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In the Netherlands, reformulation strategies have been established for several years, whereas Nutri-Score was implemented in 2024. Besides being a helpful tool for consumers to make healthier food choices, Nutri-Score also aims to stimulate food reformulation by food manufacturers. The present study investigates whether changes in food composition could have led to different calculated Nutri-Score classifications.
Design:
Food compositions and Nutri-Score classifications were calculated using the updated Nutri-Score algorithm. Food groups with the largest change in the distribution of Nutri-Score classifications were analysed in-depth by plotting frequency distributions and calculating median contents for nutrient contents that relatively changed the most in 2020.
Setting:
Food composition data were available from the Dutch Branded Food database in 2018 (n 38 295) and 2020 (n 48 091).
Participants:
Not applicable.
Results:
In general, median nutrient contents and calculated Nutri-Score classifications were similar for 2018 and 2020. The median sugar and SFA contents were lower for some food groups (e.g. breakfast cereals, meat preserves, sweets and sweet goods) in 2020 compared to 2018. The median SFA content for meat preserves and sweets and sweet goods was relatively low in Nutri-Score classification A ascending towards higher median content in Nutri-Score classification E.
Conclusions:
Although food reformulation was not substantial in the Dutch food retail supply in 2018 and 2020, some differences in Nutri-Score classifications were observed. When implemented, Nutri-Score may encourage food manufacturers to increase their reformulation efforts. Repeated monitoring of food compositions and Nutri-Score classifications is recommended to establish reformulation efforts by food manufacturers.
This chapter first argues that the disagreement between advocates and opponents of industrial policy is actually a disagreement between the two different market theory paradigms. One is the “neoclassical economics paradigm” and the other is the “Mises–Hayek paradigm.” The chapter then analyzes the challenges faced by industrial policy from the perspectives of both cognitive limitation and incentive distortion. The basic conclusion is that industrial policy is destined to fail. Ignorance of entrepreneurship is the fatal weakness of industrial policy advocates. The two primary justifications for industrial policy are “externalities” and the “coordination failure” of the market. With a correct understanding of entrepreneurship, however, these two justifications are untenable. The chapter also argues that the “comparative advantage strategy” of a nation is endogenously created by entrepreneurs, not determined by so-called “endowments.”
Kidney failure is a major killer. Many lives could be saved through organ donation if people were less reluctant to part with their spare kidney. Should we incentive donation by paying people to do it?
Non-native speech is difficult for native listeners to understand. While listeners can learn to understand non-native speech after exposure, it is unclear how to optimize this learning. Experimental subjects transcribed non-native speech and were paid either a flat rate or based on their performance. Participants who were paid based on performance demonstrated improved performance overall and faster learning than participants who were paid a flat rate. These results suggest that exposure alone is not sufficient to optimize learning of non-native speech and that current models of this process must be revised to account for the effects of motivation and incentive.
The Ratio-Bias phenomenon, observed by psychologist Seymour Epstein and colleagues, is a systematic manifestation of irrationality. When offered a choice between two lotteries, individuals consistently choose the lottery with the greater number of potential successes, even when it offers a smaller probability of success. In the current study, we conduct experiments to confirm this phenomenon and test for the existence of Bias as distinct from general irrationality. Moreover, we examine the effect of introducing a monetary incentive of varying size (depending on the treatment) on the extent of irrational choices within this framework. We confirm the existence of the Bias. Moreover, the existence of an incentive significantly reduces the extent of irrationality exhibited, and that this effect is roughly linear in response to changes in the size of the incentive within the magnitudes investigated.
We tested the effectiveness of performance-based incentive structures using three incentive structures — commission base, best only and flat fee — and two levels of context — no context and house-selling — in an experiment in which participants made decisions in a variant of the secretary problem. Key measures of performance were the amount of search and the rounds in which the very best (optimal) offer was chosen. We found that having a commission-based proportional incentive did not produce better performance than having a flat payment for any of the performance measures considered. However, another performance-based incentive — the best only — increased the length of their searches and led to more optimal offers. These results applied both when there was no context and when the context was selling a house.
