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After the endorsement of the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPs) by the Human Rights Council on 16 June 2011, 15 March 2024 marked another milestone for transnational corporate governance. That day, a qualified majority of the member states of the European Union (EU) voted in favour of the Directive on Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence (CSDDD) setting human rights and environmental obligations for large companies in their global value chains.1 The CSDDD is the first region-wide due diligence legislation, yet it is also a political compromise among EU member states, which civil society and business have been watching closely. This piece explains the main elements of the CSDDD and outlines some of its implications beyond the EU.
This Special Issue denotes the first comprehensive attempt to place business and human rights-related (BHR) developments in the Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) region on the map of global discussions in BHR. The CEE is a geographical area that is historically, politically, socio-economically, geo-strategically and culturally distinct from other regions, including Western Europe. Hence, this Special Issue explores the region’s specific elements and factors and how they affect and influence the implementation and embedding of human rights in the practice of business enterprises in the region. The ‘Scholarly Articles’ and ‘Developments in the Field’ pieces collected in this issue highlight the promising and not-so-promising developments and practices of state institutions, business enterprises, and other actors. It documents the current situation in the region and outlines ideas and prospects for addressing the identified challenges over the next decade. As an introduction to the Special Issue, this editorial outlines the region’s leading trends and prospects in BHR. It reflects on persisting challenges and notes the region’s progress in BHR awareness, knowledge and capacity in recent decades.
The debate over whether corporate social responsibility should comprise soft law responsibility or legally binding obligations is inadequate to address the legal relationship between corporations and society. The corporate social responsibility movement addresses only an economic agency problem and overlooks a fundamental gap between economic agency and legal agency, or attribution. The former is the problem of potential divergence of interests between a principal and an agent, and the latter concerns the laws regulating the relationship between a person and his or her representative. Corporate social responsibility is meant to respond to the first of these— – the economic agency problem – —as scholars have analyzed at length. However, the legal structures needed to address attribution and legal accountability are still far from established. The chapter proposes an attribution framework that can appropriately address the legal agency problem, in other words, to address corporate social accountability. It suggests that creating a new form of fictitious legal entity could help address this problem by resolving collective action issues.
Chapter 7 proposes how the liability framework should be implemented. Harm liability can flow from a statutory standard or local tort law. This focus allows liability to complement, rather than replicate, public enforcement. The quantum of liability should depend on the harm incurred by the victim, rather than on the wrongfulness of the perpetrator’s conduct or the consequences that the perpetrator foresaw. Privacy liability is most effective as part of a mechanism of collective redress, such as class actions. A robust notion of loss and harm can address problems of insufficient compensation and uncertainties in class certification. Considering privacy problems at scale, we need a framework recognizing mass privacy effects for regulators and courts.
Tech companies bypass privacy laws daily, creating harm for profit. The information economy is plagued with hidden harms to people’s privacy, equality, finances, reputation, mental wellbeing, and even to democracy, produced by data breaches and data-fed business models. This book explores why this happens and proposes what to do about it. Legislators, policymakers, and judges are trapped into ineffective approaches to tackle digital harms because they work with tools unfit to deal with the unique challenges of data ecosystems that leverage AI. People are powerless towards inferences about them that they can’t anticipate, interfaces that manipulate them, and digital harms they can’t escape. Adopting a cross-jurisdictional scope, this book describes how laws and regulators can and should respond to these pervasive and expanding harms. In a world where data is everywhere, one of society’s most pressing challenges is addressing power discrepancies between the companies that profit from personal data and the people whose data produces profit. Doing so requires creating accountability for the consequences of corporate data practices—not the practices themselves. Laws can achieve this by creating a new type of liability that recognizes the social value of privacy, uncovering dynamics between individual and collective digital harms.
