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Braidwood Management, Inc. v. Becerra challenges the Affordable Care Act free preventive coverage guarantee. Community health centers serve over 30 million residents of medically underserved urban and rural communities. Their limited federal grant funding makes them reliant on insurance revenue for their operations, Medicaid and subsidized marketplace coverage in particular, both of which are implicated by the case. To understand these implications, we developed an analytic model that crosswalks the preventive services potentially affected by Braidwood and the preventive care that all health centers must furnish. Of the 193 preventive services now covered under the guarantee, only forty-eight would survive were the Braidwood plaintiffs to prevail. In underserved communities, health centers are a principal source of the nearly 150 affected services, as evidenced by the care they are required to furnish under federal law, the quality metrics they are expected to meet, and the health diagnoses and treatments identified in federal performance reporting requirements. Thus, the impact on access, quality, patient health, and health center finances and care capability will likely be substantial.
Bigotry distractions are strategic invocations of racism, transphobia, or negative stigma toward other marginalized groups to shape political discourse. Although the vast majority of Americans agree on large policy issues ranging from reducing air pollution to prosecuting corporate crime, bigotry distractions divert attention from areas of agreement toward divisive identity issues. This article explores how the nefarious targeting of identity groups through bigotry distractions may be the tallest barrier to health reform, and social change more broadly. The discussion extends the literature on dog whistles, strategic racism, and scapegoating.
This tribute compares Charity Scott to Fred Rogers, highlighting how Charity nurtured health law colleagues’ unique gifts and built community. Continuing the neighborhood theme, it highlights encouraging developments relating to health, housing, and place: Medicaid housing supports and potential reparations for redlining-related health inequities.
This article proposes ethical — and legal — accountability for lawyers representing clients such as private equity (PE) firms who create ownership structures for nursing home systems. Using PE ownership as a case study, I will show that nursing home residents are often harmed and Medicaid costs inflated. I propose private law provides tools to compel such accountability, through (1) aiding and abetting doctrines and (2) fiduciary doctrines that require that the fiduciary be responsible for its vulnerable beneficiaries, not just ethically but for damages and equitable relief. I further propose that the teaching of Professional Responsibility needs to be changed to force law students to consider the effect of legal practice on third parties in situations like health care financing.
The ability to clinically diagnose and treat medical conditions within the home is rapidly becoming a reality for millions of Americans. In parallel, the vast majority of older adults currently report a preference to age in place, in part because of the independence and autonomy this affords, as well as the enhanced ability to socially distance oneself during a pandemic. The interest in receiving long-term services and support in the home is exemplified by the 820,000 Medicaid-eligible Americans on waiting lists nationwide for home- and community-based services (HCBS), with an average wait time of over three years. As a result, many Americans today face the difficult decision of whether to move to a nursing home or stay in their home, facing the risk of falls, medication adherence errors, and other safety challenges. Diagnosing and monitoring health in the home has the potential to abate this distressingly difficult decision as a cost-efficient, patient-centered alternative to reduce HCBS waiting lists and expand the long-term care options for millions of non-Medicaid-eligible Americans. This chapter delineates the ethical, social, legal, and regulatory issues around implementing diagnostic and digital health in the homes of older adults, in the context of this population’s unique vulnerability to abuse, social isolation, declining cognitive health, frailty, and diagnostic error. Broad-based conceptual and practical reforms to modernize HCBS follow, addressing the adoption of self-administered diagnostic tests for highly prevalent chronic conditions, validated decision-support tools to foster consent, and real-time health data acquisition and management strategies that support government oversight and equitable access to home telehealth.
Chapter 14 provides a brief overview of major health insurance provided by the government in the United States. The majority of the chapter goes through the major programmatic details of the Medicare and Medicaid Programs: who is covered, what services are covered and how generously, and how providers are paid by the programs. The discussion of Medicaid also explains the nature of the federal-state partnership and explores ways in which states have and use their freedom to expand upon the program. The remainder of the chapter briefly describes other public insurance (or insurance-related) programs: the VA and CHAMPVA, TRICARE, CHIP, COBRA, and the IHS.
