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The chapter explores the state-building process that the Bavarian-led monarchy put into effect in Greece from 1832 onwards by agreement with the guarantor powers of Greek independence (Britain, France and Russia). By concentrating on the structures of power and the ideas that informed their formation – the Polizeiwissenschaft, the theory or technology of the police state and the administrative techniques of cameralism – the chapter situates the Greek case within a Europe-wide process of ‘Enlightened reforms’ from above. In so doing, it argues for the need to expand the chronological boundaries of reforms from above, as well as the legacy of the Enlightenment, and to move them well into the nineteenth century. The chapter explores the role in this process of the young, Western-educated jurists who flocked to the nascent state. By contextualising their thought, it aims to understand what their initial, even if still unsystematic, liberal interventions consisted of, how they facilitated the appearance of the ‘intellectual’, and the role they played in the formation of a language of opposition in the lead-up to the pronunciamento of 1843 and the convocation of the First National Assembly.
States make war and war makes states. This chapter argues that the concept of state is perfectly compatible with polities in which legitimate force exists within an oligopolistic rather than a monopolistic system. Two kinds of violence producers were set apart. At one end stood the 'booty-chaser', represented by Homer's Odysseus and his historical successor, the Phocaean Dionysius. At the other end stood the fighting potential of an entire community, mustered and fielded by the central political authority. Thucydides also points to the circumstances that conditioned the emergence of the most pre-eminent classical Greek example of the monopolistic state and establishes the approximate date of this momentous event. The one Greek state to succeed where all others had failed is of course classical Athens. The chapter focuses on what ensured that success was partly possession of two major violence-related institutions, sea-power and hegemony, and partly a determined effort to achieve a high degree of financial independence.
In a well-known story, Herodotus records how the Samians rescued three hundred boys whom Periander of Corinth was sending from Corcyra to Alyattes of Lydia to become eunuchs. The story illustrates the vocabulary and syntax of Greek ritual. More important, it throws light on the relationship between two ways of defining a community. On the one hand the political decision which the Samians have by implication taken is portrayed as one taken purely within the matrix of cult and ritual. On the other hand the story represents the political society of the Samians as being in full charge of their own religious practices. Neither Samos nor any Greek state was controlled by priests or prophets. It is this relationship between a society conceived of as embedded in cult and ritual and the same society conceived of as an autonomous political actor. Religion became a dependent appendage of national sentiment, and individual piety received an out and out deathblow'.
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