This chapter, written by a founder of the field and a historian with a long-term interest in DOHaD, examines the key (long) decade in the history of DOHaD, bookended by two conferences: one in 1989 and the other in 2003. At the 1989 workshop, David Barker presented his retrospective epidemiological research to an audience of fetal physiologists and clinicians. Discussions about the plausibility and underlying mechanisms of Barker’s findings fostered new research collaborations, methodologies, and projects, which over the next decade produced a new field. By 2003, DOHaD had grown sufficiently in both numbers and ambitions to host a major global conference. This chapter argues that to understand the objectives, methods, research questions, and intellectual networks making the field of DOHaD, the reactions that it provoked, and how it responded to them, we must understand the historical and geographical context in which it was created, first in Europe, especially the United Kingdom, and then globally. Here we identify and explain three key drivers that shaped the field: interdisciplinarity, the history of social class and attempts to address health inequalities in the United Kingdom, and the globalisation of the 1990s informing the intellectual underpinnings of the global health agenda.

Solitude is unique to each person but there are patterns we have observed that we believe shed some light on what kinds of changes we should be aware of and what those mean for well-being in that space during different phases of our lives. Across the lifespan, we tend to seek and tolerate time alone in a nonlinear way throughout our mortal journey from childhood to older adulthood. How we spend that time seems to matter quite a bit in terms of our contentment in solitude, as do the nature of our relationships beyond solitude. Solitude is like a garden in different seasons, what we sow and what we reap changes over time, and we have to be certain to plant what’s most likely to grow and thrive.

In living children, teeth develop to a clear schedule which shows only limited differences between boys and girls, populations, diet and disease experience. By contrast, bone development is greatly affected by these factors. This makes dental development and important focus for recording the maturity of an individual represented by human remains. The chapter outlines the large range of different approaches to recording dental development and reviews their results. Dental development is widely used to estimate age-at-death in archaeological remains but the chapter cautions on the applicability of modern clinical standards and on the differences between a chronological age and a developmental stage. The pace of childhood development in living humans is very slow in comparison with non-human primates and the chapter ends with a discussion of the central role that histological studies of dental development in hominid fossils play in understanding this situation.

This chapter pulls together the findings presented in Section 2 on the extent of social exclusion in people with mental health conditions and the possible causal links between social exclusion and mental ill-heath and health, to build a descriptive model linking these. The evidence supports the contention that people with mental health conditions are excluded from participation in many areas of society and that there are clear social inequalities in mental ill-health. Although this is the case across all forms of mental health conditions, some groups are more at risk of exclusion than others. To build a picture of the relationship between mental health conditions and social exclusion we need to take into consideration the nature of the mental health conditions, material disadvantages, stigma and discrimination, and the effects of the wider community and society. The dynamic nature of exclusion must be considered, including its effects across the life course and generations and the interaction of the factors affecting exclusion. There are the strong contextual effects of material factors, summarised by the association of poor health with income inequality, suggesting that above a certain level economic growth does not produce an increase in population health and may be damaging.

In his final chapter, Freud tries to show that his dreams theory follows from larger principles about the way our minds work.

Wish-fulfillment, he argues, is a very old function, embodied, even, by the nervous system, which operates to discharge excitation. Dreaming, as psychically primitive, realizes that function, and only that function. It is set in motion by a wish that, if unattended, would wake us. A dream, fulfilling such a wish, allows us to sleep on. It hallucinates the fulfillment, hallucination of the mental equivalent of a reflex, serving the purpose of discharging an irritant.

How has Augmented Human Development been distributed across countries? Chapter 3 offers an answer. It presents long-run inequality trends for AHDI and its dimensions and examines gains across the distribution using growth incidence curves, in absolute and relative terms. Augmented human development inequality declined since 1900. In the long run, countries in the middle and lower deciles obtained larger relative gains over the last century. Over time, changes in the international distribution of augmented human development largely depended on the behaviour of schooling and civil and political liberties, even though life expectancy was inequality’s main driver until the 1920s since the uneven diffusion of new medical knowledge and technology and health practices in the early stages of the epidemiological transition provoked unequal life expectancy gains. The global spread of schooling and the diffusion of epidemiological transition made a substantial contribution to reducing AHD inequality between the 1920s and the early 1980s. The rise of authoritarian political regimes partly offset AHD inequality decline, since its dispersion only fell from the 1970s. These findings are at odds with the evolution of per capita income dispersion that increased until the late twentieth century and only fell since 1990. (198 words)

Chapter 1 addresses the challenge of moving from an abstract concept, human development, to an empirical measure, the AHDI. The chapter discusses the measurement of human development, examining each of its dimensions: access to knowledge, a healthy life, and other aspects of well-being leading to a meaningful life, and exploring the reduced forms of these dimensions used as proxies. Then, it proposes a new, augmented human development index that combines achievements in terms of health and education, and material welfare in a context of freedom of choice and, therefore, satisfies the capabilities approach. In order to allow for its bounded nature and quality improvements, the new AHDI, unlike the HDI, derives the proxies for health and education, namely, life expectancy at birth and years of schooling, as Kakwani indices that transform them non-linearly, so increases at higher level represent higher achievements than similar increases at a lower level. Moreover, the AHDI adds a crucial dimension, civil and political liberties, to proxy agency and freedom. As in the HDI, the four indices are combined using unweighted geometric average to obtain the AHDI, as all of them are considered indispensable.

