Geoffrey Colin Harcourt’s work on the interface between accountancy and economics is a part of his legacy that is less well-known than his work on the capital controversies. This paper argues that the analytical findings of this research effort are an important and integral part of Harcourt’s overall research programme. In this paper, we review Harcourt’s work on the relation between economics and accounting from the time of his undergraduate thesis to 1969, the date of the publication with Robert Parker of the edited volume Readings in the Concept and Measurement of Income. This paper intends to offer insights on (A) the evolution of Harcourt’s thought during this period and a survey of the significant contributions he made to research in this field during this time and (B) the legacy of his approach and findings. We argue that his ideas in this domain offer important insights in doing post-Keynesian economics in the Harcourt mould. We find that Harcourt’s insights on the issues relating to the accounting rate of profit as used by economists remain relevant to today, as well as his implicit suggestions on how to deal with the complexities of the problems that ensue for the theorist, practical economist, businessman, and policy advisor. Harcourt’s work suggests that we should not aim to replace one monolithic way of seeing things with another, indicating that the useful definition of key concepts and tools is determined by the problem and hence by the policy question one wants to answer.

This article focuses on the role of unionised members of parliament. While unions have a direct effect on the labour market via wage negotiations, they often also take part in political debates. In many countries, significant shares of the members of parliament are also members of a trade union. However, up to now little empirical evidence is available on the extent to which unionised members of parliament try to achieve union-specific goals and thereby influence the macroeconomic conditions of an economy. A recent study for Germany comes to the conclusion that union members in the Bundestag cannot be seen as the parliamentary arm of the trade unions. However, we present contradicting empirical results by showing that, in Germany at least, the degree of unionisation of parliamentary members has a negative impact on economic growth and increases inflation, while unemployment remains unaffected.

This review article discusses MacLean’s study of the ideas of a group of economists and their embracing by an oligarchy of business groups to implement a Neoliberal agenda and its implications for American democracy. It mainly focuses on the Nobel Prize winning economist James McGill Buchanan and the industrialist Charles Koch. Business groups provided funds to Buchanan and others to train right-minded people in the precepts of Neoliberalism, established think tanks and institutes to disseminate their views, and ‘directed’ and/or provided advice and draft legislation for Republican politicians at both the state and federal level. Inspiration for how to achieve this Neoliberal ‘revolution’ can be found in Lenin’s 1902 What is to be Done?. The Neoliberal attack on government and statism is consistent with Orwell’s notion of doublethink. It constitutes a weakening of those parts of the state which are inimical to the interests of a wealthy oligarchy, the federal government and agencies/government departments who are viewed as imposing costs (taxes) on and interfering with (regulating) the actions of the oligarchy, and strengthening other parts such as state governments, the judiciary, at both the state (especially) and federal level and police forces to protect and advance their interests.

This review article discusses Leonard’s (2016) study of the ideas of an elite group of Progressive economists who flourished in the United States of America between 1885 and the late 1920s. Advising governments through think tanks and regulatory commissions, they advocated labour market policies that combined a racialized approach to immigration, eugenics, Taylorist labour market efficiency and a living wage. Their interest in women’s employment conditions was based on a Darwinian concern to protect mothers of the ‘white’ race. Parallels are drawn with Australia, where, from the turn of the 20th century, industrial tribunals established a male minimum wage designed to support the maternal role, based on similar racial preoccupations and a view that women’s ‘inefficiency’ as workers would protect men from low-wage competitors. United States Progressives, in rejecting laissez-faire economics, espoused instead a role for the state based on a holistic Darwinian sociology of racial contest: an economics of hate. It was not till the 1930s that Keynesianism emerged as an alternative macroeconomic project.

