Here we investigate present tense verbal -s/zero variability in a dialect of Eastern England in which -s marking can only appear in third-person singular contexts. Our objective is to explore constraints on -s/zero marking, and to consider the grammatical function of -s in such a variety. In order to investigate this, we reanalyzed verbal -s/zero marking in 63 sociolinguistic interviews found in Peter Trudgill’s (1974) corpus from Norwich. The results show not only a significant role for subject animacy (animate subjects mark -s less than inanimates) and lexical (punctual verbs mark -s less than duratives) and structural aspect (punctual and habitual events mark less -s than durative ones), but also an interaction between animacy and aspect. To account for the findings, we draw upon the notion of differential subject marking (e.g., Aissen, 2003), which considers the role of the canonicity of arguments in accounting for morphological marking.

This paper investigates aspectual meanings that resultative morphemes in Mandarin Chinese contribute to interpretations of the entire predicates, and in particular the culmination readings they bring out of the originally non-culminating accomplishments. Two resultative morphemes are studied: -wán and -diào. I argue that while both morphemes give rise to culmination readings, the culmination readings are derived in different ways. I propose that -wán expresses termination, which comments on the progress of an event. The culmination readings of the telicized accomplishments by -wán are obtained indirectly. By contrast, -diào expresses culmination, commenting directly on the resulting culmination state. The proposed analysis for the two morphemes is couched in the framework defined by Krifka (1989, 1992, 1998), which models the relations between events, individuals, and times as a series of homomorphic relations between mereological part structures. Following Zucchi & White (2001), I analyze -diào in terms of a maximalization over patient, which transfers mereological properties from the individual structure to the event structure, explaining the culmination reading, and -wán a maximalization over time, which transfers mereological properties from the time structure to the event structure, explaining termination, and then transfers the mereological properties to the individual structure, explaining the culmination reading.

We examined the influence of the lexical and grammatical aspect of events on pronoun resolution in adults (18 to 23 years, N = 46), adolescents (13 to 14 years, N=66) and children (7 to 11 years, N=192). Participants were presented with 64 two-sentence stimuli: the first sentence described events with two same gender protagonists; the second began with a personal pronoun and described a status that could be attributed to either protagonist. Participants recorded to whom the pronoun referred, in a booklet. For all groups, Subject resolutions were more likely for events (a) without endpoints relative to those with endpoints, and (b) described as ongoing rather than completed, but this latter influence was restricted to events with endpoints for adults and adolescents. The findings provide support for the Event Structure Hypothesis of pronoun resolution (Rohde, Kehler & Elman, 2006) and provide new insights into the development of pronoun resolution.

Cet article porte sur cesser qui, en contraste avec ses quasi-synonymes finir, achever et arrêter, semble échapper à la contrainte stative qui est généralement observée avec les verbes aspectuels. En fait, cesser permet assez facilement des infinitifs qui dénotent des états (Il a cessé d’être membre du syndicat), contrairement aux autres verbes aspectuels terminatifs (??Il a fini/achevé/arrêté d’être membre du syndicat). Je montre que les cas où ce prédicat ne semble pas respecter les contraintes générales imposées par les verbes aspectuels ne sont qu'apparemment des exceptions. L'article propose que la combinaison de certains états avec cesser crée un effet qui s'apparente à la sérialisation, une stratégie discutée dans certaines recherches, qui rend acceptable l'emploi de situations statives avec les verbes aspectuels. L'analyse s'inspire donc des prémisses des travaux de Bouchard (en particulier 1995, 2002), selon lesquelles l'explication des faits de langue doit demeurer simple et ne doit pas avoir recours à des mécanismes complexes qui sont autrement sans fondements.

L'expression durative postverbale en chinois mandarin a été traitée dans quatre approches différentes dans la littérature, à savoir l'approche de complément, l'approche de prédicat, la cooccurrence des structures de complément et de prédicat et l'approche d'adjoint. Dans cet article, nous proposons une analyse combinatoire par adjoint et par prédicat en tenant compte des facteurs à la fois syntaxiques et sémantiques non seulement de l'expression durative postverbale, mais aussi des verbes et des objets auxquels les duratifs peuvent s'attacher. Nous avons pour objectif de montrer que ce sont ces facteurs conjoints qui permettent de déterminer la distribution en surface et la position syntaxique de l'expression durative postverbale en chinois mandarin.

The present study compares the relative effect of inherent lexical aspect and discursive grounding on the use of L2 Spanish Preterit and Imperfect. The study is based on the analysis of responses to a written 40-item discourse-based forced-choice task among 286 English-speaking learners of Spanish. The analysis of data (repeated measures ANOVA) reveals that as learners gain more experience with the target language, the effect of both lexical aspect and grounding on past tense marking increases. That is, contrary to previous predictions, learners constantly move towards prototypical associations of lexical-narrative factors with morphological markers as knowledge of the second language increases. Second, grounding is the construct that most clearly distinguishes learners from native speakers.

This article presents a study of the variation found in the oral production of verbs in L2 French by adult beginners with Swedish as L1. The study deals with the production of the two main forms of regular verbs in spoken French, a short form /parl/ and a long form /parle/, in present-tense and infinitive contexts. Learners at beginner stages use these two forms invariantly in both finite and non-finite contexts. The aim of this study is to investigate the choice of the invariant forms made by the learners. This is done by testing the influence of lexical aspect and input frequency. The investigation is made with concrete data from input sources. The results from both a free production task and an imitation test suggest that input frequency contributes more significantly than lexical aspect, although both factors overlap for most of the studied verbs.