Introduction
Organized crime fuels armed conflict, making the situation more protracted, more violent and increasing the hardships of those living in affected areas.Footnote 1 This link has been particularly noted since the 1990sFootnote 2 and was keenly demonstrated in the role of diamond smuggling in the armed conflict in Sierra Leone that took place between 1991 and 2002.Footnote 3 An analysis of this conflict also demonstrates how respect for international humanitarian law (IHL) may contribute to reducing the impact of organized crime in areas affected by armed conflict.
Although IHL is aimed at limiting the effects of armed conflicts rather than addressing organized crime, IHL can be directly applicable to such criminal conduct where there is a sufficient nexus between the conduct and the conflict, especially when perpetrated by the parties to the armed conflict.Footnote 4 In addition, activities connected with organized crime can amount to violations of IHL and other international crimes.Footnote 5 Compliance with IHL therefore has the potential to limit the impact of organized crime perpetrated by the parties to the conflict on the civilian population in situations of armed conflict. This is based on the fundamental principle of IHL to reduce the suffering of those not participating in the hostilities from the impact of the conflict.Footnote 6
These points will be demonstrated through a case study of the armed conflict in Sierra Leone through the judgments of the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) and the Final Report of the Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC Report). Although the judgments of the SCSL were marred by failings in the proceedings and management of the court, which impacts the quality and reliability of the factual and legal findings contained, they do form part of the legacy of the conflict analysing the conduct of the parties in relation to the applicable IHL.Footnote 7 The findings of the TRC Report, a further and important part of that same legacy, are included in part as a way to mitigate these shortcomings.Footnote 8
This article will first provide a general background to the armed conflict in Sierra Leone and the role played by diamond smuggling during the conflict. It will go on to demonstrate the symbiosis between the conflict and diamond smuggling, and how diamond smuggling led to further breaches of IHL and international criminal law. The analysis will then turn to the obligations under IHL applicable to diamond smuggling activities, and develop the argument that respect for these obligations may assist in relieving the civilian population from the effects of organized crime. This is especially so when organized crime is perpetrated by the parties to the armed conflict, as IHL is directly applicable to their conduct in relation to the civilian population. Finally, the article will analyse how the duty of other States not party to the armed conflict to ensure respect for IHL may aid in upholding these obligations.
Background to the conflict
The non-international armed conflict (NIAC) in Sierra Leone, that took place between approximately 1991 and 2002,Footnote 9 was marred by excessive violence and a noted lack of respect for IHL by all parties to the conflict.Footnote 10 Alongside the use of child soldiers and amputations of members of the civilian population, “blood diamonds” became synonymous with the conflict.Footnote 11
The conflict began in 1991 between the Sierra Leone Army and the Revolutionary United Front (RUF),Footnote 12 a group led by Foday Sankoh, with significant connections to armed groups fighting in Liberia, as well as with Charles Taylor, who would go on to become President of Liberia in 1997.Footnote 13 The rise of the RUF followed many years of discontent with oppression and abuses of the ruling All Peoples Congress party and rise of revolutionary thinking, inspired by the ideology of Pan-Africanism.Footnote 14 After five years of conflict, a peace agreement was signed in Abidjan in November 1996, but broke down in early 1997 and hostilities resumed.Footnote 15
Following a coup d’état by former and serving members of the Sierra Leonean Armed Forces in May 1997, the Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC) joined the conflict, led by Johnny Paul Koroma.Footnote 16 Part of the reasons behind this coup were the AFRC's discontent with Government failings and support to the Kamajors and other traditional hunter groups that were fighting on behalf of the Government and were formed into the Civil Defence Forces (CDF) in 1997.Footnote 17 Shortly after the coup, the AFRC invited the RUF to join them in ruling the country.Footnote 18 It is during this period that the exploitation of diamonds expanded significantly. The TRC Report highlights that although the RUF was partly financed through diamond trafficking from the early stages of the conflict, it was not until 1997 that diamonds yielded significant revenues for the RUF, coinciding with the partnership with the AFRC.Footnote 19 Even from the start, the relationship between the RUF and AFRC was not easy. As the AFRC trial judgment acknowledges, “the coalition between the two factions … was not based on longstanding common interests”.Footnote 20 The founders and many members of the AFRC had been fighting against the RUF as members of the Sierra Leone Armed Forces since 1991, and the military structures were never completely integrated.Footnote 21