The author surveys shifts in macro-economic policy and thought from Keynes and Kalecki to the present, tracking the changing climate of economic opinion. As Kalecki foresaw, the success of Keynesian demand management was undermined when, in an era of full employment, the power of labour threatened industrialists’ authority over the economy. From the 1970s, this led governments to introduce pro-capitalist measures. Countering recessions with budget deficits was now seen as irresponsible. The rise of globalisation meant that domestic demand management became less effective, especially in economies highly dependent on imports. Opening up economies meant that their exchange rates and stock markets became more vulnerable to capital flights. As the reach of finance became increasingly global, those private credit rating agencies became the game changers. Today private credit agencies, through their rating of the investment climate and sovereign risk of a country, in effect rate the quality of its government. Capitalist democracies are now dominated by private finance. Management of the investment climate is increasingly done through the virtual rather than the real economy, creating artificial financial asset and housing market bubbles. At the same time, in the neglected real economy, inequality and unemployment have increased, and living standards are falling.

Until recently, modern macroeconomic models have remained solidly grounded on assumptions of rational expectations, efficient markets and representative agents, with policy prescriptions focused on the power of markets, and complex and esoteric financial intermediation instruments justified as solutions to problems of asymmetric information and risk. In modern microeconomics, behavioural economic analysis has flourished, focusing on individual responses and interactions. By contrast, in macroeconomics, humans are assumed to behave as if they are mathematical machines, making decisions in a mechanical, objective way. From this perspective, it is difficult to properly capture the instabilities that characterise modern macroeconomies and financial systems. While some progress has been made in recognising the bounds to rationality, the complexity of the macroeconomy can be captured fully only by embedding psychological and sociological forces more fully into macroeconomic models. Keynes was a pioneer in analysing the impacts of socio-psychological influences on macroeconomic phenomena. This article explores some of Keynes’ fundamental ideas about socio-psychological macroeconomic influences, including insights from A Treatise on Probability (1921) onwards, and links these insights both with modern behavioural economic theory and current macroeconomic policy debates.

This review article provides a critique of Marilyn Lake’s Progressive New World, a monograph that postulates that Australian/Australasian transpacific exchange shaped the development of American progressivism. The review outlines the major contours of her claim, notes her ambivalence concerning her overall position, and critiques her decision to not explain/examine differences in the political culture of the United States of America and Australia. The review seeks to overcome this problem by examining key differences in the cultural history of both societies and draws on the insights of Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy and America. The review (a) develops a model which provides a means to understand how one society can impact another; (b) contrasts the origins of progressivism in the United States of America and Australia; (c) examines the work of the Australian scholar Michael Roe, who postulated that American progressivism was the independent factor impacting Australian developments; (d) distinguishes between two types of progressivism – racist conceit, pure and simple, and broader social reforms, which may or may not entrench racist conceit; and (e) examines various dimensions of progressivism which Marilyn Lake has used in developing her claim.

This essay examines a significant event in Australia’s economic and labour relations history in which an industrial relations court acted against government policy but in line with the advice of professional economists to impose a general wage reduction. This determination, unique during the period of central wage fixation, was made as the country fell into deep depression in 1930–1931. Arguments that a reduction in purchasing power would exacerbate the depression did not prevail over expert economic advice that wage reduction would lessen the structural consequences of reduced rural export income. The Court determined that the loss of real national income had to be accommodated without a wider package of measures such as exchange rate depreciation or expansionary monetary and fiscal policies. The impressive endeavours of the Court to understand and respond to a difficult economic reality represented a significant elevation of the status of wages policy in macroeconomic management – one that was to last for 60 years.

The article sheds light on the proposition that labour is a commodity by considering from a fundamental theoretical perspective whether labour is subject to the same market forces which apply to commodities in general in capitalist economies. It suggests that no spontaneous competitive force exists within capitalism that would adjust labour demand to its supply, in contrast to the adaptation of supply to the demand for commodities in general. This result is argued without reference to assumptions about inflexibilities or impediments in labour or other markets, or institutional features peculiar to ‘the labour market’. Its explanation of why labour markets do not clear is at odds with a core tenet underlying orthodox economic theory of the last century, which has acted as a fundamental benchmark for most theorising about labour to the present day. Rejection of this tenet is at the heart of a heterodox explanation of unemployment, the real wage and income distribution in capitalist economies.

