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There is uncertainty about factors associated with involuntary in-patient psychiatric care. Understanding these factors would help in reducing coercion in psychiatry.
Aims
To explore variables associated with involuntary care in the largest database of involuntary admissions published.
Method
We identified 166 102 public mental health hospital admissions over 5 years in New South Wales, Australia. Demographic, clinical and episode-of-care variables were examined in an exploratory, multivariable logistic regression.
Results
A total of 54% of eligible admissions included involuntary care. The strongest associations with involuntary care were referral from the legal system (odds ratio 4.98, 95% CI 4.61–5.38), and psychosis (odds ratio 4.48, 95% CI 4.31–4.64) or organic mental disorder (odds ratio 4.40, 95% CI 3.85–5.03). There were moderately strong associations between involuntary treatment and substance use disorder (odds ratio 2.68, 95% CI 2.56–2.81) or affective disorder (odds ratio 2.06, 95% CI 1.99–2.14); comorbid cannabis and amphetamine use disorders (odds ratio 1.65, 95% CI 1.57–1.74); unmarried status (odds ratio 1.62, 95% CI 1.49–1.76) and being born in Asia (odds ratio 1.42, 95% CI 1.35–1.50), Africa or the Middle East (odds ratio 1.32, 95% CI 1.24–1.40). Involuntary care was less likely for people aged >75 years (odds ratio 0.68, 95% CI 0.62–0.74), with comorbid personality disorder (odds ratio 0.90, 95% CI 0.87–0.94) or with private health insurance (odds ratio 0.89, 95% CI 0.86–0.93).
Conclusions
This research strengthens the evidence linking diagnostic, socioeconomic and cultural factors to involuntary treatment. Targeted interventions are needed to reduce involuntary admissions in disadvantaged groups.
When rural populations hold land without property rights, this has important and wide-ranging economic, social, and political consequences. Property rights gaps keeps land reform beneficiaries dispersed across the countryside working in agriculture, slowing urbanization. Property rights gaps distort incentives to invest in improvements and inputs due to land tenure insecurity and a lack of access to credit, slowing growth in agricultural productivity. And property rights gaps are linked to urban policy bias by disadvantaging rural dwellers from accessing the same basic services such as education and opportunities for employment by the state that urban dwellers enjoy. These dynamics fuel economic inequality and they sow the seeds of underdevelopment and slow economic growth. Property rights gaps also have direct political consequences that shape the nature of access to power, the ability to translate preferences into policy, and contestation within society. They inhibit the ability of rural groups to exercise political power relative to cities. And they They are foster clientelism and vote buying rather than programmatic linkages between parties and voters.
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