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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 26 February 2014
Changing attitudes towards violence and war are important markers of medieval European cultural development and, as such, have been the focus of numerous historical studies. Saints' offices have not, however, been analysed along these lines, an unjustified neglect given their central place in the daily cultural life of ecclesiastical institutions, not to mention the large range of related scholarly topics they represent. Offered here is an overview of these topics, beginning with an examination of offices with roots in Merovingian and Carolingian times, and proceeding to later offices originating in the crucial time of the first crusades and beyond. How is violence described in chants with texts drawn from the Old and New Testaments? How is it handled in chants based on later hagiographic literature? Is Christian military violence legitimised in these chants? How are enemies portrayed? How are the messages of these texts articulated in their musical settings? Answers to these questions might place the sacred monophony of the Latin Church into its proper context, that is, as a means of socio-political reflexion during the Middle Ages.
1 ‘Et dum in Ecclesia legitur, et cantantur fortia facta Machabaeorum, qui quamvis pro patriis legibus, tamen et pro suis heredibus et hereditatibus pugnaverunt; isti vero non pro sua, neque pro aliquo suorum, sed solummodo pro regno coelorum abierunt, et viriliter pugnaverunt, et vicerunt, adjuvante eos Domino.’ ‘Historia Peregrinorum euntium Jerusolymam ad liberandum sanctum sepulcrum de potestate ethnicorum’, Recueil des historiens des croisades, 3 Historiens occidentaux (Paris, 1866), 165–229, at 173. About the date of the Historia Peregrinorum (‘noch vor 1196’), see Chroust, Anton, Tageno, Ansbert und die Historia Peregrinorum. Drei kritische Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Kreuzzuges Friedrichs I (Graz, 1892), 80, accessed as www.archive.org/stream/tagenoansbertun00chrogoog/tagenoansbertun00chrogoog_djvu.txtGoogle Scholar. See also Schreiner, Klaus, Märtyrer, Schlachtenhelfer, Friedenstifter: Krieg und Frieden im Spiegel mittelalterlicher und frühneuzeitlicher Heiligenverehrung (Opladen, 2000), 22, fn. 57CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Christoph Auffarth quotes this passage but ignores the role of ecclesiastical music in communicating the story of the Maccabees. See his ‘Die Makkabäer als Modell für die Kreuzfahrer. Usurpationen und Brüche in der Tradition eines jüdischen Heiligenideals. Ein religionswissenschaftlicher Versuch zur Kreuzzugseschatologie’, in Tradition und Translation: Zum Problem der interkulturellen Übersetzbarkeit religiöser Phänomene. Festschrift für Carsten Colpe zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. Christoph Elsas et al. (Berlin, 1994), 263–390, at 373, fn. 37.
2 On the position of the books of the Maccabees in the ecclesiastical canon, see Schreiner, Märtyrer, 17–19, and Dunbabin, Jean, ‘The Maccabees as Exemplars in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries’, in The Bible in the Medieval World: Essays in Memory of Beryl Smalley, ed. Walsh, Katherine and Wood, Diana (Oxford and New York, 1985), 31–41, at 31Google Scholar.
3 On medieval interpretations and uses of the Maccabees in general, see Auffarth, ‘Die Makkabäer als Modell’; Dunbabin, ‘The Maccabees as Exemplars’; and Keller, Hagen, ‘Machabaeorum pugnae. Zum Stellenwert eines biblischen Vorbilds in Widukinds Deutung der ottonischen Königsherrschaft’, in Iconologia sacra: Mythos, Bildkunst und Dichtung in der Religions- und Sozialgeschichte Alteuropas. Festschrift für Karl Hauck zum 75. Geburtstag, ed. Keller, Hagen and Staubach, Nikolaus (Berlin and New York, 1994), 417–37Google Scholar. See also Schreiner, Märtyrer, 30–7. The Teutonic Order regarded the Maccabees as model. See Green, Dennis H., The Millstätter Exodus: A Crusading Epic (Cambridge, 1966), 234Google Scholar, which reviews the literature.
4 Hughes, Andrew, Medieval Manuscripts for Mass and Office: A Guide to their Organization and Terminology (Toronto, 1982), 61, n. 416Google Scholar.
5 The Historia Macchabeorum of the summer temporale should not be confused with the feast of the Septem fratres Macchabei on 1 August, which commemorates the martyrdom of the seven brothers and their mother, reported in 2 Maccabees 7:1–42. See Schreiner, Märtyrer, 2–17. About the locally restricted cult of these martyrs, mainly in Cologne, see ibid., 41–9.
