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The dynamics of this movement, from un-faith to faith, has been considered in mythopoieic terms as operating by way of desire: the Christian mythos grasps the would-be Christian aesthetically before it convinces logically. There is nothing to say that this willing seduction by the Christian evangel must happen in the context of the Church or other than over the course of a long period of life. Nonetheless, the entrance into the mythic sensibility of Jesus’ life and the disruptive encounter with the parables’ disclosure of God is marked sacramentally by baptism, as the formal beginning of the Christian’s life in Christ and, through formation and sanctification, in some sense as Christ. It is a decisive response to the call of the beauty of the Christian mythos and the God to which it points. In what follows, I explore the mythic quality of names, unpacking some of the resonances that come with them. With this in mind, I examine the meaning of baptism as an entrance into Christ’s mythic sensibility by way of participation in his name and so his life. In this way, our myth-making can be said fully to participate in Christ, God incarnate, the archetype of our mythopoiesis.
The aim of this chapter is to reconceptualise climate politics as a struggle to name the problem and thereby determine how it is known and acted upon. I suggest that underpinning the visible elements of contestation over the reality of climate change, who is responsible and by how much, is a struggle over order – the distribution of economic, social and political resources and the values that organise it as such. Describing the politics of climate change as a field of activity orientated around determining the meaning of the problem enables me to situate the IPCC centrally within this struggle as the key site in producing international assessments of the issue. The IPCC’s role in establishing collective interest in climate change and the knowledge base for action has generated the structures and forces in which the IPCC as an organisation and method for producing authoritative ways to know climate change has emerged, which in the book, I identify as the IPCC’s practice of and for writing climate change.
Language proficiency is a critically important factor in research on bilingualism, but researchers disagree on its measurement. Validated objective measures exist, but investigators often rely exclusively on subjective measures. We investigated if combining multiple self-report measures improves prediction of objective naming test scores in 36 English-dominant versus 32 Spanish-dominant older bilinguals (Experiment 1), and in 41 older Spanish–English bilinguals versus 41 proficiency-matched young bilinguals (Experiment 2). Self-rated proficiency was a powerful but sometimes inaccurate predictor and better predicted naming accuracy when combined with years of immersion, while percent use explained little or no unique variance. Spanish-dominant bilinguals rated themselves more strictly than English-dominant bilinguals at the same objectively measured proficiency level. Immersion affected young more than older bilinguals, and non-immersed (English-dominant) more than immersed (Spanish-dominant) bilinguals. Self-reported proficiency ratings can produce spurious results, but predictive power improves when combined with self-report questions that might be less affected by subjective judgements.
This article explores the effects of naming and describing disability in law and medicine. Instead of focusing on substantive issues like medical treatment or legal rights, it will address questions which arise in relation to the use of language itself. When a label which is attached to a disability is associated with a negative meaning, this can have a profound effect on the individual concerned and can create stigma. Overly negative descriptions of disabilities can be misleading, not only for the individual, but also more broadly in society, if there are inaccurate perceptions about disability in the social context. This article will examine some relevant examples of terminology, where these issues arise. It will also suggest that the role of medicine and the law in naming and describing disability is particularly important because in these areas there is, perhaps more than anywhere else, a recognized source of authority for the choice of terminology. Labels and descriptions used in the medical and legal contexts can not only perpetuate existing stigmatization of disabled people, but can also contribute to creating stigma at its source, given that the words used in these contexts can constitute an exercise of power.