This review article discusses Rosalind Rosenberg’s study of Pauli Murray’s pivotal role in enhancing the civil rights of African Americans and American women. Pauli Murray should be properly regarded as one of the leading legal thinkers of Twentieth-Century America. She played a role in the development of the jurisprudential thinking, which brought about an end to race discrimination as enshrined in the ‘separate but equal’ doctrine in the Supreme Court’s 1896 decision in Plessy v. Ferguson and ending sex discrimination beginning with the Supreme Court’s 1971 decision in Reed v. Reed. The objective of this review article is to provide an account of her approach to attacking both legally based race and sex discrimination. Drawing on Rosenberg and referencing key legal texts, it begins with a brief account of Murray’s life and times. This is followed by an examination of her thinking on both race and sex discrimination. The review concludes by commending Rosenberg for her analysis of the intersections between the private and public personas of Pauli Murray in a century which witnessed fundamental changes in America.

In December 1933, John Maynard Keyes published an open letter to President Roosevelt, where he wrote: ‘The recent gyrations of the dollar have looked to me more like a gold standard on the booze than the ideal managed currency of my dreams.’ This was a criticism of the ‘gold-buying program’ launched in October 1933. In this article I use high-frequency data on the dollar–pound and dollar–franc exchange rates to investigate whether the gyrations of the dollar were unusually high in late 1933. My results show that although volatility was pronounced, it was not higher than during some other periods after 1921. Moreover, dollar volatility began to subside towards the end of the period alluded to by Keynes.

We examine the relationship between prices and interest rates for seven advanced economies in the period up to 1913, emphasising the UK. There is a significant long-run positive relationship between prices and interest rates for the core commodity standard countries. Keynes ([1930] 1971) labelled this positive relationship the ‘Gibson Paradox’. A number of theories have been put forward as possible explanations of the paradox but they do not fit the long-run pattern of the relationship. We find that a formal model in the spirit of Wicksell (1907) and Keynes ([1930] 1971) offers an explanation for the paradox: where the need to stabilise the banking sector's reserve ratio, in the presence of an uncertain ‘natural’ rate, can lead to persistent deviations of the market rate of interest from its ‘natural’ level and consequently long-run swings in the price level.

This paper assesses the evidence and investigates some of the mechanisms by which the most recent banking sector crisis might have affected the supply side of the UK economy. We find clear evidence that the banking sector crisis affected credit supply to businesses and caused bank lending to decline. But we do not find much evidence of the heterogeneity in performance between different industrial sectors that would have been expected if banking sector impairment had been the key factor holding back productivity growth. Consistent with this we do not find strong evidence that a lack of reallocation of resources across businesses has been a substantial drag on productivity growth.

Since 2008, the euro area unemployment rate has increased constantly, while this economy's GDP was the same at the end of 2012 as it was in 2008. The recent trend of aggregate economic activity in this area illustrates the risk that an economy leaves its stability corridor, in which it usually progresses in a cyclical way, to enter an area of turbulence. In this area, the automatic stabilizers have weak feedback forces. To examine this kind of situation in a theoretical framework, this paper presents a model that relies both on Leijonhufvud's corridor and on Harrod's instability principle. This model allows a threshold to be defined beyond which the economy runs the risk of entering a cumulative process of simultaneous declines in growth and employment. However, the existence of such a process requires unemployment to have a sufficiently direct effect on the growth in aggregate demand, as seems to be the case nowadays.