6 On the socio-political functions of saints, see Hankeln, Roman, ‘A Blasphemous Paradox? Approaches to Socio-political Aspects of Plainchant’, Political Plainchant? Music, Text and Historical Context of Medieval Saints' Offices, Institute of Mediæval Music, Musicological Studies 111, ed. Hankeln, Roman (Ottawa 2009,), 1–11, esp. 6–7 with further referencesGoogle Scholar.
7 See Hughes, Andrew, The Versified Office: Sources, Poetry, and Chants, 2 vols., The Institute of Mediæval Music, Musicological Studies 97, parts 1–2 (Lions Bay, BC, 2011)Google Scholar; see also Fassler, Margot E. and Baltzer, Rebecca A., eds., The Divine Office in the Latin Middle Ages. Methodology and Source Studies, Regional Developments, Hagiography Written in Honor of Professor Ruth Steiner (Oxford, 2000)Google Scholar; and Berschin, Walter and Hiley, David, eds., Die Offizien des Mittelalters. Dichtung und Musik (Tutzing, 1999)Google Scholar. The series ‘Historiae’ devoted to saints' offices from The Institute of Mediæval (Musicological Studies) has now reached its twenty-second volume.
8 This is true not only for the Old, but the New Testament. See Gilchrist, John, ‘The Papacy and War Against the “Saracenes” 795–1216’, The International Historical Review, 10 (1988), 174–97, at 187CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
9 For a useful summary about Old Testament attitudes to war, see Hess, Richard S., ‘War in the Hebrew Bible: An Overview’, in War in the Bible and Terrorism in the Twenty-first Century, ed. Hess, Richard S. and Martens, Elmer A. (Winona Lake, IN, 2008), 19–32Google Scholar. About the omnipresence of the topic of war in the Bible, see ibid., 19, which, however, emphasises a broadly anti-war attitude in the Old Testament (see esp. 32).
10 For an overview about the so-called imprecatory psalms, to cite an extreme example, see Hossfeld, Frank-Lothar, ‘Das göttliche Strafgericht in Feind- und Fluchpsalmen. Der Psalmenbeter zwischen eigener Ohnmacht und dem Schrei nach göttlicher Parteilichkeit’, in Krieg und Christentum: religiöse Gewalttheorien in der Kriegserfahrung des Westens, ed. Holzem, Andreas (Paderborn, 2009), 128–36Google Scholar. Cf. the treatment of the topic of peace in the psalms in Elmer A. Martens, ‘Toward Shalom: Absorbing the Violence’, in War in the Bible, 33–57, especially 36–7.
11 About the Old Testament image of God as a warrior deity, see (for example) Green, The Millstätter Exodus, 193 ff.
12 This article will employ following general abbreviations: A.=antiphon. CAO=René-Jean Hesbert, Corpus antiphonalium officii, 6 vols., Rerum ecclesiasticarum documenta, Ser. maior, 7–12 (Rome, 1963, 1965, 1968, 1970, 1975, 1979). Cid=Identification Number in the Cantus database at http://cantusdatabase.org/. Ps.=psalm. R.=responsory. V.=verse.
13 For bibliographical and liturgical information about this and the following examples, see Appendices 1 and 2.
14 Cf. Ps. 48:7 iuxta LXX, Biblia sacra iuxta vulgatam versionem, ed. Weber, Robertus, Gryson, Roger, et al. (Stuttgart, 1994), 828Google Scholar (hereafter Vulgata).
15 Ps. 58:12 iuxta Hebr., Vulgata, 841. Ps. 58,12 iuxta LXX, Vulgata, 840.
16 Cf. Esther, 13:15–17, Vulgata, 726.
17 Cf. 1 Machabees 3:58–9, Vulgata, 1441.
18 Cf. Ps. 2 iuxta LXX, verse 2, Vulgata, 770. See the interpretation of Ps. 2 in comparison with a related paragraph from the Apocalypse in Tobias Nicklas, ‘Der Krieg und die Apokalypse. Gedanken zu Offb 19, 11–21’, in Krieg und Christentum, 150–65, at 157–8.