The Dunning-Krueger effect is a cognitive bias where individuals tend to overestimate their abilities in areas where they are less competent. The Cordoba Naming Test (CNT) is a 30-item confrontation naming task. Hardy and Wright (2018) conditionally validated a measure of perceived mental workload called the NASA Task Load Index (NASA-TLX). Researchers reported that workload ratings on the NASA-TLX increased with increased task demands on a cognitive task. Anxiety is known as an emotion that can make an individual more susceptible to develop a mental health condition. We examine if the Dunning-Krueger effect occurs in a Mexican population with and without current symptoms of anxiety and possible factors driving individuals to overestimate their abilities on the CNT. We predicted the abnormal symptoms of anxiety (ASA) group would report better CNT performance, report higher perceived workloads on the CNT, and underperform on the CNT compared to the normal symptoms of anxiety (NSA) group. We also predicted the low-performance group would report better CNT performance, report higher perceived workloads on the CNT, and underperform on the CNT compared to the high-performance group.
Participants and Methods:
The sample consisted of 192 Mexican participants with NSA (79 low-performance & 113 high-performance) and 74 Mexican participants with ASA (44 low-performance & 30 high-performance). Participants completed the CNT, NASA-TLX, and the Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale (HADS) in Spanish. The NASA-TLX was used to evaluate perceived workloads after the completion of the CNT. Meanwhile, the HADS was used to create our anxiety groups. Finally, CNT raw scores were converted into T-scores, which then were averaged to create the following two groups: low-performance (CNT T-Score <50) and high-performance (CNT T-Score 50+). A series of 2x2 ANCOVAs, controlling for gender were used to evaluate CNT performance and perceived workloads.
Results:
We found a significant interaction where the low-performance ASA and the high-performance NSA groups demonstrated better CNT performance and reported higher perceived workloads (i.e., performance, temporal demand) on the CNT compared to their respective counterparts (i.e., low-performance NSA & high-performance ASA groups), p's<.05, ηp's2=.02. We found a main effect where the high-performance group outperformed the low-performance group on the CNT and reported lower perceived workloads on the CNT, p's<.05, ηp's2 =.04-.46.
Conclusions:
The Dunning-Krueger effect did not occur in our sample. Participants that demonstrated better CNT performance also reported higher perceived workloads regardless of their current symptoms of anxiety. A possible explanation can be our sample's cultural norms of what would be considered as abnormal symptoms of anxiety, is a normal part of life, decreasing the possibilities to experience self-efficacy distoritions. Future studies should investigate whether the Dunning-Kruger effect may be influencing other aspects of cognitive functioning subjectively in Mexicans residing in Mexico and the United States with and without current symptoms of anxiety.
Individuals tend to overestimate their abilities in areas where they are less competent. This cognitive bias is known as the Dunning-Krueger effect. Research shows that Dunning-Krueger effect occurs in persons with traumatic brain injury and healthy comparison participants. It was suggested by Walker and colleagues (2017) that the deficits in cognitive awareness may be due to brain injury. Confrontational naming tasks (e.g., Boston Naming Test) are used to evaluate language abilities. The Cordoba Naming Test (CNT) is a 30-item confrontational naming task developed to be administered in multiple languages. Hardy and Wright (2018) conditionally validated a measure of perceived mental workload called the NASA Task Load Index (NASA-TLX). They found that workload ratings on the NASA-TLX increased with increased task demands on a cognitive task. The purpose of the present study was to determine whether the Dunning-Kruger effect occurs in a Latinx population and possible factors driving individuals to overestimate their abilities on the CNT. We predicted the low-performance group would report better CNT performance, but underperform on the CNT compared to the high-performance group.
Participants and Methods:
The sample consisted of 129 Latinx participants with a mean age of 21.07 (SD = 4.57). Participants were neurologically and psychologically healthy. Our sample was divided into two groups: the low-performance group and the high-performance group. Participants completed the CNT and the NASA-TLX in English. The NASA-TLX examines perceived workload (e.g., performance) and it was used in the present study to evaluate possible factors driving individuals to overestimate their abilities on the CNT. Participants completed the NASA-TLX after completing the CNT. Moreover, the CNT raw scores were averaged to create the following two groups: low-performance (CNT raw score <17) and high-performance (CNT raw score 18+). A series of ANCOVA's, controlling for gender and years of education completed were used to evaluate CNT performance and CNT perceived workloads.
