Numismatic inscriptional evidence consistently employs the ΕΥΕΡΓ- word group in describing a superior providing some material public benefit to an inferior, typically an entire city, nation or kingdom. This is evidenced in the present study's comprehensive survey of several hundred numismatic types, extant in many thousands of specimens from the second century bce to the first century ce. Within this context, 1 Timothy 6.2 is discussed, wherein it is noted that the apparent identification of a slave's labour as ɛὐɛργɛσία not only heightens the significance and value of that service but is a deliberate inversion of expected social and linguistic norms.

This article explores the interconnection between Caligula's rehabilitation of his family and the performance of imperial power through processions as presented on three of his coin types. It argues that Caligula used the depictions of processions in connection with coin types celebrating his father, mother, and brothers to create a ‘parade of ancestors’. These coins served as portable visual reminders (monumenta) of Germanicus’ pompa triumphalis of 17 CE, the inclusion of Agrippina's image into the pompa circensis as part of the honours granted to Caligula's family members upon his accession, and the likely inclusion of Nero and Drusus’ images at the head of the transvectio equitum during the early years of Caligula's reign. By parading his family members on his coins in this way, Caligula was able to propel himself forward by looking to and commemorating the past, thereby creating permanent monumenta of these public performances of power.

The title σωτήρ, ‘saviour’, is bestowed on Christ and God in the New Testament and rendered in the Latin translations by conseruator, saluificator, salutificator, salutaris and saluator. Although these terms convey the same meaning, they are not interchangeable: this study argues that conseruator, which is the most frequent word for saviour on imperial coins, is rarely attested in the Latin versions because of its association with the imperial cult. The predominant translation, saluator, was coined as an alternative rendering to the other words which had religious and political connotations.

The title βασιλεὺς βασιλέων in the Apocalypse (Rev 17.14; 19.16) has generated a variety of interpretations in regard to its identification, symbolism and background. Commentators regularly note that joining a singular noun with its genitive plural is a common way to express the superlative in Hebrew. Others find special relevance of the phrase to the time of Domitian when it is said ‘he dictated the form of a letter to be used by his procurators, he began: “Our lord and god commands so and so”’ (Suetonius, Domitian, 13). The present analysis argues that inscriptions on relevant coinage confirm that the title was a clear allusion to the tradition of the Parthian kings, Rome's historic enemy. Within the context of the Apocalypse, the title is applied to Jesus Christ, presented triumphantly conquering Rome in the image of Rome's feared Parthian enemy. Included in the analysis is an extensive tabulation of relevant numismatic evidence.

Roman bronze coins from the 3rd and 4th century AD exhibit a wide variety of chemistries on their surfaces. This variation has been attributed to the variable methods used to produce the coins, a large number of mints producing bronze currency, and the periods of currency devaluation within the Roman Empire. Besides the base bronze metallurgy (Cu,Sn), Ag, Pb, and Zn were frequently used as coinage metals. Silver coatings were often applied to increase the apparent value of the coins. Over the centuries these surfaces corroded producing a range of patinas. Non-destructive X-ray diffraction and X-ray fluorescence methods were used to evaluate ancient bronze coins. These methods are limited by their half depth of penetration into the coins, so the focus was on the chemistry of the patina's and how they related to the current appearance. Several 3rd-century bronze coins exhibited a very dark patina that was often composed of CuCl, Cu2O (cuprite) and several forms of copper hydroxyl chloride, resulting from surface deterioration caused by corrosion and is often referred to as bronze disease. Coins of the latter 3rd century and 4th century often exhibit patinas that are corrosion products of lead, silver, and tin, as lead and tin preferentially oxidize relative to the bronze alloys.

Commentators regularly note the alleged tension in John 15 between ‘friendship’ and ‘obedience’. This article employs numismatic inscriptional evidence to explore the ΦΙΛ- lexeme and more carefully denote the semantic domains of relevant terminology. This analysis confirms that no such tension exists within the socio-political context in which the Gospel was written. The inclusion of specific political terminology on Roman coins (for example, ΦΙΛΙΑ; ΦΙΛΟΚΑΙΣΑΡ; ΦΙΛΟΚΛΑΥΔΙΟΣ; ΦΙΛΟΡΩΜΑΙΟΣ; ΦΙΛΟΣΕΒΑΣΤΩΝ) was one way in which elite concepts of political friendship, evidenced in Cicero and Seneca, were communicated to the masses. In light of the numismatic evidence, the ΦΙΛ- lexeme can refer not only to the emotional bond of friendship, but also the dimension of obligation.