Expansions of Medicaid family planning services have been associated with decreases in pregnancy rates. Access to a broader range of medical, non-family planning services may influence pregnancy rates as well if the increased exposure to medical services spills over to other kinds of behaviour. Using a difference-in-difference approach, I examine the impact of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) Medicaid expansions on the propensity of low-income, single women to become single mothers. Previous expansions of Medicaid family planning services allow us to also investigate the influence of access to other medical services (i.e. non-family planning). I find that although access to contraceptives is associated with a reduction in the propensity of becoming a single mother among adult, low-income women, medical services beyond access to contraceptives can provide additional impacts.
Chronic pain has been extensively explored as a risk factor for opioid misuse, resulting in increased focus on opioid prescribing practices for individuals with such conditions. Physical disability sometimes co-occurs with chronic pain but may also represent an independent risk factor for opioid misuse. However, previous research has not disentangled whether disability contributes to risk independent of chronic pain.
Methods
Here, we estimate the independent and joint adjusted associations between having a physical disability and co-occurring chronic pain condition at time of Medicaid enrollment on subsequent 18-month risk of incident opioid use disorder (OUD) and non-fatal, unintentional opioid overdose among non-elderly, adult Medicaid beneficiaries (2016–2019).
Results
We find robust evidence that having a physical disability approximately doubles the risk of incident OUD or opioid overdose, and physical disability co-occurring with chronic pain increases the risks approximately sixfold as compared to having neither chronic pain nor disability. In absolute numbers, those with neither a physical disability nor chronic pain condition have a 1.8% adjusted risk of incident OUD over 18 months of follow-up, those with physical disability alone have an 2.9% incident risk, those with chronic pain alone have a 3.6% incident risk, and those with co-occurring physical disability and chronic pain have a 11.1% incident risk.
Conclusions
These findings suggest that those with a physical disability should receive increased attention from the medical and healthcare communities to reduce their risk of opioid misuse and attendant negative outcomes.
The default governance architecture for public and individual health care in the United States is federalism, the division of responsibility between federal and state governments. A public health emergency such as a pandemic typically produces swift federal actions to support affected individuals, businesses, and states. Such actions include exercising executive emergency power to disseminate supplies, enacting relief bills, and triggering agencies to facilitate financial and regulatory relief. An emergency also typically involves coordination between federal and state governments, as state and local public health officials need federal funding and guidance but also perform key functions such as isolation orders, testing, contact tracing, and vaccine dissemination. In the case of COVID-19, some of the usual patterns have been disrupted. The two major federal response bills enacted in March 2020 followed prior playbooks, offering financial assistance such as increased Medicaid funding and unemployment insurance benefits as well as novel policies such as paid leave to care for COVID-19-positive relatives. The bills largely relied on states to take up funds, implement emergency assistance, and exercise regulatory options to reach those harmed by the pandemic and its attendant recession. This approach built on states’ preexisting policies, heightening differences between states and intensifying the pandemic’s inequitable impact. This chapter evaluates the atypical federal pandemic response – which witnessed an executive branch rejecting much of the centralized responsibility necessary for addressing emergencies – and the wildly variable state response – some of which prioritized politics over health, and all of which depended on the strength of preexisting social programs – to determine the legacy of the novel coronavirus for federalism in public health emergencies.
Policies to decrease low-acuity emergency department (ED) use have traditionally assumed that EDs are a substitute for unavailable primary care (PC). However, such policies can exacerbate ED overcrowding, rather than ameliorate it, if patients use EDs to complement, rather than substitute, their PC use. We tested whether Medicaid managed care enrolees visit the ED for nonemergent and PC treatable conditions to substitute for or to complement PC. Based on consumer choice theory, we modelled county-level monthly ED visit rate as a function of PC supply and used 2012–2015 New York Statewide Planning and Research Cooperative System (SPARCS) outpatient data and non-linear least squares method to test substitution vs complementarity. In the post-Medicaid expansion period (2014–2015), ED and PC are substitutes state-wide, but are complements in highly urban and poorer counties during nights and weekends. There is no evidence of complementarity before the expansion (2012–2013). Analyses by PC provider demonstrate that the relationship between ED and PC differs depending on whether PC is provided by physicians or advanced practice providers. Policies to reduce low-acuity ED use via improved PC access in Medicaid are likely to be most effective if they focus on increasing actual appointment availability, ideally by physicians, in areas with low PC provider supply. Different aspects of PC access may be differently related to low-acuity ED use.