Results:
We found the low-performance group reported better performance on the CNT compared to the high-performance, p = .021, np2 = .04. However, the high-performance group outperformed the low-performance group on the CNT, p = .000, np2 = .53. Additionally, results revealed the low-performance group reported higher temporal demand and effort levels on the CNT compared to the high-performance group, p's < .05, nps2 = .05.
Conclusions:
As we predicted, the low-performance group overestimated their CNT performance compared to the high-performance group. The current data suggest that the Dunning-Kruger effect occurs in healthy Latinx participants. We also found that temporal demand and effort may be influencing awareness in the low-performance group CNT performance compared to the high-performance group. The present study suggests subjective features on what may be influencing confrontational naming task performance in low-performance individuals more than highperformance individuals on the CNT. Current literature shows that bilingual speakers underperformed on confrontational naming tasks compared to monolingual speakers. Future studies should investigate if the Dunning-Kruger effects Latinx English monolingual speakers compared to Spanish-English bilingual speakers on the CNT.
As word finding or "naming" impairment is a symptom of multiple neurological conditions, naming assessment is an integral component of most neuropsychological evaluations. For decades, the Boston Naming Test (BNT) has been, and remains, the most widely used measure of naming. Although it has been shown that naming is generally stable from young adulthood through middle age, we have observed, clinically, that young adults tend to have greater difficulty on the BNT than older adults. Considering that the BNT was developed more than 50 years ago, and that language and culture change over time, we hypothesized that 1) increasing age would be associated with stronger performance on the BNT, whereas 2) there would be no association between age and naming performance on more recently developed naming measures.
Participants and Methods:
Participants were healthy adults who served as normative subjects in the revision study of the Auditory (ANT) and Visual Naming (VNT) Tests. Due to known effects of education level on BNT performance, we excluded those with less than 16 years of education, targeting young adults through middle age, resulting in 118 adults, 20 through 50 years of age (mean age: 32.9 ± 9.2 years; mean education: 16.8 ± 1.2 years; mean FSIQ: 106.0 ± 12. 6). All participants were native English speakers or learned English by age 5 and were fully educated in English. Untimed accuracy (i.e., response within 20 seconds) is the standard performance measure for the BNT; the ANT and VNT additionally include tip-of-the-tongue (TOT) scores, which incorporate response time and reliance on phonemic cueing (TOT score = number of items named in > 2 seconds but < 20 seconds, plus items named correctly after 20 seconds, following a phonemic cue). Pearson correlations examined the relation between age and naming performance on the BNT, ANT and VNT.
Results:
Pearson correlations revealed a small but significant, positive correlation between age and BNT performance (r =.22, p = .017), yet no correlation between age and performance on the ANT (ANT Accuracy: r = .05, p=.60, ANT-TOT: r = -.14, p = .12) or VNT (VNT Accuracy: r = .04, p=.67, VNT-TOT; r = -.03, p = .72).
Conclusions:
In this sample of healthy adults, naming performance improved with increasing age on the BNT; however, while vocabulary knowledge may broaden, naming efficiency should not improve with age. By contrast, we found no relation between age and naming performance on the more recently developed ANT and VNT. Results underscore the need to revise test stimuli on verbal measures, particularly those that assess naming, and suggest caution in interpreting BNT performance in young adults, as poor BNT performance might not accurately represent their true naming ability.
Dysnomia may be one of the earlier neuropsychological signs of Alzheimer’ disease (Cullum & Liff, 2014), making it an essential part of dementia evaluations. The Verbal Naming (VNT) is a verbal naming-to-definition task designed to assess possible dysnomia in older adults (Yochim et al., 2015) and has been used as an alternative to tasks that predominately rely on picture-naming paradigms. These researchers investigated the influences of age, educational level, cognitive diagnosis, educational quality, and race to examine if race would be a remaining significant factor in the performance of the VNT.
