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This paper investigates the events and lessons from the 1848–49 cholera epidemic in Hungary. For contemporaries, the ongoing revolution and civil war pushed the devastation of the cholera epidemic into the background, even though the death rate was similar to that of the earlier 1831 infection. The epidemic hit the country in a period when the revolutionary Hungarian state was waging a war of self-defense. This article strives to refute the historiographic view that the movements of the different armies had a considerable influence on the development of the epidemic. Instead, this article argues that the cholera epidemic was a demographic crisis unfolding in the background of war, but for the most part independently of it. It mattered that most people of that time had already directly experienced cholera and that the Hungarian government did not want to cause panic with restrictive measures. In 1848, cholera was not a “mobilizing factor,” but in 1849 it contributed to the demoralization of the hinterland and frequently appeared in the political propaganda of the civil war.
Following the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, long-distance pilgrimage to Islamic holy sites expanded and quickened, resulting in the spread of cholera among travelers. The necessity of taking circuitous routes to holy cities both inside and outside Iran significantly exacerbated the spread of cholera. Although potential factors such as inadequate public health infrastructure and ineffective quarantine measures contributed to the dissemination of cholera, overall religious mobility in the form of pilgrimage primarily factored behind cholera's spread. Analyzing the influence of religious mobility and rituals sheds light on how pilgrims, as contagions, dealt with the pandemic and the treatment they received from authorities, members of host societies, and individuals within and outside Iran during the cholera pandemics of the1890s and early 1900s.
In recent years, Lebanon has been struggling with a socioeconomic crisis exacerbated by population displacement after the Syrian crisis, which put a significant burden on its healthcare system. An additional challenge has been the response to a cholera outbreak- a deadly waterborne disease transmitted through the fecal-oral route that usually manifests as severe watery diarrhea and can rapidly progress to death. After reports of a cholera outbreak in Syria were disclosed in September 2022, the Northern Governorate of Lebanon too began reporting cases immediately after, and the first case was confirmed on October 6, 2022. The outbreak rapidly spread to other parts of the country. As of December 9, 2022, a total of 5105 suspected cholera cases with 23 associated deaths were reported across Lebanon. An estimated 45% of these cases were of children and adolescents below the age of 15 years. With the start of the vaccination campaign, awareness programs emphasizing adequate sanitation and clean water sources have become an urgent need.
White settlers domesticated water by shaping and regulating natural water features into systems of dams, piped networks, and waste disposal facilities. Clean water is a common resource when there is no restriction on its use, and each use of the resource makes less available to others. Overuse of common water resources was an early feature of the five cities, and effective solutions were the product of democratic institutions that empowered citizens to take collective action and express demands for improved infrastructure. In Sydney, Melbourne, and Adelaide, sanitary reform through investment in networked water infrastructure in response to the threat of cholera was underway by the mid-nineteenth century; the development of effective sewerage was delayed by the costs of extension across large metropolitan areas and the fragmentation of political authority between local councils. The smaller cities, Brisbane and Perth, were slower to invest, and water supplies continued to be unreliable and subject to pollution from cesspits. By the start of the twentieth century, variations in water infrastructure systems reflected the path-dependent nature of earlier solutions, which would constrain the options available to future decision makers.
Florence Nightingale was the indisputable heroine of the Crimean War during the conflict and after. Though she treated the cholera, her greatest success came in the realm of public opinion. The press bathed Nightingale, an unusually capable and energetic professional, in sentiment. Vaulted to celebrity, the Lady with the Lamp found her place in poems and on porcelain. Postwar labors in public health, nursing, and statistics across her long life had farther reaching effects. Yet, the image of the young Nightingale endured. She was the subject of statues, pageants, and radio shows; she became the emblem of the nursing profession. Complex and malleable, Nightingale was an icon of Englishness and a global heroine. She was an embodiment of Victorianism and a modernizing force. She inspired loyal proponents and fierce detractors. Nightingale bedeviled the army’s medical men in her lifetime; she attracted ire from modernist critics after her death. The greatest rebuke came from the British nursing profession; it discarded Nightingale as its emblem in favor of more current role models in 1989. This most enduring Victorian heroine was ultimately out of step with contemporary Britain.