In response to the coup and joining of the forces of the organized armed groups, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) authorized the intervention of the ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) into the conflict on behalf of the ousted Government of Sierra Leone led by President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah, adding a further party to the armed conflict. Kabbah's government was restored to power in March 1998.Footnote 22 At this stage, the AFRC/RUF launched an attack to retake control of the diamond-rich Kono District.Footnote 23
Following the attack on Kono, the relationship between the RUF and AFRC deteriorated, culminating in the arrest of the AFRC's leader and the split of the groups around the end of April 1998.Footnote 24 The AFRC subsequently launched a brutal attack on Freetown on 6 January 1999, but was repelled by ECOMOG forces.Footnote 25 The Sierra Leone government and the RUF signed a peace agreement in Lomé on 7 July 1999, which set out a deal for power sharing between the Kabbah government and the RUF, according to which Sankoh was Vice President.Footnote 26 The AFRC was not represented in the negotiations.Footnote 27 However, hostilities between the government side and the RUF resumed shortly thereafter, leading to the United Nations (UN) Security Council authorizing the deployment of a 6000-strong UN peacekeeping mission to Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL) to assist in the implementation of the Lomé Peace Accord.Footnote 28 A cessation of hostilities was agreed upon by the then interim leader of the RUF, Issa Sesay, and the Kabbah government in November 2000, but it was only in January 2002 that a final cessation of hostilities was declared.Footnote 29
This brief summary is intended to give an overview of the complex and evolving backdrop against which diamond smuggling took place. It does not aim to do justice to the complexities of the events and intrigues that took place during the conflict.Footnote 30
The role of diamonds in the conflict
Diamond smuggling played a specific and significant role in this conflict. The judgments of the SCSL concerning this relate to the activities conducted by the RUF and AFRC, and Charles Taylor's role in diamond smuggling. Whilst the RUF and AFRC are the most notorious for their involvement in diamond mining and smuggling, allegations were made against members of the CDF and ECOMOG as well.Footnote 31
As the TRC Report succinctly concludes, the conflict was not initiated simply to gain control over diamonds.Footnote 32 Rather, it was “years of bad governance, endemic corruption and the denial of basic human rights that created the deplorable conditions that made conflict inevitable”.Footnote 33 The TRC Report concluded that the narrative attributing the cause of the conflict to control over diamonds fails to capture numerous complexities, including “the reasons for the decay of the state in Sierra Leone and the role minerals played prior to and during the conflict”.Footnote 34 Diamond smuggling had been a longstanding problem in Sierra Leone prior to the outbreak of the conflict.Footnote 35 As mentioned above, the RUF had a political ideology,Footnote 36 which the SCSL described as an “integral part of the movement”, according to which they aimed to use weapons to fight to overthrow a “corrupt military Government in order to realise the right of every Sierra Leonean to true democracy and fair governance”.Footnote 37 To do so, the RUF would “procure arms for a broad-based struggle so that the rotten and selfish government is toppled”.Footnote 38 The leader of the RUF is even reported to have advised new recruits in the TRC Report that “a fighter without political ideology is a criminal”.Footnote 39 Although the AFRC did not share the RUF's ideology, the group had their own purported goals linked to the government's failings.Footnote 40 When the two groups joined forces in 1997, however, they both declared they were doing so to bring peace and political stability to Sierra Leone.Footnote 41
Diamonds did, however, fuel the conflict.Footnote 42 The parties to the conflict used resources gained from diamond smuggling to fund their objectives.Footnote 43 Control over mining ensured the biggest gain, and, as such, control over diamond mining areas became a critical part of the fighting parties’ strategy. An example of the strategic importance of this can be seen in the events following ECOMOG's successful intervention in Freetown in February 1998, leading to the withdrawal of AFRC and RUF troops.Footnote 44 Immediately following the retreat from Freetown, the AFRC and RUF planned a joint attack on Kono, an area of major importance for diamond mining. The attack took place in the second half of February 1998.Footnote 45 The capital of Kono District, Koidu, was captured in early 1998.Footnote 46 The timing of the attack, just after losing control of the capital, indicates the importance in controlling this diamond-rich area.
