Researchers in the field of youth language in Africa have often been less than explicit about their sources of data and methods of collection. In order to provide recommendations for future research, this chapter reflects on the preceding chapters and highlights some considerations regarding different methods of data collection and different types of data on youth language practices. We consider naturalistic data and authenticity in youth language data. We present examples of data outcomes from a South African project that captured data on Tsotsitaal, and we also consider the methods presented in the chapters in this book in order to further illustrate the wide range of data outcomes in youth language research. The chapter makes the argument that the most important move is to define the object of analysis – and that it cannot be simplistically described as 'youth language'.

This chapter investigates what differentiates Standard isiXhosa, often referred to by speakers as 'deep isiXhosa', from other urban varieties of the language, including Tsotsitaal. It focuses on how the standard variety has an established status, although it is seldom strictly adhered to; dialects and lexical borrowing being some of the key historical drivers of variation in the grammar and vocabulary of the language. Contemporary deviation from the standard is exemplified in the chapter, which draws from research into the speech of the national isiXhosa radio station’s announcers and listeners and into the way young isiXhosa speakers use the language. The data show a flux in the concordial system of isiXhosa, a proliferation of English loanwords and ludic inclusions of Sesotho and Tsotsitaal.

This chapter discusses the feature pool of the different tsotsitaals in terms of not just vocabulary, but morphology and especially syntax. To answer these contact-related questions, I argue that standard language, non-standard urban varieties and youth language practices (tsotsitaals) need to be studied together as a package for their commonalities, differences and the ways in which they relate to each other. I do this partly by summarising early South African approaches and assessing how they have been improved by attention being given to the urban varieties, as spoken by a wider community than just adolescent and young males in a particular in-group or informal mode. I reanalyse two studies of isiZulu-based tsotsitaal of the Johannesburg area by Ngwenya (1995) and Gunnink (2014), concluding that this tsotsitaal does not have an independent syntax from the urban variety of isiZulu.

In this chapter, using historical records and academic commentaries and research, we trace language contact in Cape Town from as far back as 400 CE. We detail how people indigenous to the area, as well as migrants from the rest of Africa and abroad, adapted their speech for social, political and economic reasons, with the result that Dutch, and later Afrikaans and English, gained prominence. After this diachronic account, we focus on two contemporary speech communities in Cape Town, and through interviews and participant observations confirm that while English is considered a prestige language and the key to future success, people still speak vernacular varieties of their own languages and of English. Examination of the linguistic landscape of the city in a number of research articles shows that English (some of it non-standard) is used far more widely in signage than African languages, which are used primarily for stylistic and affective reasons. Finally, we use research into hip-hop and rap performances in the city to argue that in this domain of music, local languages and mixed codes are preferred over English.

In interactions with their peers, South African male youths use a way of talking that is different from the local varieties spoken in their communities. Labelled tsotsitaals, this practice involves inserting a slang lexicon into the syntactic base of a local language combined with other paralinguistic features. Most studies of this phenomenon have looked at Afrikaans and Bantu language-based tsotsitaals but there are also several instances of English-based tsotsitaals among male youths in English-speaking communities. Across all tsotsitaals, English-derived words make up a substantial part of the slang lexicon. Ethnographic studies among young men who use Bantu-based tsotsitaals show that English plays a key role in indexing different identities. Based on the social meanings they attribute to English use, they incorporate English in a variety of ways making up different styles of tsotsitaal. These styles reflect different social levels, identities, attitudes and aspirations. The way English is incorporated into tsotsitaals challenges common approaches that treat this performance register as an autonomous referential system.