompa and Coyotepec from pre-Hispanic into modern times. The data show that the exchange of ceramics in Late/Terminal Formative Oaxaca was multidirectional, with ceramics imported both to and from the Oaxaca Valley.

We report recent excavations undertaken at the residential village Upanca located 1,600 m above sea level in the Nasca region of Peru in the Central Andes. Although fieldwork was initiated to evaluate the site's participation in the Early Nasca craft economy, excavations revealed a long occupation beginning in the Late Archaic (ca. 3000–1800 B.C.) and extending into the Early Intermediate period (ca. A.D. 1–750), with a principal component dating to the Early Nasca period (ca. A.D. 1–450). The Early Nasca component revealed high polychrome consumption, confirming previous assessments of Early Nasca's craft economy, and association with extensive agricultural terracing, suggesting surplus production beginning in the Early Intermediate period.