The traditional model of family relationships is undergoing significant changes in contemporary China. Nevertheless, little research has delved into the dynamic evolution of intergenerational relationships. To address this research gap, we utilise data from the Chinese Longitudinal Aging Social Survey (CLASS) conducted between 2016 and 2018 (N = 7,009) to analyse the transitions in intergenerational relationships over a two-year period, alongside the predictive factors. Employing Latent Transition Analysis, we unveil three distinct typologies: ‘Tight-Knit’, ‘Intimate-Distant’ and ‘Ambivalent-Distant’, which undergo changes over time. Our study captures the tendency of the integration of tradition and modernity within intergenerational relationship patterns in China, as well as the intricate dynamics of these relationships. Furthermore, we identify the predictive roles of age, gender, household registration, health conditions, life events, family composition and filial piety on relationship transitions. This study expands upon previous typological research on intergenerational relationships and enriches our comprehension of their intricate and dynamic nature.

How to meet the demands of long-term care is a pressing issue in ageing societies. In most countries, care systems depend on the capability and willingness of family members to fill the gap between existing needs and formal service provision. Understanding the motivations of adult children to engage in parent care is, therefore, of central importance. The existing research literature offers different explanations, and here we concentrate on two key perspectives: normative and affectual commitments. Based on longitudinal data from two waves of the Norwegian Life Course, Ageing and Generation Study (2007 and 2017), we investigate to what extent adult children's previous attitudes towards filial responsibility norms and their perceived quality of the relationship to parents (in 2007) are associated with subsequent care-giving to ageing mothers and fathers (in 2017). The analyses show no evidence of a correlation between support of general filial responsibility norms and provision of help and care 10 years later. Perceived quality of the relationship, on the other hand, is associated with subsequent help and care-giving. The patterns are similar for daughters and sons. We conclude that within the context of a comprehensive welfare state, like the Norwegian, care-giving seems to be more of an individual choice than a societal prescription.

Emphasis placed on Xiao (孝; filial piety) in Chinese culture highlights parents' investment in their children with the expectation of being cared for when older. An increasing number of Chinese students come to the United Kingdom (UK) to study, with the majority returning home and likely to become future care-givers for their parents. Little attention has been paid to the implications of transnational mobility of Chinese students on the reciprocal aspects of future care responsibility. With the uniquely changing family structure due to consequences of the One-Child Policy, we conducted proactive research on the opportunities and challenges that Chinese transnational students anticipate they may face in future care-giving for elderly parents. Hence, this study's aim was to make a novel contribution to knowledge through exploration of the perspectives of Chinese students in England on intergenerational ties and filial obligations. Adopting a social constructivist philosophical position, we conducted three focus groups with 19 UK-based Chinese students, using a semi-structured topic guide with informed consent. Interviews were translated, transcribed and analysed using reflective thematic analysis, capturing semantic and latent meanings, and employed a descriptive and interpretative approach. Six themes were discovered, revealing a ‘culture of duty’ where familial obligation and societal expectations were prominent. Prospective care-givers anticipated a future dilemma between balancing work commitments and providing care as mandated by Xiao. Furthermore, it appeared that lack of preparedness might further exacerbate barriers faced when accessing support. We surmised that the changing demographics and absence of formal support could compound stressors over time, especially if cognitive dissonance arises as realities of life do not fit with societal expectations. Our findings imply that policy makers, practitioners and the government will need to adequately support prospective family care-givers who are returnees in caring for older generations.

Increasing longevity has led to a rising number of adult children who are at higher ages when they provide care for their parents. Drawing on the lifecourse approach and exchange theory, the paper addresses similarities and differences in parent care between late middle-aged and older adult children. The study uses the UK Household Longitudinal Study, restricting the analysis sample to individuals aged 50 and older with a living parent or parent-in-law. It presents multivariate models to examine differences between late middle-aged (aged 50–64) and older (aged 65+) children in being a parent carer, providing intensive care, the duration of parent care and providing selected types of help to parents. The involvement in parent care increases among women up to the end of their seventh decade of life and for men up to their eighth decade of life. At higher ages, the proportion of parent carers decreases more strongly for women than men. Older carers have shorter care-giving episodes than younger carers, but there is no significant difference in the type of care provided. Even past retirement age, parent care remains classed and gendered, with women from lower social classes having the highest likelihood of providing intensive parent care in old age. Having dependent children or living in a non-marital union depress the likelihood of caring for a parent even past retirement age.