19 See Machilek, Franz, Schlager, Karlheinz, Wohnhaas, Theodor, ‘“O felix lancea”: Beiträge zum Fest der Heiligen Lanze und der Nägel’, Jahrbuch des historischen Vereins für Mittelfranken, 92 (1984/5), 43–107, at 85Google Scholar.
20 Ibid., 52.
21 This text is compiled from several passages from the Apocalypse, namely Apoc. 8:1, Vulgata, 1889; Apoc. 12:7, Vulgata, 1893; Apoc. 5:11, Vulgata, 1887; and Apoc. 12:10, Vulgata, 1893.
22 See (for example) Baldwin, Robert, ‘‘I Slaughter Barbarians’: Triumph as a mode in Medieval Christian Art’, Konsthistorisk Tidskrift, 59 (1990), 225–42, at 225Google Scholar.
23 Schreiner writes in this context about a ‘Politisierung des Kreuzes’, Schreiner, Klaus, ‘Signa victricia. Heilige Zeichen in kriegerischen Konflikten des Mittelalters’, in Zeichen – Rituale – Werte: Internationales Kolloquium des Sonderforschungsbereichs 496 an der Westfälischen Wilhelms-Universität Münster, ed. Althoff, Gerd (Münster, 2004), 259–300, at 261Google Scholar.
24 Cf. Fontaine, Jacques, ed., Sulpice Sévère, Vie de Saint Martin, vol. 1 (Paris, 1967), 260: ‘crastina die … securus’Google Scholar.
25 Cf. Job 7:1, Vulgata, 737. See the overview in Evans, Michael, ‘An Illustrated Fragment of Peraldus's Summa of Vice: Harleian MS 3244’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 45 (1982), 14–68, at 17–19Google Scholar.
26 See A. Oramus te, CAO III, no. 4715.
27 Cf. Tim. 2:3–4, Vulgata, 1837. Eph 6:11, Vulgata, 1814. On the development of the term ‘miles Christi’ and its use in a secular context, see Wang, Andreas, Der ‘Miles Christianus’ im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert und seine mittelalterliche Tradition. Ein Beitrag zum Verhältnis von sprachlicher und graphischer Bildlichkeit (Frankfurt a.M., 1975), 21–37Google Scholar. On the negative attitude of the early Christian Church towards military service, and the opposition of ‘militia saecularis’ to the ‘militia Christi’, see Erdmann, Carl, Die Entstehung des Kreuzzugsgedankens (Stuttgart, 1936), 3, 13, 185Google Scholar; and Levison, Wilhelm, ‘Die mittelalterliche Lehre von den beiden Schwertern’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters, 9 (1951), 14–42, at 25Google Scholar.
28 ‘Christi ego miles sum: pugnare mihi non licet.’ Fontain, Sulpice, 260. The non-violent figure of St Martin is later transformed into a political saint and war patron. See Schreiner, Klaus, ‘Schutzherr, Schlachtenhelfer, Friedensstifter. Die Verehrung Martins von Tours in politischen Kontexten des Mittelalters’, Rottenburger Jahrbuch für Kirchengeschichte, 18 (1999), 89–110Google Scholar. See also Hoch, Adrian S., ‘St Martin of Tours: His Transformation into a Chivalric Hero and Franciscan Ideal’, Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte, 50 (1987), 471–82Google Scholar.
29 See, for example, the R. Miles Christi gloriose, CAO IV, no. 7155.
30 Regarding this Augustinian concept of just war, see (for example) Johannes Brachtendorf, ‘Augustinus: Friedensethik und Friedenspolitik’, in Krieg und Christentum, 234–53, at 239, 242–3. War is legitimised in order to restore peace and order, and to protect the Christian faith. The high Middle Ages filled this legitimation more and more with offensive meaning. Even a spiritual personality like Catherine of Siena thought about war against non-believers as legitimate, see Schreiner, Märtyrer, 129–30.
31 The antiphon text is based on a passage from the passio ascribed to Eucherius, Bishop of Lyon: ‘Pugnavimus semper pro iustitia, pro pietate, pro innocentium salute.’ See the ‘Passio Acaunensium martyrum auctore Eucherio episcopo Lugdunensi’, in Passiones vitaeque sanctorum aevi Merovingici et antiquiorum aliquot, Krusch, Bruno, ed., Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptorum Rerum Merovingicarum 3 (Hannover 1896), 20–41Google Scholar, at 36, lines 14–15 (hereafter Krusch, Passio).
