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The Sultanate's political economy evolved continuously. Since the regime presided over an imperial union of territories that differed in their topography and ecology, the process of evolution in these regions exhibited contrasting patterns of change. Agriculture in the Nile Valley manifested procedures unlike crop raising or animal husbandry along the Syrian coast, upland valleys or semi-arid outback of the Syrian Sahel. Commodities imported from South or East Asia transited from ports in Yemen or Western Arabia through entrepôts on the Upper Nile to Alexandria, where they were transferred to European carriers that conveyed them to destinations on the Mediterranean north shore and beyond. Agents in each of these stages answered to differing sponsors, aligned their conduct of business with local politics and extracted revenues at levels fluctuating within the mechanisms that governed inter-regional trade throughout this period. Domestic commerce in both urban and rural settings dealt in the exchange of commodities produced locally in a workshop milieu. Control over (and profiteering from) marketing of lucrative staples that funneled revenues to the regime, such as spices, textiles or sugar, became a principal objective of governmental authority, with results that enhanced the Sultanate’s fisc in the short term but compromised its competitive position in the longue durée. These issues are considered from the perspective of agriculture or animal husbandry in Egypt and Syria, the varying extent of control exercised over them by the bureaucracy, interregional trade and its manipulation by the Sultanate over time, the domestic commercial economy, and finally the overt expropriation or clandestine extraction on which the regime relied as licit sources of revenuediminished in the Sultanate’s final century.
On top of dealing with climate change impacts on rainfall and temperature, and rising populations and development, the Euphrates–Tigris basin also faces conflict and instability. The Syrian Civil War, the presence of many nonstate armed groups, and the lack of coordination between Turkey, Syria, and Iraq to manage the water resources can lead to continued political confrontation and economic disintegration. This complicates the existent issue of nexus in the Euphrates–Tigris basin. The conflicting needs of energy, water, and food require more coordination not just between countries but between sectors within the countries. Each sector must be allocated a certain amount of water based on the needs it fulfills for the country. If violence continues and instability in the region is not resolved, these demands may increase and further pressure the basin.
This chapter reviews the role of irrigation districts, city water utilities, and environmental groups in basin management. Examples from two river basins – Rio Grande and Euphrates–Tigris – illustrate vast differences in stakeholder participation. The authors recommend that all SERIDAS rivers pay increased attention to this option for better management. The four options for creating sub-basin water councils recommended for the Rio Grande provide useful guidance. Other models, reflecting different basin conditions, may emerge. Whatever model is selected, stakeholders should always organize to address the water agenda of their sub-basin. Doing so directly contributes to reaching and maintaining sustainability of the river as a whole.
In Chapter 9, Strand BIII reflects the historical Sitz im Leben of the source in the Neo-Babylonian Period (the reigns of Nabopolassar and the early years of Nebuchadnezzar II). The author of this strand incorporated echoes of the events connected to the demise of the Assyrian Empire. More particularly, these echoes reflect the following events: a) the wars of the Babylonians under Nabopolassar on Assyrian soil from 616 to 609 BCE, during which the Babylonians devastated the heartland of Assyria and conquered its Western provinces, thus sealing Assyria’s demise; and b) the subsequent campaigns of the Neo-Babylonian Empire under Nebuchadnezzar II, during which the Babylonians crossed the Euphrates and conquered the Levant (605–598/7). The struggle between Assyria and Egypt over the Levant is omitted. During the siege of Jerusalem between 588 and 586 BCE, the people of Jerusalem decided to oppose the besieging Babylonians and not surrender. Jerusalem withstood a siege for a far longer time than any of the nations listed in Isa 37:12–13, namely during the conquests of the Neo-Babylonian Kings. Therefore, the people of Jerusalem could claim that God was protecting them and Jerusalem.
Chapter 7 presents the historical reality of the period between the murder of Sennacherib in 681 BCE and the defeat of Assyria at the borders of Egypt in 673 BCE. Scholars did not consider the historical reality of Egypt and Kush, which excludes portraying Taharqa as a heroic victorious figure after 671 BCE, after which he could not have been depicted as the savior, who would come to the rescue of Jerusalem, since during the period from 671 BCE until his death in 664 BCE he was repeatedly defeated by the Assyrians and his kingdom conquered and subjugated. Thus, only a narrow window of opportunity can be detected for the composition of BII – the years between the murder of Sennacherib (681) and the conquest of Egypt by Assyria (671). During this period Assyria suffered a disastrous defeat, which might have been portrayed as the intervention of God’s angel in Isa 37:36. After the conquest of Egypt by Assyria in 671 BCE and the expulsion of the Kushites from Egypt never to return, Taharqa’s elevation to the role of savior would be highly improbable.
Chapter 3 provides the historical and regional context of water security in Syria prior to the major droughts of the 1990s and 2000s. It traces the role of water in Syrian society throughout history, first by reviewing domestic water legislation and then by examining Syria’s international riparian relations in the Euphrates and Tigris basins. Water resources have been key to the development of civilizations in Syria for millennia because of its arid climate and dependence on agriculture; there is therefore a long history of the regulation of water. The chapter contends that Islamic law codified norms around water use that emphasized social justice and environmental protection, and these norms were included in modern Syrian water legislation centuries later. Concluding the chapter is an analysis of how the management of Syria’s main transboundary rivers has been impacted by its relations with its upstream riparian neighbor, Turkey.
Syriac culture was heir to three quite different literary cultures: ancient Mesopotamian, Jewish and Greek. In the period up to 425, elements from all three can be readily identified, in varying proportions, in the extant literature; from the early fifth century onwards the Greek element became the predominant influence, while the other two fade into the background. This applies equally to the history of Syriac culture in the Sasanian empire, although there the influence of Greek culture on Syriac literature does not become strong until the sixth century. The interaction between Greek and Syriac culture in Syria and northern Mesopotamia was in fact a complex affair, and in the period under consideration the juxtaposition of the two literary cultures resulted in mutual enrichment. In the sixth century, at a time when the prestige of Greek culture was resulting in ever stronger influence on Syriac literature, Syriac was actually gaining ground as a written language to the west of the Euphrates.
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