This study uses constructivist grounded theory to explore older women's responses to the unexpected need to provide financial, emotional and residential support to their adult children who were experiencing problems with mental illness, substance abuse and/or absence of employment. Twenty-nine American women (>60) were interviewed:55 per cent were poor and half were women of colour. Using the theoretical model of intergenerational ambivalence, three types of structural ambivalence are discovered: mothers’ reactions to their adult children's behaviour that violate expectations for reciprocity; women's dismayed reactions to their adult children's aggressive behaviours towards themselves as their mothers; and the women's struggle regarding balancing their role as a mother to protect their adult children alongside their wish and identified needs for self-care. All of the conflicts were expressed within the frame of their role of mother. The internalised mandate to be ‘a good mother’ resulted in many experiencing shame, self-blame and guilt, and this self-blame was an obstacle to reaching out for help. This study adds to the growing body of feminist gerontological research and examines the ideological and structural variables that influence the predominance of female unpaid family care-givers in later life. The dilemma for older women with troubled adult children is both personal and political.

The purpose of this study is to estimate whether fathers involved in the criminal justice system contribute toward determining their children’s criminal activities. We use a unique dataset for Italy, which follows the antisocial behavior of a representative cohort of young criminals aged 14 to 24. Our correlation estimates indicate that fathers involved in criminal activities predict significant recidivism rates by their children. When the transmission mechanisms of fathers were proxied to include a set of observable individual and family variables, our regression estimates showed that almost half the father–child correlation is not explained by the controls. More importantly, estimating the father–child association restricting to fathers in prison, we find that this correlation is significantly large for “theft and drugs,” which suggests that this forced absence acts as a potential determinant of children’s criminal careers.

While research evidence indicates that older adults provide substantial amounts of financial, emotional and practical support to their adult children, little is known about the lifestyle-related drivers of providing such support or how these may be associated with changing late life in late modernity. Emerging popular discourses increasingly portray older adults as a group adopting new lifestyles, pursuing their own interests and rejecting normative family obligations. Using data from the Danish Longitudinal Study of Ageing, we examine first, cohort, age and period trends in the provision of informal support in 1997–2012 in Denmark; and second, the socio-economic and lifestyle factors associated with the likelihood of providing help to adult children. We find notably that, overall, older adults’ provision of informal support to their adult children has increased over time and that active lifestyles do not decrease the provision of support to adult children. However, in later mid-life (52–62 years), having full-time employment and high work-related stress decreases the likelihood of providing help. The results indicate that while older adults play an important role in providing support, external stressors such as work–life imbalance in later life may interfere with their engagement in intergenerational relationships.

In many parts of the world, grandparents live with their grandchildren in ‘skipped-generation households’ in which no parent resides. In Thailand, this living arrangement is more common in rural areas where parents often migrate to find employment. The focus of this article is on how grandparents make the decision to live in skipped-generation households. Our study is based upon open-ended interviews with 48 grandparents who lived in three rural areas of Thailand. Using an interpretative phenomenological approach, the analysis uncovers several factors that contribute to grandparents’ decisions about their living arrangements. These factors include: norms about care-giving and family obligation, inadequate child-care options, the need for financial support, problematic relationships within the family and a desire for companionship. We also identify three different decision-making patterns: grandparents initiating the decision to provide grandchild care, adult children asking grandparents to assume this role and adult children abandoning grandchildren to the grandparents. Based upon these findings, we provide implications for practice that address the conditions of grandparents and their family members.