32 The text is taken word for word from the fifth-century passio. See Krusch, Passio, 36, lines 14–15.
33 ‘numquam relictae militiae probra sustinui, eo quod honestum mihi esset pro patria mori’ from Abbo, Life of St Edmund, in Three Lives of English Saints, Winterbottom, Michael, ed. (Toronto, 1972), 65–87Google Scholar, at 75, lines 26–7 (hereafter Abbo). Erdmann, Die Entstehung des Kreuzzugsgedankens, 29, mentions the passage from Abbo's vita as an example of the taking over of secular warrior ethics (‘weltliche Kriegerethik’) into the ideas of martyrdom and sanctity. ‘super mel et favum’, Ps. 18:11, Vulgata, 790.
34 The continuation after the verse is remarkable. Before the verse, the army is the main subject of the repetendum, afterward Oswald. The king is shown as primus inter pares among his soldiers.
35 The same is true of the earlier martyrologies and (for example) Alcuin, 's ‘Versus de patribus regibus et sanctis Euboricensis ecclesiae’, in Poetae Latini aevi Carolini, vol. 1, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Poetarum Latinorum Medii Aevi 1, ed. Dümmler, Ernst (Berlin, 1881), 169–206Google Scholar. See also Gunn, Victoria A., ‘Bede and the Martyrdom of St Oswald’, in Martyrs and Martyrologies: Papers Read at the 1992 Summer Meeting and the 1993 Winter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society, ed. Wood, Diana (Oxford, 1993), 57–66Google Scholar. On the dating, see Venerabilis Bedae historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum: textum secundum editionem, quam paraverant B. Colgrave et R.A.B. Mynors / Beda der Ehrwürdige, Kirchengeschichte des englischen Volkes, ed. Spitzbart, Günter (Darmstadt, 1982), 2–3Google Scholar.
36 Cf. Hare, Kent G., ‘Heroes, Saints, and Martyrs: Holy Kingship from Bede to Aelfric’, A Journal of Early Medieval Northwestern Europe, 9 (2006), §22 (accessed at www.heroicage.org/issues/9/hare.html, 22 September 2011)Google Scholar.
37 On Ælfric see Hare, ‘Heroes’, §22. See also ‘Vita auctore D. Drogone monacho’, in Acta Sanctorum Augusti, … Tomus II …, ed. Sollerius, Joannes Baptistaet al. (Antwerp, 1735, accessed at http://acta.chadwyck.co.uk/ 22 September 2011), 94–103, at 94, 99Google Scholar. See also Graus, František, Volk, Herrscher und Heiliger im Reich der Merowinger; Studien zur Hagiographie der Merowingerzeit (Prague, 1965), 419Google Scholar. About Drogo, see Bayart, Paul, Les Offices de Saint Winnoc et de Saint Oswald d'après le manuscrit 14 de la Bibliothèque de Bergues (Lille, Paris and Lyon, 1926), esp. 33Google Scholar.
38 See Herbers, Klaus, ‘Politik und Heiligenverehrung auf der Iberischen Halbinsel: Die Entwicklung des “politischen Jakobus”’, Politik und Heiligenverehrung im Hochmittelalter, ed. Peterson, Jürgen (Sigmaringen, 1994), 177–275, at 237Google Scholar, and fn. 310 for further literature.
39 In a late thirteenth-century version of St Eric's office, his mission of the Finns is mentioned in the same breath with his royal office as legislator: ‘He improved the laws of Sweden and with his sword forced heathen peoples to serve Christ. Alleluia’ (‘Correxit Swecie leges, servire coegit Christo perfidie gentes, quas ense subegit, alleluia’), St Eriks hystoria, ed. Nilsson, Ann-Marie (Stockholm, 1999), 50 (English trans., p. 138)Google Scholar. About the date, see ibid., 19. See also the following Psalm, Domine in virtute.