Prior to this, between 1992 and 1997, control over Kono District had see-sawed between the RUF and government forces. Diamond exploitation and smuggling carried on unabated during that period.Footnote 47 After this, control over diamonds became fused with the parties’ military objectives, smuggling diamonds being a necessity in being able to wage the conflict, and those objectives being increasingly shaped by greater involvement in diamond smuggling.
Violence begets violence
Ensuring control over the diamond mining areas led to further violence in breach of IHL. The symbiosis in violence between the armed conflict and organized crime is perhaps most evident in the order that followed the attack on Koidu in early 1998. Johnny Paul Koroma, the leader of the AFRC, declared Koidu a “no go area” for civilians, ordering that no civilian was permitted to remain in Koidu, and any civilian who was not willing to support the rebel movement was to be executed to prevent them from passing information to the Kamajors. In addition, Koroma ordered that Koidu should be burnt to the ground.Footnote 48
The declaration of a “no go area” for civilians and order of execution on sight was in complete disregard of the obligation to distinguish between civilians and civilian objects and military objectives, and the obligations to abstain from prohibited acts of violence against persons not participating in the hostilities and treat them humanely under IHL.Footnote 49 Displacement of the civilian population in whole or in part in NIACs is only lawful where the security of the civilians involved, or imperative military reasons, so demand.Footnote 50 Restrictions on the free movement of civilians would also have impacts on other obligations under IHL, including the freedom of movement of humanitarian personnel.Footnote 51
The symbiosis in violence is further demonstrated by the particularly violent means of regaining and losing control of diamond mining areas. Ensuring control over the diamond mining areas contributed to unlawful attacks against persons not taking part in the hostilities being carried out by the parties to the conflict, and IHL therefore has a role in addressing related conduct. Whilst attacking ECOMOG would very likely fall within the definition of a military objective,Footnote 52 the order to burn all property indicates an indiscriminate attack. The total destruction and devastation of all property within an area fails to adequately distinguish sufficiently between civilians or civilian objects and military objectives.Footnote 53 The extent of the destruction ordered would also indicate non-compliance with the prohibition of attacking, destroying, removing or rendering useless objects indispensable to the survival of the civilian population, such as food stuffs, agricultural areas, crops, livestock, drinking water installations and supplies, and irrigation work, as all of these were also encompassed in the order to burn Koidu to the ground.Footnote 54 These methods were also seen in the retreat of the RUF/AFRC when ECOMOG retook control of Koidu in early April 1998,Footnote 55 with the retreating forces being ordered to burn Koidu Town to the ground.Footnote 56
Crime begets crime
The judgments of the SCSL also detail how efforts to control diamonds led to further international crimes, including enslavement of the civilian population to extract the diamonds.Footnote 57 Detailed descriptions are given relating to mining at various locations, with variations in the structure, extent of violations and rules imposed between the different locations.Footnote 58 Broadly, conditions included that civilians were forcibly captured from surrounding villages on certain “government days”, which were days civilians were brought to the mines, including with the use of physical restraints, and forced to work for the armed groups in control of the mines.Footnote 59 Armed guards would be present during the work, and would beat or kill those who attempted to escape or committed perceived breaches of the mining rules, such as private mining.Footnote 60 Miners were forced at times to work naked, and were not permitted to move freely on the mining sites.Footnote 61
These activities involved the parties to the armed conflict using violence and force against persons not directly participating in the hostilities, and thus also engaging the direct application of IHL.Footnote 62 These conditions clearly call into question IHL requirements of humane treatment and forced labour.Footnote 63 They also constitute outrages upon personal dignity, in particular, humiliating treatment, and inhumane or degrading treatment, prohibited under IHL.Footnote 64 The killing of civilians forced to engage in mining by members of the party to the armed conflict is a violation of the prohibition of violence to life, including murder, prohibited under Article 3(1)(a) common to the Geneva Conventions of 1949, Article 4(2)(a) of Additional Protocol II (AP II) and Customary IHL.Footnote 65 The use of armed guards and lack of compensation also indicates forced labour. These conditions were compounded by a lack of food, medical aid and mining equipment, which the SCSL notes were not provided.Footnote 66