Against the background of population ageing and increasing cultural diversity in many Western countries, the study examined differences and similarities between Australian-born people and Chinese immigrants in their relationships with adult children. The specific research questions were: (a) are there differences between these groups in the nature of parent–child relationships; and (b) if there were differences, did these differences reflect the Confucian concept of filial piety among older Chinese immigrants. The solidarity–conflict model and the concept of ambivalence were used to quantify parent–child relationships. Data from 122 community-dwelling people aged 65 and over (60 Australian-born and 62 Chinese-born people) were collected using standardised interviews. There were significant differences between the two groups for all relationship dimensions except associative solidarity. Compared to Australian participants, Chinese participants were more likely to live with their children. However, when they did not live with their children, they lived further away. They were also more likely to receive, but less likely to provide, instrumental help. Finally, they reported higher levels of normative solidarity, conflict and ambivalence, and lower levels of affectual and consensual solidarity. The differences in solidarity dimensions persisted when socio-demographic variables were controlled for. The study revealed complex differences in the nature of older parent–child relationships between Australian-born people and Chinese immigrants. Some of these differences, such as more prevalent multigenerational living among older Chinese immigrants, likely reflect the strong influence of filial piety among this group. However, differences in other dimensions, such as lower levels of consensual solidarity, might be associated with the Chinese participants’ experience as immigrants. This study also highlights the usefulness of the solidarity–conflict model as a theoretical framework to understand the nature of parent–child relationships among older Chinese immigrants.

Across Europe grandparents play very different roles. This paper studies to what extent grandparents' role as providers of child care relates to the country policy context, focusing on public child-care services and parental leave regulation, and to the availability of part-time jobs for women. We also explore whether mothers' needs to combine family and work differently influence the frequency of grandparental child care across countries. The analysis combines micro-data from the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe and macro-indicators from the Multilinks database and Eurostat. We find a clear association between policy context and frequency of grandparental child care. Three models emerge. In countries close to the familialism by default model (i.e. characterised by scarce public child-care services and parental leave), when grandparents provide child care they often do it daily. In countries characterised by defamilialisation and supported familialism policies (with generous public services and parental leave) grandparents take on a marginal role. An intermediate model emerges in countries characterised by a limited offer of child care or parental leave, where grandparental child care complements state support and tends to be offered on a weekly basis. Our analysis corroborates the idea that the highly intensive involvement of grandparents in countries with low availability of part-time jobs for women is influenced by the need (unmet by the welfare) of mothers to combine work and family.

This paper introduces some key theoretical and methodological developments in the study of intergenerational family relations. It draws on observations that a number of social issues are emerging that have an intergenerational dimension, that there is growing recognition that to study adult ageing one has also to study intergenerational relationships, and that a new architecture for social relations is beginning to take shape in the wake of demographic change. How individuals, families and societies cope with such changes provokes the question of how gerontologically-informed research, theorisation and policy will also adapt. Seven positions are summarised which attempt two things. First, to map out some new conceptual directions for intergenerational research through a critical use of concepts such as transition, generational self-awareness and empathy, metaphors of cultural translation, and the deployment of social and moral capital. Second, to examine changing gender roles, the balance between family and welfare-state support frameworks, ethnicity and immigration as important elements of this process. A critical review of approaches to intergenerational relationships hopefully emerges.

This article explores the strength and character of responsibility norms between older parents and adult children in a European context. Data from the ‘Generations and Gender Survey’ are analysed to compare seven countries from the North West to the South East of Europe: Norway, Germany, France, Romania, Bulgaria, Russia and Georgia. Norm strength is measured as the level of support for filial and parental responsibility norms. Character differences are indicated by how conditional the norms are, and how they are balanced between the younger and older generations. The general findings are in line with the family culture hypothesis – family norms are stronger towards the East and South of the continent, with Norway and Georgia as the extreme cases. National differences are considerable for filial norms, but moderate for parental norms. Parental responsibility is relatively stronger in the North West, filial responsibility in the South East. Family norms have a more open character in the West, where the limits to responsibility are widely recognised. Women are less supportive of family obligations than men. It is suggested that where the welfare state is more developed, it has moderated the demanding character of family obligations and allowed a more independent relationship between the generations to form. The level of support for filial obligation is for these reasons a poor indicator for family cohesion in more developed welfare states.

This research broadens the understanding of the relationship between paid work and caregiving by including the contribution of the older “care recipient”. Using selected aspects of social exchange theory and a life course perspective, the importance of giving and receiving for caregivers and care recipients is explored through analyses of focus groups with employed women and interviews with their older mothers. The mothers and daughters focus on the time when they are most indebted to each other. The daughter's employment affects the type and value of contributions from care recipients. The mother's past assistance with housework and caring for children is greatly valued by the daughters. For care recipients, however, being reliant on a busy employee for their care has negative consequences. The mothers emphasize the current situation and under-estimate their past helping. Further research should consider the care recipient's perspective to obtain a broader understanding of the impact of the caregiver's employment in caregiving relationships.