The overturn of Roe v. Wade has resulted in fewer rights and resources for people seeking abortion care, particularly in the South. The Hyde Amendment has historically restricted abortion access for those enrolled in Medicaid. We argue here that its guarantees of minimum abortion coverage should be leveraged to offset harms where possible.
Many people who experience opioid use disorder rely on Medicaid. The high penetration of managed care systems into Medicaid raises the importance of understanding states’ expectations regarding coverage, access to care, and health system performance and effectively elevates agreements between states and plans into blueprints for coverage and care. Federal law broadly regulates these structured agreements while leaving a high degree of discretion to states and plans. In this study, researchers reviewed the provisions of 15 state Medicaid managed care contract related to substance use disorder (SUD) treatment to identify whether certain elements of SUD treatment were a stated expectation and the extent to which the details of those expectations varied across states in ways that ultimately could affect evaluation of performance and health outcomes. We found that while all states include SUD treatment as a stated contract expectation, discussions around coverage of specific services and nationally recognized guidelines varied. These variations reflect key state choices regarding how much deference to afford their plans in coverage design and plan administration and reveal important differences in purchasing expectations that could carry implications for efforts to examine similarities and differences in access, quality, and health outcomes within managed care across the states.
Chapter discusses practical things seen in her practice that make people afraid of dying. She offers tips from many of her patients who have died a peaceful, comfortable death. Don’t be afraid to talk about dying. Chapter explains 5 things that dying looks like. If we work through our fears, plan as best we can, and talk with our primary care provider about getting hospice in a timely way, we can die comfortably with a good ending and leave our family feeling peaceful about our death.
We have a choice of when and how to plan. We can choose to plan proactively or reactively. Optimal time to start is when you are young and healthy. Studies show a direct correlation between the quality of life of those who are suffering from illness or incapacity and their level of planning. Creating a clear and comprehensive plan is a gift to your loved ones. Estate planning is too important to be considered a “do-it-yourself” project. Principal estate planning documents explained: 1. Last Will and Testament. 2. Trust. 3. Power of Attorney. 4. Health Care Proxy. 5. Living Will. Chapter give strategies on the best estate planning through the decades.
Three North Carolina Medicaid surveys conducted from 2000 to 2012 reported increasing numbers of Hispanic children enrolled in Medicaid and much lower trust in providers expressed by their adult caregiver respondents compared with responses for non-Hispanic Black and White children. To verify and explain this apparent trust chasm, we used bivariate and regression analyses. The variables employed included trust (dependent variable); child’s race/ethnicity, age, and sex; satisfaction and health status scales; two utilization measures; respondent’s age, sex, and education; geographical region; and population density of county of residence. Race/ethnicity was strongly associated with trust (p < .001), controlling for other independent variables. Access, satisfaction, and respondent’s age and education were also significant. Our results fit the Behavioral Model for Vulnerable Populations, which maps the role of significant variables in health-seeking behavior. After analyzing the concept of trust, we argue that lower acculturation explains lower Hispanic trust compared with non-Hispanic Blacks. We suggest policies to improve acculturation.
In Smith v. Rasmussen, an Eighth Circuit case from 2001, the original opinion upheld Iowa’s Medicaid ban on coverage for gender confirming surgery, finding it was reasonable and consistent with the federal Medicaid Act. Craig Konnoth’s feminist rewrite finds that the ban on gender confirming surgery is discriminatory on its face and impermissibly relies on gender stereotypes because it permits coverage of particular procedures for individuals perceived as sufficiently cisgender—such as those who are intersex but have conformed to expectations associated with their sex assigned at birth—but not for others. Konnoth draws on empirical research showing that enforcing gender roles in this context seeks to prevent men from debasing themselves as women and to prevent women from claiming the privileges of men. Heather Walter McCabe’s commentary highlights how litigation related to transgender issues reveals the socially constructed nature of gender and provides useful insight into how gender and sex relate to each other and to theories of antidiscrimination.