Durant les années 1930, Hicks cherche à comprendre la crise à laquelle l'économie mondiale est confrontée. Mais à la différence de la plupart des économistes de l'époque, il tente de se représenter théoriquement la situation dans un cadre d'équilibre général walrassien. Le présent article étudie la façon dont Hicks a développé cette approche dans les derniers chapitres de Valeur et capital (1939). Hicks en vient à affirmer que les fluctuations du système capitaliste mettent son existence en danger et forme le projet d'une théorie des cycles qui accorderait une place centrale aux anticipations de prix et intégrerait un scénario d'effondrement du système. Les difficultés que ce projet rencontre dès 1939 sont analysées afin d'expliquer son abandon dans A Contribution to the Theory of the Trade Cycle (1950).

Nous proposons d'analyser l'un des premiers outils de simulation en économie au travers les travaux de Tinbergen entre 1935 et 1940 au sein de la Société des Nations. Précisément, Tinbergen développe l'utilisation des modèles structurels destinés à la simulation économique. Nous constaterons dans une première partie la volonté de Tinbergen de simuler le mouvement économique en testant statistiquement les théories économiques des cycles. Ainsi, Tinbergen est à la recherche d'un système de fonctions dont la structure est basée sur des théories économiques. Ce système est considéré par Tinbergen comme faisant office de machine permettant alors un second niveau de simulation développée dans la deuxième partie de l'article. Précisément, la machine ainsi constituée permet des simulations de scénarios de politiques économiques. Tinbergen élabore une machine expérimentale qui lui permet de considérer à la fois des scénarios de politiques conjoncturelles et structurelles.

Cet article revient sur les liens entre la loi psychologique fondamentale de Keynes et la théorie du choix intertemporel. Nous démontrons dans un modèle de choix intertemporel à deux périodes que dès lors que l'utilité est additivement intertemporellement séparable la loi psychologique fondamentale est un résultat partagé de la théorie keynésienne et de la théorie du choix intertemporel. Nous montrons ensuite qu'il ne s'agit pas d'un hasard et nous revenons ensuite sur l'analyse de la théorie générale de Keynes ainsi que sur celle du contexte dans lequel elle a été élaborée pour discuter l'identité du cadre d'analyse, et peut-être même de la méthode analytique, entre la théorie keynésienne de la consommation et la théorie du choix intertemporel.

L'article applique à la micro-économie une distinction classique en philosophie du langage, celle des propositions analytiques et synthétiques. Un article ultérieur la rapprochera de la distinction épistémologique des connaissances a priori et a posteriori. On commence par reprendre les définitions principales de l'analytique et du synthétique, et l'on rejette les objections célèbres que Quine a dirigées contre elles. On montre ensuite comment ces définitions opèrent sur la théorie des biens Giffen et des biens substituts. La distinction de l'analytique et du synthétique permet de clarifier des options que les micro-économistes laissent implicites, au risque de tomber dans des pièges sémantiques; en l'occurrence, elle vient renforcer la critique déjà faite de la définition hicksienne des substituts. A titre annexe, on montre que la méthodologie économique identifie incorrectement les propositions analytiques aux tautologies, et les propositions synthétiques à celles qui sont testables.

The main aim of the article is to analyse the introduction of keynesianism into Spain through the Manuel de Torres' works, the most active proponent of the new doctrine during the forties and fifties. The article focus on the adaptation to the Spanish context of the Keynes's ideas by Manuel de Torres. In particular, Keynesianism contributed to replace the agrarian ideas defended by Torres in the thirties by a new interest in industrial development during the 40's and 50's. Thus, the article provides an explanation of Torres' doctrinal evolution and vindicates the role played by the economic ideas as an instrument of transformation. These ideas contributed to change the Torres perception of the Spanish economic reality.

Notre analyse de la coordination inter-individuelle dans la controverse Hayek-Keynes nous permet de distinguer deux types de problème de coordination. Le problème de coordination au sens de Hayek est temporaire. II est la conséquence de chocs informationnels exogènes perturbant les interactions entre les individus. II implique un concept de chômage temporaire. Le problème de coordination au sens de Keynes est permanent. II est le résultat endogène des interactions entre les individus évoluant au sein de marchés interdépendants. II conduit au concept de chômage involontaire au sens de Keynes.