40 The expression is based on the report of the feast in Luke 14:16–24 ‘et compelle intrare, ut impleatur domus mea’ (‘force them to come in’). See Maier, Hans, ‘“Compelle intrare”: Rechtfertigungsgründe für die Anwendung von Gewalt zum Schutz und zur Ausbreitung des Glaubens in der Theologie des abendländischen Christentums’, in Heilige Kriege: religiöse Begründungen militärischer Gewaltanwendung: Judentum, Christentum und Islam im Vergleich, ed. Schreiner, Klaus and Müller-Luckner, Elisabeth (München, 2008), 55–69, at 57–9Google Scholar. See also Riley-Smith, Jonathan, ‘Crusading as an Act of Love’, History, 65 (1980), 177–92, at 186–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
41 About violence committed by saints, see (for example) Geary, Patrick J., Living with the Dead in the Middle Ages (Ithaca, NY, 1994), 116Google Scholar. See also chapter 4, ‘La violence sacrée des saints’ in Flori, Jean, La guerre sainte: la formation de l'idée de croisade dans l'Occident chrétien (Paris, 2001), 101–24Google Scholar. About the role of saints as aids in battles in Spain, see O'Callaghan, Joseph F., Reconquest and Crusade in Medieval Spain (Philadelphia, 2003), 193–9Google Scholar, which emphasises that saintly participation in battle is not mentioned before the twelfth century (p. 199). Erdmann remarks that the idea that saints participate actively in the defence of their churches and clerics was already known at the beginning of the Middle Ages, but it receives special prominence during the conflicts with non-Christians in the ninth and tenth centuries. Erdmann, Die Entstehung des Kreuzzugsgedankens, 23, as well as his examples 80f. and 115.
42 Compare the passage in Abbo, 83, lines 7–9, 21–4. The incursion, described in both the vita and the antiphons, is depicted in a famous cycle of illuminations in New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, Ms. 736, fol. 18v, see http://utu.morganlibrary.org/medren/single_image2.cfm?imagename=m736.018v.jpg&page=ICA000077570.
43 On this debate see Roman Hankeln, ‘St. Olav's Augustine-responsories: contrafactum technique and political message’, in Political Plainchant?, 171–99, at 176–9.
44 Jonsson, Ritva and Treitler, Leo, ‘Medieval Music and Language: A Reconsideration of the Relationship’, Studies in the History of Music, 1: Music and Language (New York, 1983), 1–23, at 22Google Scholar.
45 In this context, see the following contributions concerning the text-music-relationship: Gunilla Björkvall and Andreas Haug, ‘Text und Musik im Trinitätsoffizium Stephans von Lüttich. Beobachtungen und Überlegungen aus mittellateinischer und musikhistorischer Sicht’, in Die Offizien, 1–24; Björkvall and Haug, ‘Performing Latin Verse: Text and Music in Early Medieval Versified Offices’, in The Divine Office, 278–99. The issue was already raised in Wagner, Peter, Einführung in die Gregorianischen Melodien: Ein Handbuch der Choralwissenschaft. Dritter Teil: Gregorianische Formenlehre: Eine choralische Stilkunde (Leipzig 1921, repr. Hildesheim/Wiesbaden 1962), 284–5Google Scholar.
46 According to the office texts, Oswald's resistance was against savage hordes, barbarians. Oswald's opponent, Caedwalla, king of the Britons, was in fact baptised although Bede characterised him as a godless tyrant. See Spitzbart, Bede, 208, ch. III, 1, and the commentary of Wallace-Hadrill, J.M., Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People: A Historical Commentary (Oxford, 1988), 84Google Scholar.
47 On the style of the Oswald offices, see Hiley, David, ‘The Office Chants for St Oswald King of Northumbria and Martyr’, in Musical Essays in Honour of John D. Bergsagel & Heinrich W. Schwab, Danish Humanist Texts and Studies 37, ed. Kongsted, Ole, Krabbe, Niels, Kube, Michael, Michelsen, Morten and Larsen, Lisbeth (Copenhagen, 2008), 251–6Google Scholar.
48 Compare the text-transcription in Hiley, ‘The Office Chants’, 244–59, at 256. Cambridge, Magdalen College, F.4.10 (thirteenth century), the source used for the transcription here, gives (on f. 259r) the word ‘senas’ instead of ‘sevas’, which seems to be a scribal error. In the two other musical sources Hiley mentions, namely Cambridge, Trinity College O.3.55 (twelfth century) f. B1, and Dijon, Bibliothèque Municipale 657 (c.1200), f. 45v, the word ‘seuas’ appears; Hiley's transcription gives ‘sevas’.
49 On this modern concept of tonality, see David Hiley, ‘Das Wolfgang-Offizium des Hermannus Contractus. Zum Wechselspiel von Modustheorie und Gesangspraxis in der Mitte des 11. Jahrhunderts’, in Die Offizien, 129–42, at 135–8. See also Hiley, ‘The Office Chants’, 254–5 concerning the tonal structure of two other Oswaldresponsories.