Since 2005, owners of draught and pack horses, mules and donkeys in nine districts of Uttar Pradesh, India, have received support from a UK-based charity, the Brooke. One thousand, three hundred and ninety-six village-level groups of owners and carers, responsible for 29,500 animals, were facilitated to develop their own welfare assessment protocols using a participatory learning and action process adapted from recognised good practice in human social development. Each group assessed the welfare of their animals collectively, using findings to generate action plans for improving equine health, husbandry and working practices. Welfare assessments were repeated at 1 to 3 month intervals. Competitiveness between participants to improve their animals’ welfare acted as a driver to increase the number of indicators and sensitivity of rating scales, enabling differentiation of small, incremental improvements in order to identify a ‘winner’ of each welfare assessment. Binary or three-point ‘traffic light’ (red-amber-green) scales evolved into a range of 5-, 10-, 20-point or continuous scales, then into multi-level and weighted measures to quantify the welfare improvements seen. Efforts to aggregate multi-dimensional indicators into a single ‘winning’ score led to indices describing welfare at individual animal level (‘welfare index’) and population level (‘village index’). Benefits of owner-driven monitoring include high levels of commitment and strong peer motivation or pressure to take action. Welfare monitoring and action to improve welfare are integrated within a single process carried out by the same people, in contrast to the separation of evaluation and implementation of welfare improvement seen in inspection or accreditation schemes. Challenges include aggregation of results from a variety of protocols for external analysis, reporting or certification.
Based on the findings of the empirical chapters, Chapter 6 recapitulates the impacts that rich mineral resources generate on the state–capital–labor triad in China. It analyzes in detail the Chinese state’s coping strategies to mitigate the resource curse at local levels. Moreover, it explains why the Chinese state is able and willing to take the observed strategies to contain the resource curse. The key lies in the Chinese Communist Party-state’s strong capacity to penetrate into the economy and the society and also in its top-down monitoring and tight control of the local agents. In the end, this chapter critically evaluates the successes and pitfalls of the China model of resource management.
This chapter presents a new incentive-based theory to explain the systematic variation in regulatory stringency over time, which Shen calls the theory of “the political regulation wave.” It is intended to be a general theory with three scope conditions. First, in a decentralized political system, local leaders or politicians possess discretion over decision-making, resource allocation, and control over the bureaucracy. Second, local politicians or political leaders are incentivized to prioritize different policy goals throughout their tenure, per what their constituencies or political superio+L2rs prefer, to maximize their chances of reelection or promotion. Third, implementation of the policy is high conflict and low ambiguity in nature, so it takes on a political character. China’s air pollution control policies for sulfur dioxide (SO2) satisfy all scope conditions, while fine particulate matter (PM2.5) control satisfies the first two but entails some level of ambiguity. Nevertheless, the two empirical cases provide an interesting comparison. Shen derives three testable implications for SO2 and PM2.5 control in China.
Why has there been uneven success in reducing air pollution even in the same locality over time? This book offers an innovative theorization of how local political incentives can affect bureaucratic regulation. Using empirical evidence, it examines and compares the control of different air pollutants in China-an autocracy-and, to a lesser extent, Mexico-a democracy. Making use of new data, approaches, and techniques across political science, environmental sciences, and engineering, Shen reveals that local leaders and politicians are incentivized to cater to the policy preferences of their superiors or constituents, respectively, giving rise to varying levels of regulatory stringency during the leaders' tenures. Shen demonstrates that when ambiguity dilutes regulatory effectiveness, having the right incentives and enhanced monitoring is insufficient for successful policy implementation. Vividly explaining key phenomena through anecdotes and personal interviews, this book identifies new causes of air pollution and proposes timely solutions. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
One of the main catalysts for the shift towards renewable energies has been the practice of support schemes in a key number of EU member states. Some of these states have since withdrawn or revoked much of their original support, which has resulted in investment treaty arbitrations being filed against them under the Energy Charter Treaty. Arguably, a balance should be found between investors’ legitimate expectations concerning the stability of the legal framework and the host states’ right to adapt regulations to new needs. This can be achieved by clarifying and delimiting the principle of fair and equitable treatment, and by encapsulating it in a more precise set of rules. Due to its open character, this principle could otherwise become too intrusive a standard of judicial review for the exercise of sovereign power by host states. It could be diluted into a rhetorical framework inviting uncertainty and subjective judgment. While the focus of this article is on energy, the concern for legal stability equally applies to all those sectors where large upfront investments are required, which can only be recouped in the long run.