Senior commanders are pointed out in the judgments as having run private mining, using the same model of mining for their own private enterprise by forcing civilians to mine for them and pocketing the proceeds for their personal gain, rather than the resources going to the armed group.Footnote 67 This violence is a symptom of the situation created in the conflict where such unlawful conduct was toleratedFootnote 68 and is a clear example of how criminal conduct related to diamond smuggling led to further crimes. Again, as violent and forceful acts against persons not taking direct part in the hostilities by a member of a party to the armed conflict, IHL is applicable. The critical role of senior commanders in ensuring respect for IHL of their subordinates is explicitly recognized in IHL,Footnote 69 and their criminal conduct will likely have guided others to carry out similarly violent acts in other contexts.Footnote 70
One potential international crime connected with diamond smuggling that was not prosecuted before the SCSL related to the alleged rape of the wife of the AFRC leader.Footnote 71 The RUF, AFRC and Charles Taylor judgments all briefly mention this incident, as does the TRC Report, but with few details.Footnote 72 According to the RUF judgment, the alleged rape took place in March 1998, shortly after the re-capture of Kono by the AFRC/RUF, in which Johnny Paul Koroma had led the command of the troops.Footnote 73 Tensions were high between the AFRC and RUF. When large areas of Kono District were under AFRC/RUF control, Koroma announced that he was going to travel abroad, via Kailahun District, a stronghold of the RUF. The purpose of the trip was to organize logistics for the troops.Footnote 74 He had in his possession a large amount of diamonds.Footnote 75 Among his entourage, he travelled with his wife. He was led to believe that he would be welcomed by the RUF in Kailahun. However, when he arrived, he was arrested by the RUF leadership.Footnote 76 Koroma was stripped and searched for diamonds, which were removed from him.Footnote 77
All three judgments state that at this point Mrs Koroma was either raped or sexually assaulted.Footnote 78 The most detail of this alleged crime is given in the RUF judgment, which states only that RUF Commander Issa Sesay drove her “to a nearby location and raped her”.Footnote 79
This alleged assault took place in the context of an armed conflict, and has a sufficient nexus to the conflict to potentially constitute a war crime. It was allegedly carried out by a member of the fighting forces, and the conflict clearly played a substantial role in the ability to commit the crime, as well as the manner in which it was allegedly committed.Footnote 80 The fact that the crime took place where no fighting was taking place is irrelevant in determining the nexus.Footnote 81 As mentioned above, very few details are included about this alleged crime, and the focus of all three judgments is on the events surrounding Johnny Paul Koroma and the tensions between the RUF and AFRC, rather than on the crime Mrs Koroma was allegedly the victim of. Irrespective, it is obvious that her association with the leader of the AFRC played a part in the alleged assault. The fact that these acts, together with the AFRC leader's arrest, led to the split of the AFRC and RUF further demonstrates the connection with the conflict. The alleged rape does not form part of the charges brought against Sesay. However, it demonstrates the symbiosis between the conflict and diamond smuggling, and how involvement in diamond smuggling led to the perpetration of further international crimes connected to the armed conflict.
The application of IHL to diamond exploitation
The SCSL did not elaborate in depth on IHL in its determinations of the crimes connected to diamond smuggling. These crimes were found by the SCSL to amount to crimes against humanity, rather than war crimes. Even though the context of the conflict was important in establishing the elements of these crimes,Footnote 82 the activities were not prosecuted as war crimes, i.e. breaches of IHL amounting to criminal conduct.Footnote 83 The reasoning behind this is not detailed in the judgments, but the conclusions that the conduct was part of a widespread and systematic attack against the civilian population gives some indication that the Prosecution was aiming to encapsulate a pattern of conduct in prosecuting the crimes in this way.Footnote 84 A cursory glance might therefore raise the question what IHL had to do with diamond mining and smuggling in Sierra Leone. A more detailed analysis demonstrates how IHL was applicable to conduct related to exploiting diamonds. IHL was applicable to the attacks to gain control of diamond mining areas, such as the attack on Kono in 1998.Footnote 85 IHL was also applicable to the mistreatment of the civilian population by the parties to the conflict in the diamond mines and diamond mining areas.