Tech companies bypass privacy laws daily, creating harm for profit. The information economy is plagued with hidden harms to people’s privacy, equality, finances, reputation, mental wellbeing, and even to democracy, produced by data breaches and data-fed business models. This book explores why this happens and proposes what to do about it. Legislators, policymakers, and judges are trapped into ineffective approaches to tackle digital harms because they work with tools unfit to deal with the unique challenges of data ecosystems that leverage AI. People are powerless towards inferences about them that they can’t anticipate, interfaces that manipulate them, and digital harms they can’t escape. Adopting a cross-jurisdictional scope, this book describes how laws and regulators can and should respond to these pervasive and expanding harms. In a world where data is everywhere, one of society’s most pressing challenges is addressing power discrepancies between the companies that profit from personal data and the people whose data produces profit. Doing so requires creating accountability for the consequences of corporate data practices—not the practices themselves. Laws can achieve this by creating a new type of liability that recognizes the social value of privacy, uncovering dynamics between individual and collective digital harms.
Our privacy is besieged by tech companies. Companies can do this because our laws are built on outdated ideas that trap lawmakers, regulators, and courts into wrong assumptions about privacy, resulting in ineffective legal remedies to one of the most pressing concerns of our generation. Drawing on behavioral science, sociology, and economics, Ignacio Cofone challenges existing laws and reform proposals and dispels enduring misconceptions about data-driven interactions. This exploration offers readers a holistic view of why current laws and regulations fail to protect us against corporate digital harms, particularly those created by AI. Cofone then proposes a better response: meaningful accountability for the consequences of corporate data practices, which ultimately entails creating a new type of liability that recognizes the value of privacy.
The ‘Mind the Gap’ project has created a toolkit for civil society to hold companies to account for their adverse impacts. The toolkit sets out two distinct but interlinked frameworks: harmful corporate strategies resulting in the avoidance of responsibility for adverse impacts, and civil society counter-strategies to overcome these harmful strategies. Both frameworks capture the unique experiences of the Mind the Gap project’s global consortium partners and civil society actors focused on corporate accountability. The project responds to a need to close governance gaps that arise in the context of the current global economic system. It is only by identifying and understanding harmful corporate strategies that civil society can effectively advocate for corporate accountability and the closure of governance gaps.
In February 2020, following a decade-long struggle for justice, a determined group of displaced Cambodian farmers and two advocacy organizations (Inclusive Development International and Equitable Cambodia) reached a landmark agreement with the Australia New Zealand Banking Group (ANZ) to provide a financial pay-out to the farmers for their suffering. The agreement set an important human rights precedent for the global banking industry. It was the first time known that a commercial bank made a financial contribution to remediate harms caused by one of its corporate customers, after acknowledging that its human rights due diligence had been inadequate.1 The case was also a rare example of a community receiving financial compensation through the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD)’s voluntary system of corporate accountability (the OECD’s National Contact Points or NCPs). While the final outcome was positive, its singularity and the immense effort, tenacity and resources required in obtaining it, demonstrate both what is wrong with this corporate accountability system and what reforms are needed to reach its potential to advance greater business respect for human rights.
Colombia has faced over fifty years of internal armed conflict, resulting in more than 9 million victims and dozens of peace negotiations with different illegal armed groups. With the demobilization of the largest paramilitary group in 2003 (Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia), the country saw renewed accountability efforts that highlighted the role of businesspeople in the violence. A norm of business accountability for past atrocities started to emerge with a number of convictions in the courts. When the government launched negotiations with the FARC guerrilla group in 2012, many observers expected continuity in this path of increased accountability of economic actors. But the path was severed. This chapter describes the ebbs and flows of business accountability in Colombia, looking at the role of the human rights movement in securing higher levels of accountability, and the emergence of an organized opposition from the business community to stop the process. The chapter argues that this business countermovement is a result of the success of the human rights movement in the courts, which led to convictions and brought the matter to the public eye. All of this created a more tangible threat to the interests of economic actors, leading to the subsequent backlash.
BHR is a fast-evolving interdisciplinary field and naturally its focus expands over time and new subdiscussions start to emerge. Such new discussions often appear at the intersection between BHR and other fields. This chapter briefly outlines four selected emerging discussions within the BHR field, namely: the intersection between BHR and the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), the relevance of climate change for BHR, gender perspectives on BHR, and BHR in post-conflict and transitional justice contexts.
