This chapter samples some basic signs of location, such as exit and entry, names of cities and streets of various sizes and styles.

Whether a society adapts to a supply shock or resists it coercively depends on the costs of each action. The more costly is adaptation, the likelier is a coercive response. We consider three kinds of adaptation, each usually costlier than the last: factor substitution, factor mobility, and factor-saving technology. Where substitution is elastic, producers can readily substitute a cheaper factor for one that has become suddenly expensive. Inelastic substitution forecloses that alternative, but often a suddenly devalued factor can exit to a different sector or region where it remains in higher demand. Where neither substitution nor exit is possible, a factor-saving technology or institutions that use a factor more efficiently – e.g., where labor is suddenly scarce, a labor-saving technology – can sometimes be adopted or invented. The puzzle, addressed in the next chapter, is why a new technology does, or does not, arise.

A subset of youth respondents in the study express how disappointment, frustration, and anger color everyday citizenship. They report how unmet promises, corruption, repression, and exclusive politics undermine their sense of citizen belonging and amplify tensions with elders. Such frustration may lead youth to contest citizenship in alternative ways, though most do not choose these paths. A small number exit, as indicated in Afrobarometer data and by our respondents. Some actively contest citizenship through the exclusion of others along ethnic or religious lines – patterns manifest among Ghanaian and Ugandan respondents and evident in survey data. Although some could choose to follow leaders who claim to speak for the people, comparisons of youth support for such populism in Tanzania and Uganda, on the one hand, with their support for the Economic Freedom Fighters in South Africa, on the other, provide inconclusive evidence that youth embrace illiberal populism. A subset channels anger into local and national mobilization, illustrating youth citizens as agents.

There are often claims that competition law does not or should not apply to entities that operate on a not-for-profit basis. Operating on a not-for-profit is not however accepted as a reason to exclude an entities activities from the scope of competition law. Competition law is applied to non-profit providers and this essay identifies a number of ways in which not-for-profit status can influence the way the law is applied. It then considers whether, particularly when not-for-profit entities are competing with for-profit entities, whether and why modifications in the application of the law are justified.

This chapter advances a theory of the citizen-consumer that connects the quality of basic services to trust in government, trust in government to consumer behavior, consumer behavior to citizen political participation, and citizen political participation back to the quality of basic services. When basic services are sound, citizens trust the institutions of government; when basic services fail, citizens distrust those same institutions. People who trust government rely on public services, whereas those who distrust government opt instead for more expensive commercial alternatives. This distrust premium is pure profit to government’s commercial competitors and is paid disproportionately by the politically marginalized. Consumers who use public services have a strong interest in safeguarding quality, so they are politically active citizens, demanding high-quality public services. Consumers who abandon public services in favor of commercial firms withdraw from political life. These distrustful, disengaged citizens demand little from government and oppose public investments. Starved of resources and attention, governments’ service quality declines and a vicious cycle of distrust ensues.

High-profile water contamination crises like the one in Flint, Michigan, shake confidence in US water systems. This chapter examines the links between tap water failure, reduced trust in utilities and government, and increased demand for commercial water. We show that negative experiences with basic service quality erode overall trust in government and increase demand for private alternatives. Analyses of data from three independent national surveys demonstrate that individuals who experience problems with their local water such as dirty, bad-tasting, or low-pressure water service also report lower trust in local, state, and federal government. The relationship between water service quality and trust in government persists after controlling for party identification, race, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status. We also find that tap water failure correlates with increased demand for commercial water sold from water kiosks, privately owned commercial water vendors. Taken together, these findings suggest that basic service failure erodes performative trust in government and increases demand for commercial drinking water.

This chapter examines the relationship between moral trust in government and the choice of citizen-consumers to exercise voice and exit. We find that when faced with tap water failure, ethnic and racial minorities are less likely to voice their concerns to utilities due to their historical marginalization in the United States. This disparity in the likelihood of exercising voice is most prevalent among poor populations, with the effect especially pronounced among Hispanics. Further, we find that citizen-consumers who lack moral trust in government are more likely to consume bottled water, signifying exit from publicly provided services. Exit from public services has downstream political effects. Citizen-consumers who drink bottled water are less likely to engage in politics. As bottled water consumption increases, voting rates decrease. The consequences of declining trust in government and the turn away from public services strikes at the heart of democracy itself. When individuals do not trust government to provide basic services, there is little reason for them to engage in public life more broadly.

This chapter imagines how proposals, aimed at facilitating the divestiture and exit of foreign investors, might have offered an alternative to problems that purport to be solved by international investment law. There is not much talk of alternatives as they have been banished by the discursive and material power of investment law. Displaced are fifty-year-old proposals aimed at facilitating the divestiture and exit of foreign investors that were introduced by Argentinian economist Raul Prebisch and elaborated upon by US-based economist Albert Hirschman. The chapter begins with a discussion of what is labelled constitutional dispossession, before turning to a discussion of the Prebisch–Hirschman proposal. An examination of this past yields fruitful insights into how we can generate substitutes for investment law, particularly as investment law’s foundations are being tested, even weakened, in some locales. The advantages of the divestment proposal are then identified and applied to the award in Bear Creek v. Peru, a dispute prompted by the revocation of a mining licence granted to a Canadian investor to which Aymara Indigenous communities in Peru were vociferously opposed. The object is to reimagine the status quo and reflect upon the prospects of far-reaching change.

Chapter 1 provides the theoretical justification for the book and proposes a new framework for explaining what scholar Albert Hirschman calls "voice" after "exit" against authoritarian regimes.

Advanced imaging of the mid-gestation fetus has allowed for the early detection and monitoring of conditions that may impact the delivery of the baby. Large head and neck masses that will likely compromise ventilation at birth can therefore be easily diagnosed with plans for securing the airway at birth. Ex-utero intrapartum therapy has greatly enhanced survival for such affected infants at birth. The success of this approach in providing advanced airway management at delivery has also been extended to the treatment of other conditions that may be life-threatening within the first few minutes to hours of life.

The focus of this chapter is to discuss a multidisciplinary approach to maternal-fetal patients undergoing minimally invasive (shunt or fetoscopic) procedures, open fetal surgery, or the ex-utero intrapartum therapy (EXIT) procedure. The team requires a diverse group of personnel. We will discuss the nature of this team and the pertinent aspects of the preoperative, intraoperative, and postoperative phase of care for the maternal-fetal patient. The preparation required for the team members providing care for these patients as well as the long-term follow-up and research aspects are outlined. Comprehensive expert care for these interventions requires administrative, institutional, research, and philanthropic support.

In this chapter, I summarize my findings and discuss their implications and contributions to existing literatures. I discuss how the theory offered in this book travels to cases beyond Indonesia, such as Kenya and Kyrgyzstan. I identify remaining unanswered questions and outline possible trajectories of future research on political exclusion, institutional accommodation of excluded actors, and demobilization of participants in violence in countries in political transition.

This chapter explains the dissipation of violence. Consistent with my theory, once political exclusion was ameliorated in conflict-ridden districts, the level of violence dropped. The creation of new districts and the implementation of direct elections of local executives accommodated these demands for inclusion. Whereas previously excluded political hopefuls faced impenetrable barriers to election, the creation of new districts multiplied the number of elected positions and increased the likelihood of opposition electoral victories, particularly in post-conflict areas where the electorate was already receptive to ethnic appeals and likely to vote for members of their ethnic group.

Chapter 1 provides the theoretical justification for the book and proposes a new framework for explaining what scholar Albert Hirschman calls "voice" after "exit" against authoritarian regimes.