50 Compare the following with the observations made on hexameter settings in Stephen of Liége's office in honour St Lambert in Björkvall and Haug, ‘Performing Latin Verse’, 286–92.
51 Hiley, ‘The Office Chants’, 256, reports that the reference to Constantine's victory in this chant and a responsory from the Flemish Oswald office was not part of the earlier Oswald literature (Bede, Reginald, Drogo). The simile is also absent in Alcuin's Versibus de patribus regibus et sanctis Euboricensis ecclesiae, mentioned above. Thus, unless new evidence turns up, it can be assumed that the explicit link to Constantine was introduced for the first time in these historiae chants.
52 On this zigzag shape as a symptom of modern style, see Hankeln, Roman, ‘Old and New in Medieval Chant: Finding Methods of Investigating an Unknown Region’, in A Due: Musical Essays in Honour of John D. Bergsagol and Heinrich W. Schwab (Copenhagen, 2008), 161–80, at 174–5 and 178–80Google Scholar.
53 For additional examples of the increased intensity of text–music interaction of this later style, see Nils Holger Petersen's analysis of the responsories from the twelfth-century Canute Lavard historia in the present volume. See also Hankeln, Roman, ‘Exulta civitas Ratisbona!… – Reflexe politisch-sozialer Identität in den Offiziumsgesängen zur Ehre der Regensburger Stadtpatrone und ihr mittelalterlicher europäischer Kontext’, in Städtische Kulte im Mittelalter, ed. Ehrich, Susanne and Oberste, Jörg (Regensburg 2010), 217–35, at 227–34Google Scholar; and Hankeln, , ‘Schwerter und Pflugscharen: Zum Reflex des Geschichtlichen in der liturgischen Einstimmigkeit des Mittelalters’, in Musik des Mittelalters und der Renaissance, Festschrift Klaus-Jürgen Sachs zum 80. Geburtstag, ed. Kleinertz, Rainer, Flamm, Christoph and Frobenius, Wolf, Studien zur Geschichte der Musiktheorie 8 (Hildesheim, 2010), 93–114, at 105–11Google Scholar.
54 For another example see Hankeln, ‘Schwerter und Pflugscharen’, 98–105. On the relevance of contrafactum technique in a related twelfth-century historia from Nidaros, see Heinzer, Felix, ‘Zum Text des Offiziums’, in The Nidaros Office of the Holy Blood. Liturgical Music in Medieval Norway, ed. Attinger, Gisela and Haug, Andreas (Trondheim, 2004), 90–3Google Scholar.
55 Cf. Metcalfe, Frederick, ed., Passio et miracula Beati Olavi: Edited From a Twelfth-century Manuscript in the Library of Corpus Christi College (Oxford, 1881), 77Google Scholar.
56 This is a recent hypothesis by Berschin, Walter; see his ‘<Walter von Arrouaise?>, Historia S. Augustini. Das Augustinus-Offizium des XII. Jahrhunderts’, in idem, Mittellateinische Studien, vol. 2 (Heidelberg, 2010), 313–24, at 324Google Scholar.
57 Antiphonale sacrosanctae Romanae ecclesiae pro diurnis horis (Rome, 1912), 7. Compare Luke 1:68–79, Vulgata, 1608.
58 www.kingjamesbibleonline.org/ (accessed 15 September 2011).
59 See ‘Acta alia, sive secunda vitae pars … auctore S. Possidio’, Acta Sanctorum Augusti …, Tomus VI, ed. Pinius, Joanneset al. (Antwerp, 1743), 247–441Google Scholar, at cap. 65, col. 439E (hereafter AASS Aug. VI). For an English translation, see Possidius, , ‘The Life of Saint Augustine’, trans. Hoare, F.R., in Soldiers of Christ. Saints and Saints' Lives from late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, ed. Noble, Thomas F.X. and Head, Thomas (University Park, PA, 1995), 31–73, at 63Google Scholar.
60 Possidius, ‘The Life of Saint Augustine’, 63. ‘Nec suum sane Dominus Famulum fructu suæ precis fraudavit. Nam et sibi ipsi, et eidem civitati, quod lacrymosis depoposcit precibus, in tempore impetravit.’ AASS Aug. VI, col. 439E–F.