This paper examines the growing demographic phenomenon of grandparent–adult grandchild relationships from the perspectives of both generations. Drawing on qualitative life-history interviews (n = 37), this research explores the subjective meanings of the relationship, as well as the experiences of being grandparents and adult grandchildren. Despite tremendous diversity in grandparent–adult grandchild relationships, including differences among and between generations, both groups in this study view one another positively and conceptualize their ties as personally and existentially meaningful. They classify their relationships as a distinct family tie centred on unconditional love, mutual support, respect, and obligation. A number of individuals also discuss their grandparent–adult grandchild relationships as friendships, involving mutual trust, shared confidences, and personal choice. Overall, this research suggests that grandparent-grandchild relationships often grow more profound and meaningful as grandparents and grandchildren age, move through the life course, and experience life events.

Using interview data from 30 Tibetan elders living in India and Switzerland, the paper explores the support they received, their perception of intergenerational relationships, and their acceptance of different levels of intergenerational exchange. All of the sample had aged in either India or Switzerland and so provide excellent comparison groups, from respectively a developing and a developed country, by which to study changing filial piety with time, context and socio-economic conditions. With limited resources in old age, most of the participants in India needed financial support. Among them, parents with many children and children in developed countries received better financial support and collective care than those with one child or all children living in India. In contrast, the participants in Switzerland were entitled to state old-age benefits, and so required mainly affirmation and emotional support. A consequence of living in a developed nation was dissatisfaction when the children adopted western values and the family's cultural continuity was threatened. The findings support two recommendations: in developing countries, the provision of old-age benefits to ensure a minimum level of financial security and independence among older adults; and in developed countries, the promotion of a mutual understanding of filial piety among different generations of older refugees and immigrants to help ameliorate intergenerational differences.

Drawing on the intergenerational stake hypothesis (Bengtson and Kuypers, 1971), this article explores intergenerational congruence and incongruence on filial obligation, and implications for social support, between older nisei (second generation) parents and adult sansei (third generation) children in Japanese Canadian families. Using data from semi-structured interviews with 100 parent–child dyads in British Columbia, congruence on close-ended responses to value statements (degree congruence) and the content congruence of open-ended responses are examined. The findings show the majority of parent-child dyads indicate overall (both degree and content) congruence in filial obligation, especially when a parent is female, widowed, and/or has poor/fair health status. We conclude that despite markedly different historical life course experiences and acculturation processes, both generations continue to regard filial obligation as important. These findings are discussed with respect to implications for social support exchanges given a continued valuation of filial obligation in Asian post-immigrant (North American-born) and immigrant families.

Intergenerational transfers play an important role in individuals' lives across the lifecourse. This paper reviews theories on intergenerational transfers and social change to inform our understanding of how changes in the educational context that arise from the spread of mass education influence children's support of their parents. By examining multiple aspects of the educational context in rural Nepal, including husbands' and wives' education and exposure to schools, this paper provides new information on the mechanisms through which changes in social context influence children's support of their parents. Multilevel logistic regression was used to estimate the relationship between schooling, exposure to schools, and the likelihood of couples giving to their parents. It was found that schooling and exposure to schools have independent and opposite effects on the support of older parents. Higher levels of schooling for husbands were associated with a higher likelihood of having given support to husbands' parents. On the other hand, increased exposure to schools for husbands and wives was associated with a lower likelihood of having given to wives' parents. The findings provide evidence that multiple motivations for intergenerational support exist simultaneously and are related to social context through different mechanisms.

This paper uses a range of secondary data sources to analyse key elements of intergenerational relationships in Germany. Within the context of a discussion of regional differences in Germany’s population structure and aspects of socio-economic conditions in rural areas, the paper focuses on the following aspects of intergenerational relationships: household structures, proximity of the generations, frequency and intensity of contacts between the generations, intergenerational transfers and non-kin relationships. Where appropriate, comparisons are made between East and West Germany and between rural and urban areas. The analysis of data on intergenerational relationships highlights several difficulties associated with research on older people living in rural areas. It is suggested that these difficulties contribute to the distorted and contradictory views that are often associated with rural ageing.