Participants and Methods:
Black (n=57) and White (n=127) participant data were collected during clinical neuropsychological evaluations, which included the VNT alongside other cognitive measures. A multiple regression was utilized controlling for age, educational level, cognitive diagnosis, educational quality via reading level, and race to investigate if race would remain a significant predictor of test performance.
Results:
Results suggested that race was still a significant predictor (p = .003) of VNT scores despite efforts to control other sources of variance. Additionally, other cognitive measures such as WAIS-IV Block Design (p = .004) and D-KEFS Tower Test (p = .004) also showed statistically significant relationships with race in the same model, whereas verbal memory (CVLT) and verbal fluency (D-KEFS) did not. The NAB Naming analysis violated the assumption of homoscedasticity; therefore, results with the NAB Naming test were not further interpreted.
Conclusions:
These results suggest that race is a significant predictor of performance on some cognitive measures, including the VNT. However, it did not predict performance on verbal memory or verbal fluency. Future investigations of racial differences on neuropsychological test performance would benefit from consideration of variables that may account for discrepancies between White and Black examinees. Several proxy variables could include educational quality, acculturation, and economic status.
The Boston Naming Test (BNT) is a 60-item confrontation naming task requiring participants to name a series of pictures. Prior research has shown that bilingual children have smaller vocabularies than monolinguals and that this effect continues into adulthood. Numerous studies have confirmed that bilingual adults name fewer pictures correctly than monolinguals on the BNT. Research also shows that self-reported workload correlates with neuropsychological test performance and that estimates of workload provide additional information regarding cognitive outcomes. Hardy and Wright (2018) conditionally validated a measure of perceived mental workload called the NASA Task Load Index (NASA-TLX; Hart & Staveland 1988) with healthy adults on a neuropsychological test (i.e., the Tower of Hanoi). Research also shows that bilinguals report higher perceived workloads on cognitive tasks compared to monolinguals. Although this work has recently extended to other tests, to our knowledge, the workload profile of the BNT remains relatively unexplored. We evaluated BNT performance and perceived workload via the NASA-TLX in monolinguals and bilinguals. We predicted that monolinguals would outperform bilinguals on the BNT, but that bilinguals would report higher workloads.
Participants and Methods:
The study sample consisted of 84 healthy participants (36 monolinguals, 48 bilinguals) with a mean age of 28.94 (SD = 10.76). Participants completed the standard 60-item BNT in English. The NASA-TLX scale was utilized to evaluate perceived workload across six subscales. The NASA-TLX was also completed in English after the completion of the BNT. ANOVAs were used to test BNT performance and perceived workload ratings between our language groups.
Results:
We found that monolinguals performed better on the BNT compared to bilinguals, p =.001, np2 = 24. However, bilinguals reported exerting more effort when completing the BNT compared to monolinguals, p =.002, np2 = .11. Additionally. bilinguals also experienced more frustration when completing the BNT compared to monolinguals, p =.034, np2 = .05.
Conclusions:
As expected, results revealed that monolinguals outperformed bilingual participants on the BNT. However, bilinguals exerted more effort on the BNT and reported the BNT to be more frustrating. A possible reason for bilinguals underperforming and reporting higher perceived workloads on the BNT may be because correct responses were only accepted in English. This may have caused bilingual speakers to exert increased effort to complete the task in a non-native language. In turn, this increased effort likely increased cognitive load and led to higher frustration levels. Further research is needed to confirm our findings and support the idea that bilingualism leads to perceiving greater effort and frustration, and to determine whether there are subgroup differences in BNT performances among bilingual individuals (e.g., English learned as a first language compared to English learned as a second language).