From the mid-nineteenth century, seamen were increasingly identified as vectors of epidemic diseases such as cholera. The rising acceptance of the germ theories of disease and contagion and the transition from sail to steam at this time increased the fear of the rapid spread of contagious diseases through these mobile people. This article examines how the British naval authorities, ship surgeons and the medical and municipal authorities in the Calcutta sailortown sought to improve maritime health and hygiene to prevent the spread of cholera among and by British seamen. Nineteenth century Calcutta is an ideal context for this study on account of its epidemiological notoriety as a disease entrepot and the sea route between Calcutta and British ports was one of the most closely monitored for disease in the Empire. The article argues that a study of cholera among British seamen can generate important insights into the relationship among disease, medicine and colonialism and in doing so shed light into a neglected aspect of the history of nineteenth century cholera, the British anxiety regarding disease dispersion, practice of hygiene and sanitation and British seamen’s health.
Cholera is one of the major public health problems in the state of Odisha, India since centuries. The current paper is a comprehensive report on epidemiology of cholera in Odisha, which was documented from 1993. PubMed and Web of Knowledge were searched for publications reporting cholera in Odisha during the period 1993–2015. The search was performed using the keywords ‘Odisha’ and/or ‘Orissa’ and ‘Cholera’. In addition, manual search was undertaken to find out relevant papers. During the study period, a total of 37 cholera outbreaks were reported with an average of >1.5 cholera outbreaks per year and case fatality ratio was 0.3%. Vibrio cholerae O1 Ogawa serotype was the major causative agent in most of the cholera cases. The recent studies demonstrated the prevalence of V. cholerae O1, El Tor variants carrying ctxB1, ctxB7 and Haitian variant tcpA allele associated with polymyxin B sensitivity and these variants are replacing the proto type El Tor. The first report of variant ctxB7 in Odisha during super-cyclone 1999 predicted its emergence and subsequent spread causing cholera outbreaks. The prevalence of multidrug-resistant V. cholerae at different time periods created alarming situation. The efficacy trial of oral cholera vaccine (OCV, Shanchol) in a public health set-up in Odisha has shown encouraging results which should be deployed for community level vaccination among the vulnerable population. This paper has taken an effort to disseminate the valuable information of epidemiology of cholera that will influence the policy-makers and epidemiologists for constant surveillance in other parts of Odisha, India and around the globe.
This paper investigates global dynamics of an infection age-space structured cholera model. The model describes the vibrio cholerae transmission in human population, where infection-age structure of vibrio cholerae and infectious individuals are incorporated to measure the infectivity during the different stage of disease transmission. The model is described by reaction–diffusion models involving the spatial dispersal of vibrios and the mobility of human populations in the same domain Ω ⊂ ℝn. We first give the well-posedness of the model by converting the model to a reaction–diffusion model and two Volterra integral equations and obtain two constant equilibria. Our result suggest that the basic reproduction number determines the dichotomy of disease persistence and extinction, which is achieved by studying the local stability of equilibria, disease persistence and global attractivity of equilibria.
This article revisits the origins of internationalism in the field of health and shows how the cholera epidemics of the nineteenth century, much like the current coronavirus crisis, brought global differences such as social inequalities, political hierarchies, and scientific conflicts to the fore. Beyond drawing parallels between the cholera epidemics and the current crisis, the article argues for combining imperial and social histories in order to write richer and more grounded histories of internationalism. It explores this historiographical and methodological challenge by analysing the boardrooms of the international sanitary conferences, Middle Eastern quarantine stations catering for Mecca pilgrims, and ocean steamships aiming to move without delay during a worldwide health crisis.
Recognizing that serious pandemics call forth explanations which go to the heart of beliefs about why natural disasters occur, this article examines three pandemics over the last 200 years (cholera from 1817, Spanish influenza in 1918–19, and COVID-19) to establish whether such explanations have changed significantly over time and, if so, why. What it finds is that this period saw a watershed in which the dominance of traditional religious explanations declined in many parts of the world in the face of the ascent of explanations based on biomedical science. Tracking this momentous change across several faiths and regions globally makes it possible to put into telling historical perspective the stances taken by faith-based communities in response to the current COVID-19 pandemic.