IHL norms on obtaining resources
IHL does include norms on how parties to the conflict obtain resources. Most obvious in this is the prohibition against pillage, applicable in both international armed conflicts (IACs) and NIACs.Footnote 86 The SCSL used the definition that pillage involved the unlawful appropriation of private or public property during armed conflict.Footnote 87 The Commentary to Article 4(2)(g) of AP II describes the prohibition applicable in NIACs as of “a general tenor”, applicable to both State-owned and private property, and thus would cover the exploitation of natural resources.Footnote 88 The law applicable in IACs, and particularly under the law of occupation, is more developed in relation to when the exploitation of natural resources amounts to pillage or not.Footnote 89
Under the law of occupation, diamonds together with other natural resources, such as water and oil, constitute public immovable property.Footnote 90 There are limitations under IHL on how the Occupying Power can use public immovable property.Footnote 91 For example, the Occupying Power may not use them for their own domestic purposes.Footnote 92 The property can be used to meet the security needs of the Occupying Power to the extent necessary for the current administration of the territory and to meet the essential needs of the population.Footnote 93 In other words, use of natural resources for the general war effort of the Occupying Power would not be permitted, but it would be permitted to address the specific security situation in the occupied territory. This is consistent with the General Assembly's Resolution on “Permanent Sovereignty over Natural Resources” which provides that the right must be exercised in the interest of the national development and of the well-being of the people of the State concerned.Footnote 94 Excessive exploitation, through over-mining for example, is forbiddenFootnote 95 and may constitute pillage.Footnote 96
Organized armed groups exercising effective control in a NIAC have no similar right to exploit the natural resources found there under IHL or any other body of international law. Whilst it has been suggested that the relevant principles on the exploitation of natural resources applicable in occupation could be developed to apply in NIACs,Footnote 97 such a development is in my view unlikely given the sensitivities around the legality of organized armed groups exploiting natural resources in armed conflict and evidenced use of these resources to fuel conflict. To date, there has been no development in State practice to this end.Footnote 98 Indeed, arguments pertaining to how the law of occupation might be extended to apply before the SCSL were dismissed.Footnote 99 The law of occupation creates an exception to the norm under public international law that the State retains sovereignty over its natural resources, but in doing so, it reinforces the norm that the territorial State has sovereignty by defining limitations on how another State in the exceptional circumstances of occupation can use such property.Footnote 100 It does not transfer the sovereign right. Creating an exception for non-State armed actors would run counter to the general principle under public international law that it is the State that has the right to dispose of natural wealth and resources.Footnote 101
That said, the norms under the law of occupation can be used as interpretative guidance of the norms that are applicable in NIACs, such as in determining whether exploitation of natural resources is excessive so as to constitute pillage.Footnote 102 How and what the property was used for, and where the proceeds of the exploitation of the natural resources were spent could be relevant facts in determining whether the conduct amounted to pillage, for example. Where the proceeds of the exploitation are used for the general effort of the party to continue the armed conflict, this could indicate pillage, for example.Footnote 103 This is consistent with the rulings of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, such as in the Čelebići judgment that pillage includes acts “committed by individual soldiers for their private gain, and to the organized seizure of property undertaken within the framework of systematic economic exploitation of occupied territory”,Footnote 104 and historical precedents following the Second World War.Footnote 105 It is also consistent with the exceptions recognized in the law of occupation that permits Occupying Powers to exploit natural resources in the occupied territory for the needs of the civilian population of the occupied territory and administration and security needs of the Occupying Power in relation to the occupied territory outlined above.
Although the SCSL determined that diamonds were exchanged on numerous occasions for arms and ammunition,Footnote 106 suggesting that the proceeds from diamond mining were used for the general fighting effort of the group rather than the needs of the civilians in the areas under the group's control, whether the exploitation of diamonds amounted to pillage was not considered by the SCSL. In the RUF case, the Trial Chamber declined to consider whether the systematic and unlawful appropriation of diamonds throughout Kono District was also pillage, as the indictment only referred to pillage of civilian property.Footnote 107 However, in future cases the extent of exploitation and what the natural resources are used for could be relevant factors in determining whether or not any war crime was committed in their exploitation.