The previous chapter examined the range of reward plans associated with the recognition and reward of individual behaviour and/or results. This chapter focuses on plans where reward outcomes are contingent on measures of collective results; that is, on collective incentive plans. Because such plans are generally geared to measures of group results over a relatively brief time frame – typically monthly, quarterly or annually – they are also known as collective or group short-term incentive plans, or ‘STIs’.
We begin our exploration of collective STIs by outlining the general rationale for such plans and by overviewing the four main plan types: profit-sharing, gainsharing, goal-sharing and team incentives. Subsequent sections explore each of these four plan types in more detail, noting the advantages and disadvantages of each. Consistent with the approach taken in earlier chapters, a final section considers the strategic priorities to which each plan type would be most and least appropriate.
The practice of recognising and rewarding the individual performance of employees is not only becoming more common but also more varied in form. It ranges from the traditional merit-based pay increments to a suite of non-cash reward programs that claim to provide a cheaper and more effective means of rewarding desirable performance and fostering employee satisfaction and engagement. This chapter provides an overview of these practices, starting with merit pay. Merit pay is the most widely applied of the individual performance pay plans, and takes two main forms: merit increments and merit bonuses. We then consider some of the oldest and most enduring of all performance pay plans, results-based individual incentives. Also known as individual ‘payment-by-results’ plans, these include piece rates, task-and-time bonus plans (where employees are rewarded for completing a specified volume of work or a task in less than a ‘standard’ time), sales commissions and bonus payments to individuals for achievement of goals.
In this address, I distinguish and explore three conceptions of wages. A wage is a reward, given in recognition of the performance of a valued task. It is also an incentive: a way to entice workers to take and keep jobs, and to motivate them to work hard. Finally, a wage is a price of labor, and like all prices, conveys valuable information about relative scarcity. I show that each conception of wages has its own normative logic, or appropriate justification, and these logics can come apart. This explains some of the debate about wages and makes the project of justifying a wage simpliciter difficult. I identify which logic we should choose, since we must choose, and say what this means for how we should think about the justification of pay.
Chapter 1 provides a history of the EITC, explaining how the concept dates back to Milton Friedman’s idea for a negative income tax, Richard Nixon’s Family Assistance Plan proposal, and Russell Long’s work bonus plan. This chapter traces how, over four decades, a modest work incentive evolved into one of the most important antipoverty programs in the United States. It highlights studies correlating the EITC with positive outcomes for recipient families. The chapter also introduces the Code’s other refundable tax credit for working families – the Child Tax Credit – and distinguishes the two tax credits.
The Introduction explains that the EITC is a largely successful social program, but one that can be improved upon as part of a broader effort to address poverty in the United States. It provides a roadmap for the book, identifying some of the challenges taxpayers face and summarizing why the time is right for a reimagination of the EITC. It outlines potential benefits of the reimagination, such as a more coherent tax policy, a simplified structure for family benefits, a reduction in opportunities for tax return preparer fraud and tax-related identity theft, and a periodic distribution of benefits.
Chapter 10 takes a broader look at IP protection as an incentive to innovate. Patent protection gaps brought about by 3D printing technology must be viewed in conjunction with how the technology dramatically lowers the costs of innovation (and imitation) for 3D printable goods. Moreover, although patents serve as a primary incentive to innovate, they are not the only incentive. The chapter looks at other IP rights, contracts, and extra-legal appropriability mechanisms, as well as nonmonetary incentives to innovate, to determine how the IP regime should respond to 3D printing technology. I describe the need for a better empirical understanding of 3D printing’s effects on innovation incentives, but I argue that current evidence does not suggest a need for stronger IP incentives for 3D printable goods. Therefore, radical changes to patent law are not necessary even in the face of de facto weakened patents. In addition, because copyright protection is not needed as an extra incentive for utilitarian innovation, copyright law should not protect DMFs of primarily utilitarian objects.