Did augmented human development improve in Latin America since 1870, what drove it, and did the gap with the OECD widen? Chapter 5 addresses these questions. Latin America presents sustained AHD gains since the late nineteenth century, especially during the 1940s and 1950s and from 1970 onwards, the 1980s in particular. AHD advance was not restricted to phases of economic progress, i.e., the 1940–1980 phase of state-led growth, but extended to the globalisation backlash (1914–1950) and the ‘lost decade’ (1980s). Schooling, as a result of the diffusion of new ideas, nation-building, and urbanisation, and life expectancy, due to the spread of the epidemiological transition, drove AHD over the long run and accounted for catching up to the OECD until 1960, while civil and political liberties did so in the 1980s. The rise of life expectancy before drugs spread internationally since 1950 points to the diffusion of new medical knowledge that through hygienic practices and low-cost public health measures helped eradicating communicable diseases and played a major role in reducing infant and maternal mortality.

In Chapter 2, trends in Augmented Human Development and its dimensions are presented and compared to those of GDP per head. Then, a breakdown of AHDI gains into their dimensions’ contribution is carried out, and some explanatory hypotheses proposed. Augmented human development improved significantly in the world since 1870, especially over 1913–1980, but significant room for improvement remains. Although AHDI and real per capita GDP exhibit similar progress over the long run, their pace does not match over the different phases of its evolution. Major gains in augmented human development were achieved across the board during the economic globalisation backlash of the first half of the twentieth century. AHD progress was driven by its non-income dimensions. Life expectancy at birth was the main contributor over time, even though its main contribution took place over 1920–1970, as the epidemiological transition diffused internationally. Schooling, mostly public, stimulated by new social views and nation-building, made a steady contribution over time, while civil and political liberties led AHD gains in the last two decades of the twentieth century as authoritarian regimes gave way to the expansion of liberal democracy.

Chapter 6 assesses long-run augmented human development in Africa. Augmented human development experienced sustained gains since 1880, faster between 1920 and 1960, under colonial rule, and at the turn of the century, but remains at the bottom of the world distribution, although the northern and southern regions forged ahead while the rest stayed behind. AHD grew twice as much as per capita GDP, thriving at times of poor economic performance and, unlike GDP per head that fell behind from a higher relative position, AHD was catching up to the OECD since the late 1920s. Schooling was the main driver of AHD gains and catching up, with life expectancy making a significant contribution in the interwar in the early stage of the epidemiological transition, as the diffusion of health practices prevented infectious disease spread and helped reduce infant and maternal mortality. Civil and political liberties made a contribution both at the time of independence and in the 1990s. AHD long-run performance does not support either the pessimistic view of the colonial era or the depiction of ‘lost decades’ for the post-independence era, but there is still a long way to go from an international perspective

Chapter 4 investigates Augmented Human Development across world regions and focuses on the differences between advanced countries (the OECD) and the rest of the world over time. It takes a closer look at world regions, examining the contribution of each dimension to AHD gains and how they affect world distribution. Finally, it investigates catching up to the OECD in the regions of the Rest and what drives it. Augmented human development achieved substantial but unevenly distributed gains across world regions. Life expectancy and schooling drove AHD in both the OECD and the Rest. Although the absolute gap between the OECD and the Rest deepened over time, the gap shrank in relative terms since the late 1920s, at odds with the increasing relative gap in terms of GDP per head. The gap between the OECD and the Rest dominated AHD international distribution until the mid-twentieth century. Life expectancy and civil and political rights were its main drivers of the Rest’s catching up to the OECD. Up to 1970, stronger catching up took place up to 1970, as the epidemiological transition spread and, again, in the 1990s, when liberties expanded in the Rest.

This chapter on “Creativity across the Lifespan” proceeds to address several overarching issues in creativity from a lifespan developmental perspective, making contact with the developmental, creativity, and development of creativity literatures. It makes no claims to be exhaustive as each of these literatures is now extensive. The chapter proceeds, in the first part, to overview definitions and history, stages, and principles of lifespan developmental science, including general developmental approaches, designs, consistency and change, and domains, as well as theories. The second part of the chapter reviews work in creativity from a lifespan developmental perspective, evaluating conceptual definitions; measurement in adults, children, and infants; and psychological associations of creativity with attention, cognition, language, and intelligence as well as personality and emotions. The third part of the chapter takes up the main moderators of creativity across the lifespan, viz. age, domain, gender, sources in nature and nurture, and culture. Before concluding, the fourth part of the chapter forecasts future directions in a lifespan development approach to creativity, asking if creativity can be promoted and looking toward new work in interdisciplinarity and neuroscience. Understanding creativity is inherently an interdisciplinary effort as is the study of the lifespan. Disciplines from anthropology to zoology have much to say about both; in all, however, this chapter adopts a psychological orientation to treating creativity across the lifespan.

This chapter focuses on the theme of dignity as a human right. There is first a brief general review of a few relevant philosophical debates about human dignity and human rights that are concerned with societal progress in the way karama as a human right, was sometimes interpreted by protesters. Then, the chapter moves on to a closer look at a postcolonial review of similar debates. After reviewing some relevant passages from interviews and other expressions of karama as a human right in Egypt, the chapter ends with an overall analysis of this specific theme in light of the material previously presented.

This chapter focuses on the theme of dignity as materialism. In this chapter, the relationship between materialism and dignity/karama suggested in the interviews and in some of the protesters’ demands during the 2011 uprisings in Egypt is first set in the context of the political and economic project of development in today’s modern and global societies. Then, the chapter provides a review of some of the critiques of this political and economic project of development in modern societies and in structural adjustments exposed in new models for socioeconomic progress, particularly to provide for an alternative to strict materialism. The chapter points to the context of a rise of human rights and human dignity discourses that support nonmaterial dimensions of wellbeing and confront it to the representations of karama related to materialism seen in the study. This rise has been seen not only in different societies but also in designing new development models that are precisely concerned with more egalitarian economic conditions for more social justice.