Conditions of labour
At a minimum, organized armed groups are obliged to respect fundamental guarantees of individuals not participating or no longer participating in the conflict.Footnote 108 This requires that people be treated humanely.Footnote 109 Whilst conditions of diamond mining were harsh before the armed conflict, there is no doubt that things got worse during the conflict. A lack of food is noted in the judgments and the TRC Report,Footnote 110 and areas difficult to reach in other circumstances become impossible to reach during the violence. It is exactly these difficult conditions that IHL aims to address in requiring that parties to the conflict do not make things even worse by mistreating the civilian population. Whilst Trial Chamber I acknowledged in the RUF judgment that the RUF did provide the civilian population with “certain basic facilities and services”, it emphasized that it relied on forced labour to facilitate its war effort “at the expense of providing for the needs of the civilian population”.Footnote 111
The potential to limit the impact of organized crime in armed conflict through compliance with IHL
The application of IHL during the armed conflict provides a potential mechanism to assist in relieving the impact of the effects of diamond smuggling on the civilian population during that period. Other international legal standards are also relevant in these circumstances, international human rights law, international criminal law and international labour standards being obvious examples in the specific context of diamond smuggling in Sierra Leone. As a tool in this multifaceted toolbelt of those seeking to address the impact of organized crime in armed conflict, IHL adds value in being directly applicable to the activities of the non-State parties to the armed conflict in their treatment of persons not or no longer participating in the armed conflict.Footnote 112
It is not suggested here that respect for IHL would have provided any legal basis for the parties to the conflict to engage in forced labour and enslavement of adults and children and illicit diamond extraction and trade, or that compliance would have resulted in the parties to the conflict not engaging in diamond smuggling. However, had there been more humane conditions for labourers and less involvement of armed elements of the groups in supervision of mining activities, certain acts of violence would probably have been reduced, such as killings and physical mistreatment of civilians working in the mines by armed guards. Ensuring compliance with IHL may therefore reduce the impact of organized crime in armed conflicts. This is consistent with other areas of research into broader social, economic and political challenges in conflict areas.Footnote 113 In addition, ensuring compliance with IHL is also something all States have a legal interest in, which is explored further in the next section.
The basic reasoning behind obligations to treat protected persons humanely is to provide a minimum standard of treatment in situations of armed conflict recognizing the inherent human dignity of all persons.Footnote 114 This is one of the cornerstones of IHL and most basic means in which parties to the armed conflict can reduce the impact of the military operations on those not engaged in the hostilities. The obligation to treat persons not or no longer participating in the hostilities humanely permeates all aspects of how such persons should be treated, including situations where such persons can be obliged to engage in work.Footnote 115 A detailed analysis of these provisions reveals factors required for treatment in such work to be humane. Again, it is not suggested that compelling or forcing civilians to carry out mining work would have been lawful under IHL or otherwise. There is nothing in AP II, common Article 3 or Customary IHL that provides a legal basis for this. However, even in situations where the use of forced labour is not permitted under IHL, such persons are still protected and still entitled to be treated humanely as a minimum standard of treatment.
The provisions relating to other situations where protected persons may be compelled to work indicate a number of conditions for such work to be humane. Under Article 5(1)(e) of AP II, if persons who are deprived of their liberty for reasons related to the conflict are made to work, they shall benefit from similar working conditions and safeguards as those enjoyed by the local civilian population. Note that the requirement is for “similar” conditions and safeguards, and not “the same”. This can be contrasted with provisions applicable in IACs relating to compelled labour of protected persons that must not be inferior to those enjoyed by the nationals of the Detaining Power employed in similar work.Footnote 116
Using the interpretive guidance of norms applicable in IACs, a number of factors can be identified as minimum requirements in satisfying the “conditions” and “safeguards” for compelled labour also applicable in NIACs. The provision of payment for works done is one fundamental condition. The requirement that persons compelled to work must receive a fair wage is included in Article 51 of the Fourth Geneva Convention (GC IV). The Third Geneva Convention (GC III) includes detailed provisions on the working pay due to prisoners of war, which must be “a fair working rate of pay” paid by the detaining authorities direct.Footnote 117 In addition to the requirement that fair wages be paid, Article 51(3) of GC IV lists “hours of work, equipment, preliminary training and compensation for occupational accidents and diseases” as working conditions and safeguards. GC III similarly includes limitations on the hours of work,Footnote 118 as well as requirements for medical supervision of workers,Footnote 119 and the provision of medical care required by any accidents in connection with their work, or disease contracted in the course of or in consequence of their work.Footnote 120 Medical attention, the payment of wages and ensuring that compensation is received for occupational accidents and diseases are similarly included in Article 95 of GC IV, which sets out working conditions for civilian security internees employed by the Detaining Power. Whilst it is acknowledged that the differences between IACs and NIACs mean that these standards cannot be applied mutatis mutandis and using the standards in IACs as interpretive guidance must take into account this reality, there are identified working conditions that are within the reach of any organized armed group, such as the limitations on the hours of work. Whilst other standards and conditions may be more difficult for organized armed groups to implement, this incapacity or inability does not make the treatment itself less inhumane.