Despite efforts by civil defense authorities, levels of households’ preparedness to emergencies remain insufficient in many countries. Engaging the public in preparedness behavior is a challenge worldwide. The purpose of this study was to explore the efficacy of psychological intervention in promoting preparedness behavior to armed conflicts in Israel.
Methods
A randomized controlled trial (N = 381) with two control groups and three intervention groups was used. The psychological interventions studied were elevated threat perception, external reward, and manipulation of a cognitive cluster related to preparedness.
Results
The results of the analysis suggest a significant effect of intervention on the increase of reported preparedness (F4,375 = 4.511, P = 0.001). The effect is attributed to the intervention group in which external reward was offered. Participants in this group were about two times more likely to report greater levels of preparedness compared to the control group (RR = 1.855; 95% CI: 1.065, 3.233).
Conclusions
The findings suggest that preparedness behavior can be promoted through external incentives. These are presumably effective motivators because they encourage preparedness while allowing subjects to retain their denial as an adaptive coping mechanism. Innovative thinking is required to overcome the psychological barriers associated with public reluctance to engage in preparedness. (Disaster Med Public Health Preparedness. 2018;13:713–723)
Poaching is cryptically but rapidly driving many species towards extinction. Knowledge of population trends of exploited species and incentives for poaching is necessary to inform appropriate conservation measures. We estimated the abundance of four ungulate species in Golestan National Park, Iran, the country's oldest protected area, where poaching of ungulates is widespread. We used line transect surveys (186 km), camera trapping (2,777 camera-nights), point counts (64 scans) and dung counts (along 38 km), and compared population estimates with those from earlier records. We also investigated the incentives for poaching, using a semi-structured interview survey. Population estimates for 2011–2014 indicated a 66–89% decline in three ungulate species (bezoar goat Capra aegagrus, red deer Cervus elaphus and urial Ovis vignei) compared to 1970–1978. Only wild boar Sus scrofa showed a population increase (of 58%) during the same period, possibly facilitated by religious restrictions regarding the consumption of this species. The incentives for poaching were categorized (in a non-ordinal manner) as subsistence, pleasure, tradition, trade of wild meat, and conflict with conservation regulations and bodies. The decline in hunted ungulates in this Park appears to be the result of rampant poaching, and a similar trend is evident in other protected areas in the country. We suggest the adoption of participatory conservation strategies, improvement of law enforcement practices and cooperation with international experts to reduce poaching in these protected areas. Taking into account the incentives for poaching, a combination of economic and non-economic strategies should be considered.
Feed is a strong incentive for encouraging cows in automatic milking systems (AMS) to voluntarily move around the farm and achieve milkings distributed across the 24 h day. It has been reported that cows show preferences for some forages over others, and it is possible that offering preferred forages may increase cow traffic. A preliminary investigation was conducted to determine the effect of offering a forage crop for grazing on premilking voluntary waiting times in a pasture-based robotic rotary system. Cows were offered one of two treatments (SOYBEAN or GRASS) in a cross-over design. A restricted maximum likelihood procedure was used to model voluntary waiting times. Mean voluntary waiting time was 45.5±6.0 min, with no difference detected between treatments. High and mid-production cows spent <44 min/milking in the premilking yard compared with >55 min/milking for low-production cows, whereas waiting time increased as queue length increased. Voluntary waiting time was 23% and 80% longer when cows were fetched from the paddock or had a period of forced waiting before volunteering for milking, respectively. The time it took cows to return to the dairy since last exiting was not affected by treatment, with a mean return time of 13.7±0.6 h. Although offering SOYBEAN did not encourage cows to traffic more readily through the premilking yard, the concept of incorporating forage crops in AMS still remains encouraging if the aim is to increase the volume or quantity of home-grown feed rather than improving cow traffic.