The Cordoba Naming Test (CNT) is a 30-item confrontation naming task. The administration of the CNT can be administered in multiple languages. Hardy and Wright (2018) conditionally validated a measure of perceived mental workload called the National Aeronautic Space Administration Task Load Index (NASA-TLX). They found that workload ratings on the NASA-TLX increased with increased demands on a cognitive task. Researchers found interactions in a study examining language proficiency and language (i.e., in which the test was administered) on several tasks of the Golden Stroop Test. Their results revealed that unbalanced bilinguals’ best-spoken language showed significantly better results compared to balanced bilinguals’ where language use did not matter. To our knowledge, no study has examined the order effects of Spanish-English bilingual speakers’ CNT performance and perceived workloads when completed in Spanish first compared to English second and vice-versa. We predicted that persons that completed the CNT in English first would demonstrate better performances and report lower perceived workloads on the CNT compared to completing the CNT in Spanish second. In addition, we predicted that persons that completed the CNT in Spanish first would demonstrate worse performance and higher perceived workloads on the CNT compared to completing the CNT in English second.
Participants and Methods:
The sample consisted of 62 Spanish-English healthy and neurologically bilingual speakers with a mean age of 19.94 (SD= 3.36). Thirty-seven participants completed the CNT in English first and then in Spanish (English-to-Spanish) and 25 participants completed the CNT in Spanish first and then in English (Spanish-to-English). The NASA-TLX was used to evaluate CNT perceived workloads. All the participants completed the NASA-TLX in English and Spanish after completing the CNT in the language given, respectfully. A series of paired-samples T-Tests were completed to evaluate groups CNT performance and perceived workload.
Results:
We found that the English-to-Spanish group performed better on the CNT in English first than completing it in Spanish second, p = .000. We also found that the English-to-Spanish group reported better performance and less mentally demanding on the CNT when it was completed in English first compared to completing it in Spanish second, p’s < .05. Regarding the Spanish-to-English group, we found participants performed worse when they completed the CNT in Spanish first compared to completing the CNT in English second, p = .000. Finally, the Spanish-to-English group reported worse performance completing the CNT in Spanish first, more temporal demanding, and more frustrating compared to completing the CNT in English second, p’s < .05.
Conclusions:
As expected, when participants completed the CNT in English, regardless of the order, they performed better and reported lower perceived workloads compared to completing the CNT in Spanish. Our data suggests that language order effect influenced participants CNT performance possibly due to not knowing specific items in Spanish compared to in English. Future studies using larger sample sizes should evaluate language order effects on the CNT in Spanish-English balanced bilingual speakers compared to unbalanced bilingual speakers.
Despite recent advances in cross-cultural neuropsychological test development, suitable tests for cross-linguistic assessment of language functions are not widely available. The aims of this study were to develop and validate a brief naming test, the Copenhagen Cross-Linguistic Naming Test (C-CLNT), for the assessment of culturally, linguistically, and educationally diverse older adult populations in Europe.
Method:
The C-CLNT was based on a set of standardized color drawings. Items for the C-CLNT were selected by considering name agreement and frequency across five European and two non-European languages. Ambiguities in some of the selected items and scoring criteria were resolved after pilot testing in 10 memory clinic patients. The final 30-item C-CLNT was validated by verifying its psychometric properties in 24 controls and 162 diverse memory clinic patients with affective disorder, mild cognitive impairment, and with dementia.
Results:
The C-CLNT had acceptable scale reliability (coefficient alpha = .67) and good construct validity, with moderate to strong correlations with traditional language tests (r = .42– .75). Diagnostic accuracy for dementia was good and significantly better than that of the Boston Naming Test (areas under the curve of .80 vs .64, p < .001), but was poor for mild cognitive impairment. Only 3% of the variance in C-CLNT test scores was explained by immigrant background, while 6% was explained by age and years of education. In comparison, these proportions were 34 and 22% for the BNT.
Conclusions:
The C-CLNT has promising clinical utility for cross-linguistic assessment of naming impairment in culturally, linguistically, and educationally diverse older adults.