China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), designed to build critical infrastructure and coordinate economic growth, is the most significant development initiative in modern history. The BRI has a documented vision for sustainability, including environmental impact assessments and responsibility tenets. Despite this, a growing body of literature has found adverse effects of BRI projects on protected land and species. To understand corporate responsibility and regulations for companies participating in the BRI, we gathered information on 260 BRI companies using the Refinitiv Eikon BRI Connect database and the China Global Investment Tracker. The results revealed a significant gap in corporate responsibility reporting for biodiversity impacts, environmental restoration, environmental project financing and the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) 14 ‘Life below Water’ and 15 ‘Life on Land’. The modest fraction of companies that we found to report biodiversity accountability highlights the need to restructure and incentivize the reporting of environmental and biodiversity risks. The current evidence of limited adherence to responsibility measures highlights a clear opportunity to align BRI development with the BRI’s vision for sustainability, and to strengthen links for policy engagement within Chinese regulatory frameworks and international obligations at the United Nations within its SDG framework.
A ground-breaking judgment of the Australian Federal Court regarding the Montara oil spill in the Timor Sea in 2009, Sanda v PTTEP Australasia (Ashmore Cartier) Pty Ltd (No 7) (Sanda (No 7)),1 is one of the few Australian class actions to proceed to a favourable judgment for the claimants. It is also the first judgment against an Australian company for cross-border pollution loss suffered by foreign claimants.
Human dignity, effective human rights protection and the rule of law are the backbones of the legal system of the European Union (EU).1 The EU and its member states have been front-runners in human rights protection not only on its own territory, but also beyond in their relationship with third countries. They have been the principal standard-setters in the field of business and human rights (BHR). The majority of the EU member states (15 out of 27) have so far adopted National Action Plans on Business and Human Rights.2 As far as legislative action goes, the EU has in recent years adopted two binding legal acts in the BHR field, namely, a Directive requiring obligatory non-financial reporting for large corporations3 and a Regulation concerning mandatory due diligence for the EU-based importers of minerals and metals from conflict-ridden areas.4 More recently, the European Parliament and the European Commission have been working towards adoption of a general directive for obligatory human rights and environmental due diligence for large corporations.5
The sixth session of the United Nations (UN) open-ended intergovernmental working group (IGWG) tasked with ‘elaborating an international legally binding instrument to regulate, in international human rights law, the activities of transnational corporations and other business enterprises’1 (BHR Treaty) took place virtually during 26–30 October 2020.2
Used wisely, inside and outside the courtroom, strategic litigation may be an important vehicle for achieving accountability. To show how communities and advocates sparked the life of a movement seeking accountability of corporate actors under international law, this chapter will provide a chronological account of developments and setbacks that the movement has faced. Using Chiquita as a case study, the chapter distils the recent history of corporate accountability under international law. It follows a linear approach, explaining the developments and set-backs in corporate criminal responsibility under international law. It starts with Nuremberg as a milestone, and goes on to analyze subsequent approaches supporting or rejecting the accountability of corporate officers and corporations. Passing through domestic litigation that emanated from Nuremberg precedents, as well as the subsequent developments, the chapter tells the recent history of corporate accountability under international criminal law.
This article presents three arguments on why businesses have direct obligations under existing international law. Nevertheless, in the present state of international law, the obligations of businesses are limited and wholly dependent on the state’s further action of implementation and enforcement. To reach this conclusion, the article asserts that businesses have partial legal personality in international law; that legal obligations and the enforcement model must be distinguished as two separate issues; and that human rights are requirements of justice that emanate from the dignity of each human person to any social actor, including businesses and other non-state actors. The article attempts to contribute to the debate about a binding instrument on business and human rights and presents an alternative understanding of international law that can assist domestic tribunals in applying international human rights standards to businesses as they carry out activities in their jurisdictions.
This chapter shows that the UK relies on information disclosure and market forces to steer companies towards greater sustainability, leaving company law and corporate governance largely free to focus on shareholder value. It traces the twentieth century regulatory and policy changes which reoriented the UK’s system from managerialist to shareholder-centric, before analysing the 2006 reforms, which are supposed to promote ‘enlightened shareholder value’ through directors’ duties and disclosure. Finally, the chapter considers recent developments that attempt to use information disclosure to promote a long-term approach, including giving shareholders stewardship responsibilities and a ‘say on pay’, making changes to takeover regulation, and requiring companies to make disclosures in relation to modern slavery. None of these recent measures have been successful, and the chapter concludes that far-reaching reforms to corporate governance are urgently needed.