Humane treatment in conditions of labour is also a limitation on the type of work that can be undertaken. Certain work will be inhumane because it is too unhealthy, dangerous or humiliating.Footnote 121 This is consistent with the norms applicable in IACs which on the whole include more detailed limitations on the type of work protected persons can be compelled to engage in.Footnote 122 For example, Article 52 of GC III, applicable in IACs, prohibits the Detaining Power employing prisoners of war for unhealthy or dangerous labour or for labour that is looked upon as humiliating for a member of the Detaining Power's own forces. This again would be a standard that all organized armed groups could implement.
An unfortunate reality in Sierra Leone was that conditions for people working in diamond mining before the conflict were by no means as fair as they should have been, and living up to these standards does not necessarily provide sufficient guidance on what constitutes humane treatment. This was compounded further by the lack of respect for IHL demonstrated by all parties to the conflict. Understanding these factors may, however, assist in identifying alternative strategies to bring about changes in behaviour of the parties to the conflict, and build on current efforts in relieving the suffering of those who do not or are no longer participating in the conflict from the effects of hostilities.Footnote 123
The obligation of other States to ensure respect as a means of bolstering compliance
The influence of other States on the parties to the conflict can significantly assist in reducing the suffering of those that do not participate in the hostilities brought about by organized crime connected to the conflict.Footnote 124 This is linked to the external dimension of the obligation to ensure respect for IHL under Article 1 common to the Geneva Conventions of 1949.Footnote 125 This includes ensuring respect for common Article 3 and is therefore also applicable in NIACs.Footnote 126 The obligation to ensure respect requires States not party to an armed conflict to take measures to prevent and address violations of IHL by both State and non-State armed groups that are parties to armed conflicts.Footnote 127 State practice and the findings of the International Court of Justice confirm that this positive obligation is reflective of customary international law.Footnote 128
States must take positive measures to induce parties to armed conflicts to comply with their obligations under IHL where violations have occurred or where the State has knowledge that there is a serious risk that they will occur.Footnote 129 This is an obligation of means and what is adequate to discharge it will vary depending on the context, but should be sufficient to address the breach or potential breach of IHL.Footnote 130 Influence should therefore be interpreted broadly. Factors identified in determining the scope of the obligation in the International Committee of the Red Cross's Commentary include the foreseeability of the violations and the State's knowledge thereof, the gravity of the breach, the means reasonably available to the State, and the degree of influence it exercises over the individuals concerned.Footnote 131
Knowledge of actual and potential breaches of IHL will probably arise in different circumstances for different States, and the scope of measures available to address breaches of IHL and influence the group will vary between different States. For example, States that are a long distance from the territory where the NIAC is ongoing with few connections, such as through trade or culture, to the State or the organized armed groups involved are less likely to be aware of breaches of IHL compared with neighbouring States with close connections. Examples of such close connections include through common membership in regional organizations. The influence of Charles Taylor over the conduct of the parties to the armed conflict in Sierra Leone is an example of such a close connection. The judgments of the SCSL highlight examples of measures aimed at addressing violations of IHL, such as when Taylor used his influence over the leader of the RUF to facilitate the release of UN peacekeepers taken hostage by this group, as well as when he influenced the leader of the AFRC to facilitate the release of UN peacekeepers taken captive by the breakaway AFRC group the “West Side Boys”.Footnote 132 The Trial Chamber's findings highlight the particular influence that Taylor had over the leadership in the RUF.Footnote 133 However, whilst engaged in activities to address violations of IHL and bring about peace, Taylor was also trading in diamonds for arms and ammunition with the RUF, as well as calling on the RUF to send forces to help him fight his own enemies in Liberia.Footnote 134 This in itself was a breach of the negative obligation not to encourage, aid or assist violations of IHL under the obligation to ensure respect.Footnote 135