This chapter examines the operation of dialogue and reciprocal exchange between the ST and the translator. Dialogue ensures that this relationship will always be incomplete, unfinished. By translational dialogue, one art extends the expressive capacities of another. The motor of dialogue is dialectics, and the chapter goes on to evaluate different versions of dialectical progression, while itself opting for a dialectic which releases a semanticity, as opposed to a semiology, a dialectic of participatory subjecthood. The chapter closes with an assessment of David Bohm’s vision of dialogue, since its concern with implicate and explicate orders lead into the chapter following. The chapter also contains indicative translations of Lamartine and Hugo.
Generations of Christians, Janet Soskice demonstrates, once knew God and Christ by hundreds of remarkable names. These included the appellations ‘Messiah’, ‘Emmanuel’, ‘Alpha’, ‘Omega’, ‘Eternal’, ‘All-Powerful’, ‘Lamb’, ‘Lion’, ‘Goat’, ‘One’, ‘Word’, ‘Serpent’ and ‘Bridegroom’. In her much-anticipated new book, Soskice argues that contemporary understandings of divinity could be transformed by a return to a venerable analogical tradition of divine naming. These ancient titles – drawn from scripture – were chanted and sung, crafted and invoked (in polyphony and plainsong) as they were woven into the worship of the faithful. However, during the sixteenth century Descartes moved from ‘naming’ to ‘defining’ God via a series of metaphysical attributes. This made God a thing among things: a being amongst beings. For the author, reclaiming divine naming is not only overdue. It can also re-energise the relationship between philosophy and religious tradition. This path-breaking book shows just how rich and revolutionary such reclamation might be.
Generations of Christians, Janet Soskice demonstrates, once knew God and Christ by hundreds of remarkable names. These included the appellations ‘Messiah’, ‘Emmanuel’, ‘Alpha’, ‘Omega’, ‘Eternal’, ‘All-Powerful’, ‘Lamb’, ‘Lion’, ‘Goat’, ‘One’, ‘Word’, ‘Serpent’ and ‘Bridegroom’. In her much-anticipated new book, Soskice argues that contemporary understandings of divinity could be transformed by a return to a venerable analogical tradition of divine naming. These ancient titles – drawn from scripture – were chanted and sung, crafted and invoked (in polyphony and plainsong) as they were woven into the worship of the faithful. However, during the sixteenth century Descartes moved from ‘naming’ to ‘defining’ God via a series of metaphysical attributes. This made God a thing among things: a being amongst beings. For the author, reclaiming divine naming is not only overdue. It can also re-energise the relationship between philosophy and religious tradition. This path-breaking book shows just how rich and revolutionary such reclamation might be.
Generations of Christians, Janet Soskice demonstrates, once knew God and Christ by hundreds of remarkable names. These included the appellations 'Messiah', 'Emmanuel', 'Alpha', 'Omega', 'Eternal', 'All-Powerful', 'Lamb', 'Lion', 'Goat', 'One', 'Word', 'Serpent' and 'Bridegroom'. In her much-anticipated new book, Soskice argues that contemporary understandings of divinity could be transformed by a return to a venerable analogical tradition of divine naming. These ancient titles – drawn from scripture – were chanted and sung, crafted and invoked (in polyphony and plainsong) as they were woven into the worship of the faithful. However, during the sixteenth century Descartes moved from 'naming' to 'defining' God via a series of metaphysical attributes. This made God a thing among things: a being amongst beings. For the author, reclaiming divine naming is not only overdue. It can also re-energize the relationship between philosophy and religious tradition. This path-breaking book shows just how rich and revolutionary such reclamation might be.
This article examines baptismal naming in sixteenth-century Guatemala in the context of Indigenous adaptation to the sociopolitical upheavals of Spanish-led invasion, forced resettlement, and the imposition of Catholicism. As part of the institution of baptism—the first Catholic sacrament and one that missionaries implemented soon after their arrival in the Spanish Americas—Indigenous baptizees received a European name, as well as spiritual kin in the form of godparents. The distribution of baptismal names in late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century Santiago Atitlán, a predominantly Tz'utujil Maya community in highland Guatemala, suggests that Indigenous christening marked a break with precolonial onomastic practice. Instead of continuing the Indigenous tradition of naming children according to their birthdate, Maya adults in the Santiago Atitlán area developed new naming strategies that simultaneously located their children in the Spanish administrative sphere and reconstituted local social networks in the wake of colonial disruptions. Furthermore, the influence of godparents on name selection both expressed and reinforced godparenthood's rising significance as the most socially salient Catholic institution in colonial Indigenous society and one that remains vibrant into the present.