Over 800 clay coin moulds, excavated from 85 London Wall in 1988, had been used for casting copies of silver denarii and copper-alloy dupondii and asses which dated from Trajan to Trebonianus Gallus. The discovery of the moulds in the ditch of Londinium's defensive wall led initially to thoughts that this was the concealment of incriminating evidence, but it is now recognised that counterfeiting coins was rife and perhaps even uncontrollable. The wide variety of moulds made it a complicated task to identify the numbers and types of coins used to make the moulds. This article describes the types of moulds found, examines how the moulds were produced, and discusses the prevalence of coin moulds at differing periods and on differing sites in Roman Britain and on the Continent.

By considering monetization across the Iron Age and Roman periods and across the whole of Temperate Europe some major developments become apparent. The spread of coinage in the Iron Age bears some relationship to the eventual extent of the Roman Empire. Coins stand in the archaeological record for systems of doing things, for ways people relate to each other and to things, and for ways of conceptualizing the world. They provide a useful way to approach the meeting of the worlds of the Iron Age and of Rome. Material forms of being Roman became increasingly important as a dimension of Roman identity. The commercialization implicit in Rome's ‘Cultural Revolution’ was underpinned by the extension of Roman-style monetization. In this light the monetization of Temperate Europe emerges as a process of considerable importance.

Eight Roman coins were reported in 2007 to the Portable Antiquities Scheme. All the coins were late Roman issues, with the latest identified as a Gloria Romanorum type dating to A.D. 406–408. This coin is only the second of its type to be identified in Britain, and it was found outside the normal area of fifth-century coins in southern Britain, in the Hadrian's Wall corridor. The finding of the group with its late coin begs the question of how many more fifth-century Roman issues may be as yet undiscovered or misidentified in Britain.

Over 52,000 Roman coins have been recorded and published from Wales. Using this comprehensive numismatic sample, this article investigates how coins of different metals and denominations were used and lost in western Britain during the later Iron Age and early Roman periods. The analysis of coins from hoards, excavated sites and single finds produces a more detailed picture of coin supply and use in Roman Britain than has been the case in the past and, consequently, it is now possible to provide a relatively sophisticated description of the monetization of Wales in the decades immediately before and after the conquest in the later first century A.D. The complexities of the early numismatic history of Wales are explored using a series of chronological and regional case-studies, while the discussion emphasises the role of native traditions in shaping local responses to the appearance of coinage and the foreign practices associated with using Roman imperial currency.

Martial's Liber de Spectaculis is almost universally considered a work describing the remarkable 100-day games held by Titus on the inauguration of the new Flavian Amphitheatre in A.D. 80. There is in fact no internal evidence for this attribution, which has been justified by Martial's praise of the building (“it sounds new”) and the inexact parallels between the description of Titus' games in Dio and the events memorialized by Martial. The highpoint of animal activities in Martial concerns the rhinoceros, not mentioned at all by Dio. Under Domitian a sudden, extensive and unparalleled issue of coins with the rhinoceros type signals the advertisement of that rare beast in his games. The coins date to A.D. 83–85. It is to that period, and to the reign of Domitian, that Martial's work should be dated.

The publication of English Heritage's guidelines for the analysis and publication of coins from excavations has not met with acceptance by the relevant specialists. This paper takes the opportunity to look back over what we have been doing, consider what the guidelines suggest, and makes recommendations as to where we could be going. In particular it argues that we should be making more of existing database technologies and the internet, and that the analysis of coins should be integrated with other aspects of the archaeological record. The paper is not a new set of guidelines, but is intended to stimulate debate.

The large hillfort at Hembury, near Honiton (Devon) is one of the most impressive late prehistoric sites in South-West England. Occupied in the Neolithic and Iron Age, it was taken over by a Roman force about or shortly before A.D. 50. Substantial timber buildings were constructed, including a probable fabrica, in which iron from the adjacent Blackdown hills was worked. The Roman site was abandoned by the early Flavian period and not reoccupied. Though not evidently a conventional fort, Hembury joins a list of hillforts in South-West England which were used by the Roman army in the early decades of conquest. These include Hod Hill and possibly Maiden Castle (Dorset), Ham Hill and South Cadbury (Somerset).

The coin series from sites in the Dutch River area show a break during the last three decades of the third century and the first decade of the fourth century AD. Coins minted for Aurelian and his successors to the throne up to Constantine I are very scarce for all sites. The break has been interpreted to indicate the end of occupation of castella and settlements around AD 275. When the site finds from the Dutch River area are presented in the form of an adapted histogram however, the coin series show a striking similarity to site finds from Roman Britain, where, on the whole, continuity was safeguarded during the third century. The article argues that this gap in the coin series – detectable all over the western part of the Roman Empire – is caused by the special character of coin circulation during this period in the west and does not indicate the end of activities on the site that provided the coins. Coin finds even seem to suggest continuity during this period for a number of sites in the Dutch River area.