Proximity is not, however, a determining factor in determining the means available to discharge the obligation. For example, other States involved in diamond trading were also aware of obscurities in the trade as a result of diamond smuggling in Sierra Leone.Footnote 136 Proximity is also not relevant when ensuring accountability for international crimes.Footnote 137 The impact of the illicit trade in diamonds in the Sierra Leone armed conflict contributed to the introduction of the Kimberley Process certification scheme as a means to reduce the trade in illicit diamonds by organized armed groups fuelling armed conflict. Whilst this has been praised by some for reducing illicit trade in diamonds, resulting in an increase in official exports of diamonds, it has been criticized by others as failing to address the root causes of the problems in diamond mining industry and trade that themselves fuel conflict.Footnote 138
The Sierra Leone conflict highlights an area of extreme delicacy, but also tension, in States not party to the conflict using influence to address violations of IHL. Whilst those more proximate in relationship and location often have more measures at their disposal to influence the parties to the conflict,Footnote 139 they will also have other interests that have an impact on their actions. In Sierra Leone, this led to even further violations of IHL. As an obligation of good faith, other States must therefore be vigilant in ensuring that influence is not exercised counter to this requirement, as part of their own obligation to ensure respect.
Conclusion
What can we learn today from the armed conflict in Sierra Leone that ended over 20 years ago? Much has since changed in the relationship between organized crime and armed conflict. Moving forward in the 2020s, paying heed to historical lessons should give a better understanding of what lies ahead. For one, it is as true today as it was during the armed conflict in Sierra Leone that organized crime in one conflict area also fuels conflict in other areas.Footnote 140 Models similar to that implemented by the parties to the conflict in Sierra Leone in carrying out illicit trade remain a feature of conflict situations today.Footnote 141 Understanding how IHL may apply to conduct related to organized crime, and how it may assist in relieving the suffering of the civilian population from its impact is therefore still relevant. An important tool in this regard is identifying the varying and most effective measures available to States not party to the conflict to influence the parties, further to their obligation to ensure respect for IHL.
There are innumerable ways in which organized crime can thrive in conflict settings, and it is acknowledged that IHL may not be applicable in relation to all these criminal activities. Whilst IHL is by no means the only or even the primary legal framework aimed at addressing activities described as organized crime, where IHL is applicable, the lessons to be learned from the Sierra Leone conflict demonstrate that compliance with IHL can add a further layer of relief to address the impacts on the civilian population. In Sierra Leone, a symbiosis in violence was created with diamond smuggling being essential to achieve the parties’ military objectives, and those objectives being increasingly shaped by greater involvement in diamond smuggling. This led to further violence connected with the conflict and breaches of IHL, including unlawful attacks, forced labour and mistreatment of the civilian population.
The symbiosis between diamond smuggling and the armed conflict in Sierra Leone also demonstrates an important relationship in the economic and political driving forces to the conflict. These driving forces are apparent in conflicts today and can aid in understanding the conduct of the parties to the conflict, as well as addressing potential violations of IHL. It is not surprising that there is a propensity for organized armed groups in NIACs to engage in organized crime, considering the level of organization required for these actors to classify as a party to the conflict and engagement in violent conduct.
As noted above, even if the RUF/AFRC had treated civilians forced to mine more humanely, it does not change either the criminal conduct of using forced labour or the illicit trade in diamonds. However, it may help address some of the resulting suffering. Updating our understanding is critical to appreciate when IHL may apply. Nevertheless, context is important, and the potential results should not be overemphasized so that unrealistic expectations are not created as to how the problems associated with organized crime in armed conflict might be addressed.