Gregoriou presents a study of characterisation in a crime fiction novel on child trafficking. Her choice of analytic tools (speech presentation, naming strategies, transitivity, modality and metaphor analysis) narrows the focus to an in-depth exploration of these selected five, bringing to light character Muna’s mind style.
Naming and comprehension are standing amog the basic language functions, which allow individuals to realize the communication domain of language. Naming and comprehension imparements are well-studied (Sebastian et al., 2018) in most affected patient groups (for example aphasia patients), but at the same time schizophrenia process may cause it’s specific language disorders (Andreasen et al., 1985). Adolescent age is a very sensitive period in the context of beginning of schizophrenia.
Objectives
The purpose of present study was to identify which language imparement (naming or comprehension) is the most affected in adolescent non-psychotic schizophrenia in this age. Also, authors were aimed at the check of selected tool sensitivness to schizophrenia patients
Methods
Subjects of present study were patients with schizophrenia of Moscow psychiatry clinic (n=20, mean age=14,4), subdivided by DS (F20.xx, F21.xx) and syndromes (national Russian psychiatric subdivision inside the DS). All DS and syndromes were additionally qualified by the clinical professional. Following methods were used: medical history analysis (expert diagnosisqualification, syndromic analysis), Test “Quantative Language Assessment in Aphasia” (QLAA) (Tsvetkova et al., 1981), statistical analysis. QLAA consists from the 4 subtests: naming of objects (NO), actions (NA); comprehension of objects (CO), actions (CA). Answers were quantified by the 3-mark scale (0-0,5-1).
Results
Mean QLAA NO = 14,5; NA = 14,5; CO = 16; CA = 19. Ingroup comparison using U-criteria showed that differences between NO and CA are the most significant (p<0.05). Differences in all other pairs are not so significant.
Conclusions
language comprehension is studied group of adolescent patients with schizophrenia is the most affected language domain
Chapter 7 explores the labels associated with mental illness in more detail, specifically through naming analysis. I discuss prescribed forms for referring to people with mental illness (such as person-first language) and explore the frequency of such prescribed forms in the corpus. In addition, salient naming strategies in the corpus, particularly the labels ‘patient’, ‘sufferer’ and ‘victim’ are investigated. Using corpus evidence, I show that these labels are patterned to specific illness types. Furthermore, I argue that the tendency in the corpus to refer to people as quantities and statistics depersonalises people with mental illness. I argue that the ‘rhetoric of quantification’ (Fowler, 1991: 166) provides a way for the press to sensationalise news events related to mental illness which in turn constitutes the representation of mental illness as a ‘moral panic’ (Cohen, 1973).
Grandfathers took great pride in their grandchildren and in the continuation of the family line, but they contributed far less to their families than did their wives. As they aged they moved into a pleasant, quiescent stage of life. There were/are many gentle, calming pursuits to pass the time: keeping songbirds, practising taiji, doing calligraphy, writing poetry. Old men spent time in the company of other old men, often in teahouses or parks. Their remaining family responsibilities were agreeable. The literate ones taught their grandchildren calligraphy. They were responsible for the complex practices of choosing the grandchildren’s names. They passed on family history and lore.
Affluent men could practice polygamy. A woman could only marry once, but her husband could take as many concubines as he wanted – and could afford. He might have children who were younger than his oldest grandchildren. Polygamous families were usually full of conflict, far from the men’s ideal. Formal polygamy is now outlawed, though the practice of keeping a ‘little wife’, in a separate establishment, is not.