In Does v. Gillespie, Medicaid beneficiaries sued the director of the Arkansas Department of Human Services claiming that terminating Planned Parenthood’s Medicaid provider agreements violated their federal right under the Medicaid Act to choose any “qualified” provider that offers covered services. The Eighth Circuit held that the free choice of provider provision in the federal Medicaid Act did not create rights enforceable by individual beneficiaries. In their feminist judgment, Melissa Alexander and Jennifer Oliva argue that the clear language of the Medicaid Act unambiguously demonstrates that Congress intended to confer a private right of enforcement under the free choice of provider provision. Elizabeth Kukura’s commentary emphasizes the importance of focusing on the lived experience of Medicaid beneficiaries who rely on Planned Parenthood for basic health care needs. Kukura highlights the influence of anti-abortion politics and ideology on health care access and the structural forms of discrimination that shape it.
In National Federation of Independent Business v. Sebelius, decided in 2012, twenty-six states as well as private individuals and an organization of independent businesses challenged the constitutionality of two key components of the Affordable Care Act. The Court upheld the individual mandate but converted the Medicaid eligibility expansion from mandatory to optional for states. Elizabeth Weeks’ feminist rewrite breaks down the public law-private law distinction to get beyond the traditional view of health insurance as a commercial product providing individual financial protection against risk and instead to view it as effecting a risk pool premised on cross-subsidization of the health-care “haves” by the health-care “have-nots.” Weeks also rejects the original opinion’s dichotomy between “old” and “new” Medicaid as an artifice evidencing a fundamental discomfort with extending public assistance to able-bodied people who are judged capable of providing for themselves on the private market. In their commentary, Mary Ann Chirba and Alice Noble assess the original opinion and Weeks’ feminist rewrite in terms of their concrete effects on women’s lives.
Linton v. Commissioner of Health & Environment was a 1965 case from the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals in which the plaintiffs alleged disparate-impact racial discrimination. The Tennessee Medicaid program covered the skilled nursing facility care but allowed facilities to certify a limited number of beds for Medicaid patients (for whom the facilities typically received lower rates). The plaintiffs argued that the limited bed policy violated the federal Medicaid statute and had a disparate impact on black Medicaid recipients in violation of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act. In the original opinion, the court side-stepped the discrimination issue, relying instead on the finding that the state had violated the Medicaid statute. Professor Gwendolyn Majette’s feminist concurrence corrects the Sixth Circuit’s failure to address the Title VI issue and provides a fuller, more comprehensive analysis that addresses the intersection of gender, race, class, and age. Professor Ruqaiijah Yearby’s commentary explores whether the opinion in Linton could have done more to ensure that the unique harms experienced by patients because of their race would be fully addressed in the remedial plan.
In Doe v. Mutual of Omaha Insurance, a Seventh Circuit case from 1999, the plaintiffs challenged lifetime coverage caps for AIDS-related conditions, which blocked patients with HIV/AIDS from accessing antiretroviral therapies and other lifesaving medical care. Doe and Smith alleged that the caps violated the public accommodations clause of the ADA. The original opinion sided with the insurance company, finding the caps permissible under the ADA, even though the defendant offered no proof they were supported by sound actuarial data. Professor Valarie Blake’s feminist judgment focuses on the plain text of the disability rights statute, relevant legislative history, and valid guidance from the Department of Justice. Blake also highlights the social and cultural context in which gay men and people with AIDS have been subjugated and stigmatized. Professor Christina Ho’s commentary contrasts the disability-rights approach the plaintiffs advanced before the court with the statutory restrictions on health insurance underwriting based on health status-related factors eventually included in the Affordable Care Act passed more than a decade later.