We conducted a matched case-control (MCC), test-negative case-control (TNCC) and case-cohort study in 2016 in Lusaka, Zambia, following a mass vaccination campaign. Confirmed cholera cases served as cases in all three study designs. In the TNCC, control-subjects were cases with negative cholera culture and polymerase chain reaction results. Matched controls by age and sex were selected among neighbours of the confirmed cases in the MCC study. For the case-cohort study, we recruited a cohort of randomly selected individuals living in areas considered at-risk of cholera. We recruited 211 suspected cases (66 confirmed cholera cases and 145 non-cholera diarrhoea cases), 1055 matched controls and a cohort of 921. Adjusted vaccine effectiveness of one dose of oral cholera vaccine (OCV) was 88.9% (95% confidence interval (CI) 42.7–97.8) in the MCC study, 80.2% (95% CI: 16.9–95.3) in the TNCC design and 89.4% (95% CI: 64.6–96.9) in the case-cohort study. Three study designs confirmed the short-term effectiveness of single dose OCV. Major healthcare-seeking behaviour bias did not appear to affect our estimates. Most of the protection among vaccinated individuals could be attributed to the direct effect of the vaccine.
This chapter focuses on the views of residents in the townships where the epidemic first fulminated. My interviewees in this portion of society describe the ZANU(PF) regime in sinister terms – as an entity capable and willing to inflict harm on them through a ferocious disease or to ignore them in times of desperate need. Thus, cholera made clear just how marginalised they are in Zimbabwean society. My interlocutors recounted stories of relentless suffering, violence, dispossession and abandonment during the cholera outbreak. It is tempting to read this grim narration as a form of victimhood when faced with a sinister political regime and a deadly disease outbreak. But to do so would be to grasp only one aspect of what are layered public narratives. By examining the ways in which people spoke about cholera, I underscore the limitations that ‘the state’ has in commanding its own discursive representations and in shaping popular understandings of a political disaster. While my interlocutors speak from an apparent position of victimhood, the outbreak also provided an occasion for township residents to vent their outrage at the government and demand better-quality, more accountable public service delivery. These were important claims to substantive forms of citizenship.
This chapter looks at the functioning, politics and experiences of the extraordinary assemblage of institutions and individuals that ultimately constituted the emergency response to cholera. The process of coordinating a large-scale humanitarian relief effort was riven with competing claims to leadership, authority and legitimacy within and between different government and humanitarian bodies. However, as I argue in this chapter, these heterogeneous positions converged on the ineluctable and morally unimpeachable logic of ‘saving lives’. I call this logic ‘the salvation agenda’. The salvation agenda represented a bottom-line agreement that reconciled competing experiences of and viewpoints about the crisis to offer necessary and vital palliation in the face of cholera. Nevertheless, the exigency of saving lives did not, and could not, address the background socio-economic conditions that led to the epidemic. As such, I suggest that the salvation agenda inadvertently helped to perpetuate and, in some ways, exacerbate existing social hierarchies in Zimbabwe while ceding ‘moral ownership’ of the outbreak to a technical, internationalised, ostensibly ethical and apolitical humanitarian apparatus.
In this introductory chapter, I set the scene for the book by explaining the magnitude and political salience of Zimbabwe’s 2008–09 cholera outbreak. I then lay out my approach to studying the political life of the epidemic by situating the book in the relevant social science scholarship to provide academic context, identify important gaps in the literature and set some of the key parameters of the work. After reviewing the literature, I develop a theoretical framework – that I call ‘one disease, many crises’ – which forms the backdrop to the historical and empirical chapters that follow. From here, in the methodology section, I detail the specific methods I used to conduct this study. I then lay out the core argument of the thesis in brief and I stress the novel contributions that this study makes to academe. In the penultimate section, I outline the anatomy of the thesis by giving a summary of each of its constituent chapters and stating how they fit into the larger whole.
This chapter synthesises the main arguments made in the book. I discuss how the study of the cholera outbreak has been used to illuminate a wider set of questions ranging from the character of the Zimbabwean state to the nature of structural inequalities in Zimbabwean society, ideational formations in everyday life, and, more widely, the myriad meanings, memories and narratives the epidemic has left in its wake across public institutions and in civic life. I put forward the contributions that this project makes to scholarly debates about the emergence of catastrophic epidemics and the transformation of state institutions in Zimbabwe, about the politics of responding to complex emergencies, and about citizenship and political subjectivity. I place the cholera outbreak in comparative perspective by suggesting how the insights gleaned from this book might be relevant to other major epidemics in Africa. Finally, I conclude on a cautionary note as Zimbabwe continues to suffer from recurrent diarrhoeal disease outbreaks that disproportionately affect the poor. But I also note that the country’s politics are not a foregone conclusion and, despite the pessimistic tone of this book, reasons for optimism are to be found in the complexity, diversity and richness of Zimbabwean people and society.
