This article explores Italian voters’ perception of pre-election polls and the latter’s influence on voter choice. Approximately 900 voters were asked to participate in an online simulated election campaign implemented within the voting decision model developed by Richard Lau and David Redlawsk. Voters were given access to, among other heuristics, pre-election polls; a subset of voters was also exposed to polls predicting the final outcome. Findings concern voters’ perceptions of pre-election polls’ reliability and usefulness and the impact of polls on voters after they have viewed survey findings suggesting that their preferred candidates will lose. On the whole, voters participating in the simulated election campaign displayed somewhat negative attitudes towards pre-election polls: such polls, more often than not, were deemed useless and unreliable. As regards the part of the study in which some voters were forcibly exposed to polls that reported unfavourable predictions for their preferred candidates, only one-tenth of voters switched votes: not many, if one considers that such voters had a good incentive to switch, but often more than enough to decide an election.

We consider the effect of primary elections on party membership and electoral behaviour. Direct democracy instruments trigger significant changes in the role and behaviour of grassroots members. The case of the Italian centre-left parties, and particularly the Democratic Party, is in this sense relevant, as for over a decade these parties have been reaching out to supporters in order to include them into decision-making processes, such as the selection of party leaders and candidates to legislative and executive offices. The distinction between members and supporters has blurred. The article focuses on voting behaviour and party attachment of three different groups of primary voters – namely, party members, supporters, and external voters. What is the difference between these three groups with regard to voting behaviour and motivations in primary elections? And what is the difference with regard to voting intentions in general elections? We examine these issues using original survey data collected in 2012 during the centre-left coalition’s primary elections. We highlight the consequences of the differences between members and supporters with regard to their voting behaviour and motivations.

Public attitudes are greatly shaped by the cohesiveness of the strategic narratives crafted by policy-makers in framing the national involvement in war. The literature has recently devoted growing attention toward the features that define successful strategic narratives, such as a consistent set of objectives, convincing cause–effect chains, as well as credible promises of success. This paper provides an original framework for ‘effective strategic narratives’ for the case of Italy. The military operations undertaken by Italian armed forces in Iraq, Lebanon, and Libya represent the cases through which the framework is assessed. Drawing on content and discourse analysis of political debates and data provided by public opinion surveys, this paper explores the nature of the strategic narratives and their effectiveness.

The discipline of International Relations (IR) for a long time of its history has developed in the form of Great Debates that involved competing paradigms and schools. More recently, it has been described as a cacophony of voices unable to communicate among themselves, but also incapable to provide keys to understand an ever more complex reality. This collection aims at evaluating the heuristic value of a selection of traditional paradigms (realism and liberalism), schools (constructivism), and subdisciplines (security studies and international political economy) so as to assess the challenges before IR theory today and the ability of the discipline to provide tools to make the changed world still intelligible.