61 See Klaus Schreiner, ‘Einführung’, in Heilige Kriege, vii–xxiii, at xxiii. On establishing of identity through delimitation as an act of violence, Martens, ‘Toward Shalom’, 41.
62 Evans, ‘An Illustrated Fragment of Peraldus's Summa of Vice Peraldus, 19 ff. (for example), points out the significance of the imagery of spiritual warfare for manuals of chivalry.
63 Cf. Riley-Smith, Jonathan, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading (London, 1986, repr. 2009), 83Google Scholar.
64 After the ‘re-invention’ of the true cross in 1099, the relic was regularly carried into battle until it disappeared in the battle of Hattin in 1187. See Riley-Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading, 98. On the role of the cross in medieval contexts of war, also see Schreiner, ‘Signa victricia. Heilige Zeichen’, 261–72; and Flori, La guerre sainte, 147–52. On images of the Archangel Michael on the field standards of Henry I and Otto I during their operations against the Hungarians, and their significance for a new attitude towards war, see Erdmann, Die Entstehung des Kreuzzugsgedankens, 18.
65 ‘et visibiliter mittente eis in adjutorium sanctos suos bellatores, quorum animae in coelo jam collocatae erant, videlicet Mercurium multotiens, aliquando Georgium, necnon et interdum Theodorum, aliquando totos tres cum suis dealbatis exercitibus, videntibus non solum Christi militibus, sed etiam ipsis inimicis paganis; unde exterrebantur et in fugam convertebantur.’ Historia Peregrinorum, 173. About saints as helpers in crusade battles, see (for example) Auffarth, ‘Die Makkabäer als Modell’, 371.
66 See (for example) the ‘Exkurs 1. Benediktionen für Kriegszeiten, für Waffen und Ritter’ in Erdmann, Die Entstehung des Kreuzzugsgedankens, 326–35. See also Tellenbach, Gerd, Römischer und christlicher Reichsgedanke in der Liturgie des frühen Mittelalters (Heidelberg, 1934), 52–71Google Scholar.
67 See the texts for various blessings of armour and knight in Franz, Adolph, Die kirchlichen Benediktionen im Mittelalter, 2 vols. (Freiburg, 1909; repr. Graz 1960), II:293–7Google Scholar. The services employ the A. Speciosus forma, CAO III, no. 4989, A. Scuto circumdabit (not found in CAO or the Cantus database), and a number of related psalms. The A. Per signum crucis (CAO III, no. 4264) was sung during a ceremony with the rubric ‘Modum signum crucis affigendi’ given after a Meissen source from 1512 (Franz, Die kirchlichen Benediktionen, 306).
68 See Jackson, Richard A., ed., Ordines coronationis Franciae: Texts and Ordines for the Coronation of Frankish and French Kings and Queens in the Middle Ages, 2 vols. (University Park, PA, 1995, 2000), vol. 1, Ordo XV (c.980), no. 68Google Scholar. This benediction was transmitted at the end of some Frankish and French coronation ordines. Compare the relevant formulae of Ordo XXIIA (1250–70), no. 69, and Ordo XXIII (1364), no. 108. Here the banner was that of St Denis, later associated with the famous ‘Oriflamme’. About it, see Schreiner, ‘Signa victricia. Heilige Zeichen’, 282–3. Erdmann also gives this text, together with another benediction of a standard (Erdmann, Die Entstehung des Kreuzzugsgedankens, 331–3).
69 About the influence of Old Testament models on medieval historiography, see (for example) Green, The Millstätter Exodus, 203 ff., especially 228–95.
70 Bliese, John R.E., ‘Rhetoric and Morale: A Study of Battle Orations from the Central Middle Ages’, Journal of Medieval History, 15 (1989), 201–26Google Scholar.
71 As part of a religious cult, plainchant may be interpreted as a reflection of political history. See Geary, Living with the Dead in the Middle Ages, 116–24, at 124: ‘Medieval religion was an expression of a perception of the world’ (from Chapter 6, ‘Coercion of saints in medieval religious practice’).
72 About Innocent's quotation and the employment of the Maccabees in the crusade writings of other popes, see Gilchrist, John, ‘The Lord's War as the Proving Ground of Faith: Pope Innocent III and the Propagation of Violence (1198–1216)’, in Crusaders and Muslims in Twelfth-Century Syria, ed. Shatzmiller, Maya (Leiden, 1993), 65–83, at 75Google Scholar, and fn. 47.