Zimbabwe's catastrophic cholera outbreak of 2008–9 saw an unprecedented number of people affected, with 100,000 cases and nearly 5,000 deaths. Cholera, however, was much more than a public health crisis: it represented the nadir of the country's deepening political and economic crisis of 2008. This study focuses on the political life of the cholera epidemic, tracing the historical origins of the outbreak, examining the social pattern of its unfolding and impact, analysing the institutional and communal responses to the disease, and marking the effects of its aftermath. Across different social and institutional settings, competing interpretations and experiences of the cholera epidemic created charged social and political debates. In his examination of these debates which surrounded the breakdown of Zimbabwe's public health infrastructure and failing bureaucratic order, the scope and limitations of disaster relief, and the country's profound levels of livelihood poverty and social inequality, Simukai Chigudu reveals how this epidemic of a preventable disease had profound implications for political institutions and citizenship in Zimbabwe.
The seventh chapter, “An Era of Optimism,” analyzes the new culture of sanitation practices that helped to define modernity. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, those living in the developed world became accustomed to wearing shoes, using toilet paper, bathing regularly with soap, and utilizing refrigeration systems to extend the life of foods. In the mid-twentieth century, populations in the Global North benefited from population-wide vaccination programs against poliomyelitis, the prevalence of which seemed to have increased as a result of the implementation of better sanitation systems. Based on the "hygiene hypothesis," many specialists believed that poliomyelitis was rare in regions without modern sanitation. This was not the case. Regrettably, polio vaccination did not begin in the developing world until the 1970s. Oral rehydration therapy, a major breakthrough in the treatment of diarrheal disease, saved millions of lives.
Chapter three, “Diffusion and Amplification,” discusses the long era in which pathogens and parasites were extended to new regions. As human communities became more complex, networks of trade expanded and became denser, allowing for the rapid, long-distance transmission of intestinal pathogens. Over the first millennium and a half of the Common Era, the disease pool of Eurasia and northern Africa became increasingly integrated. In the late fifteenth century, some Old World intestinal pathogens crossed the Atlantic and became established in the Americas. By the early nineteenth century, the integration had become global. Rapid urbanization in the industrializing North Atlantic states created a crisis of urban fecal pollution. In response, the first public health reform movements emerged. Beginning in the first half of the nineteenth century, cholera pandemics spread along global trade routes and infected all the inhabited continents. This provoked the first efforts at the international control of disease.
While the cholera outbreak in Haiti still claims victims every month, it is also the backdrop of one of the biggest legal battles the UN has been engaged in – one for the recognition of harm caused and for reparations for victims of cholera. Having used its immunity to disengage from the issue, the UN finally changed its stance in December 2016 and apologized for the organization’s role in the cholera outbreak. This article analyses the role of the elected members of the Security Council – alongside other key stakeholders – in contributing to the UN’s change of policy. Based on privileged access to a number of actors in this politico-legal fight, this article argues that elected members of the Security Council have played a crucial role in pushing the UN to ‘do the right thing’. This article, along with other contributions to this special issue, sheds a different light on the practices inside the Security Council, demonstrating that elected members are far from being powerless, as most of the literature on the subject tends to assume. They can successfully play a significant role inside the organization when the right conditions permit them to play this role.
The cholera and plague pandemics of the 19th and early 20h centuries shaped Ottoman state-building and expansionist efforts in Iraq and the Gulf in significant ways. For Ottoman officials, these pandemics brought attention to the possible role of Qajar and British subjects in spreading cholera and plague, as well as the relationship between Iraq's ecology and recurring outbreaks. These developments paved the way for the expansion of Ottoman health institutions, such as quarantines, and the emergence of new conceptions of public health in the region. Specifically, quarantines proved instrumental not only to the delineation of the Ottoman–Qajar border, but also to defining an emerging Ottoman role in shaping Gulf affairs. Moreover, the Ottomans’ use of quarantines and simultaneous efforts to develop sanitary policies informed by local ecological realities signal a localized and ad hoc approach to disease prevention that has been overlooked. Ultimately, this study demonstrates that environmental factors operating on global and regional scales were just as important as geopolitical factors in shaping Ottoman rule in Iraq and the Gulf during the late Ottoman period.