We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
This chapter gives an account of Pufendorf’s discussion and use of the law of nations. It first outlines his distinctive contribution to contemporary discussions of the topic, namely his rejection rejection, against Grotius, of a specific “positive” law of nations distinct from the law of nature. Secondly it explains how this position relied on Pufendorf’s voluntarist conception of law as the command of a superior and on his conception of the state of nature as devoid of such superiors. The law of nations was simply the law of nature applied to states as composite persons in the state of nature, and the treaties and alliances concluded between them could not amount to a separate and obligatory law of nations. Thirdly, against this background, the chapter shows how Pufendorf discussed the law of war, disentangling the perfect and imperfect obligations of the law of nations from custom, civil laws, and pacts and agreements. Finally, the chapter analyses Pufendorf’s own casuistic use of the law of nations in the various polemical works he published in the service of his sovereigns, especially the King of Sweden, often in line with the theoretical position he developed but also departing from it when opportune.
Guastini argues that legal positivism was first conceived as a type of legal philosophy by Norberto Bobbio in 1950, and that Bobbio later distinguished between methodological positivism, theoretical positivism and ideological positivism. For Bobbio, methodological positivism is a (normative) view about legal scholarship, namely, that it should be descriptive; that theoretical positivism is a substantive theory of law, according to which law is a set of commands issued by the sovereign, legal interpretation is a cognitive enterprise, and the application of law is a matter of deduction; that ideological positivism is the view that one ought to obey the law regardless of its content; and that all three types of legal positivism share the view that there is no such thing as natural law. As Guastini explains, contemporary Italian legal philosophers reject theoretical positivism and mostly conceive of legal positivism along methodological lines, holding that there is no natural law, that it is important to distinguish between expository and censorial jurisprudence (in Bentham’s terminology), and that there is no obligation to obey the law all things considered or regardless of the law.
Hobbes’s striking On the Citizen position that “all the mind’s pleasure is either glory (or to have a good opinion of oneself), or refers to glory in the end” disappears in Leviathan. In this chapter, Lloyd argues that in stepping back from his On the Citizen assertion of a universal basic motive, which she analyzes as aiming to secure self-admiration, Hobbes loses sight of a tremendous potential resource for stabilizing political society. This motive can, in a properly designed commonwealth, motivate compliance with the requirements of morality; and adherence to a correct morality, such as that which Hobbes would have to be taught to all, is enormously helpful in securing civil peace. Re-attention to On the Citizen helps us to recover that insight, and from it to develop an argument that Hobbes could have used to his benefit.
This chapter deals with John Locke's teaching and his theory. The real ground of Locke's teaching is found in his understanding of the conditions of human happiness. Locke gives us two arguments that profess to explain how we know that we are governed by the law of nature, and part of what that law requires of us. Locke's awareness of inequality of parts leads him to revise the ground of the teaching of the law of nature regarding "the equality, which all men are in, in respect of jurisdiction or dominion one over another". Locke provides as little evidence for his divine workmanship argument as he does for his argument from equal talents. Locke's treatment of the parental desire to have children, "propagating their kind, and continuing themselves in their posterity", is similar to Aristotle's. Locke shows that nature by itself is too ambiguous to guide human life.
Like Hobbes, Spinoza invokes promising and contract or covenant in his discussion of the foundations of the state: primarily in his Theological-Political Treatise. This chapter poses a set of related puzzles concerning the interpretation of Spinoza's claims about promises and contracts specifically as they relate to Hobbes. It compares the doctrines of Hobbes and Spinoza concerning several key topics: rights and powers, good and evil, reason and passion, and faith and deception. These doctrines are used to resolve the puzzles about the nature and significance of promising and contract in Spinoza's political philosophy. It seems surprising that Spinoza characterizes Hobbes as denying that reason urges peace in all circumstances, since Hobbes states that "the first, and fundamental law of nature", from which he derives the obligation to keep covenants, is "to seek peace and follow it", and he characterizes all of the laws of nature as "dictates of reason".
Recommend this
Email your librarian or administrator to recommend adding this to your organisation's collection.